The Annals of the World, History 2 · 6 (continued) (2 of 15)

The Annals of the World · History 2 · 6 (continued) (2 of 15)

p. 428Thoas, who being sent from Rhodes by Dinon to Perseus as an internuncio, had often sailed into Macedonia; affairs now being turned, fled for fear into Cnidus. And when the Cuidians had secured him in safe custody, upon the vindication of the Rhodians, he was returned into Rhodes again; where, upon examination, having confessed all, he fully consented unto all the notes of the letters which had been intercepted, and to the Epistles sent to and again, both from Dinon, and also from Perseus: wherewith Dinon being convinced (for an example to others,) he was executed, [Polyb. in Excerpt. Valesi. pag. 137, 138.]

Cn. Octavius, who together with Paulus Aemilius, managed the Macedonian war, upon the arrival of his Fleet at Samothrace, being touched with the reverence of Castor and Pollux, left Perseus unassaulted, but yet he debarred him from the sea, and secured him from escaping, [Plutarch in P. Aemilio.] And whilst he endeavoured to draw him to a surrender, sometimes by threatnings, sometimes by hopes; a businesse whether accidental or contrived by deliberation, assisted him therein. L. Attilius an illustrious young man, when he saw the people of Samothrace assembled together, by the permission of the Magistrate, complained that the supposed sanctity of the Island was violated by the presence of Euander the Cretian: who having almost compassed the death of King Eumenes at Delphos, did now together with Perseus, defend himself by the refuge of the Temple. Hereupon Theondus, who was the chief Magistrate amongst them (whom they call King) seeing himself, and the whole Island in the power of the Romans, demanded of Perseus, that Euander should be given up unto trial: which when Perseus disliked, because he saw that the crime being discovered, would be devolved upon himself, he procured that Euander should be slain: and corrupted Theondus with money, to declare unto the people, that Euander had made away himself with his own hands. Howbeit by so wicked a prank against his onelyonly friend that remained, and had been known to him in so many enterprizes, he alienated the affections of all that were with him; and when every one for his own security betook himself to the Romans, he was forced to bethink himself how to make his escape, [Liv. lib. 45.]

Wherefore Perseus secretly dealt with Oroandes the Cretian, to whom the coast of Thrace was well known, because he had used traffick in that Country, that receiving him into a Frigot (which did ride at the Promontory Demetrias) he should convey him to Cotys the King of the Thracians. About the time of Sun-set there was as much money brought to the Frigot, as could be secretly conveyed: which being received, Oroandes, making use of a Cretian feat, as soon as it was dark, loosing from shoar, bent thorough the Main unto Crete: afterwards about midnight wretched Perseus let down himself, his children, and his wife, not acquainted with travels and wandering, out of a straight window by a wall; and when the ship was not found in the Haven, after that he had awhile walked on the shoar, at length fearing the light, now approaching, he betook himself to a darke corner in the side of the Temple, [Liv. & Plutarch, ut supra.]

After that, by the command of Octavius the Praetor, it was published, by the Cryer, That the royal Youth (the children of Princes that were chosen to attend upon the King) and other Macedonians, who were of Samothrace, if they would come over to the Romans, should preserve their safety, and liberty, and all that they had, which was either about them, or which they had left behind in Macedonia; they all came over, and gave up their names to C. Posthumius the Tribune of the souldiers. Ion also the Thessalonian surrendred up the young children of the King, which had been committed to his trust, unto Octavius; neither was any of the children left with the King, except Philippus the eldest. Thereupon he surrendred himself and his son to Octavius: fondly accusing fortune, and the gods, in whose Temple he was, because they afforded their supplicant no assistance. He was commnaded to be put aboard in the Proetorianship, where also the money that remained was carryed; and forthwith the Fleet went back unto Amphipolis, [ibid.]

Antiochus, coming to possesse Pelusium, when he had passed over the River Leusines (which place is four miles distant from Alexandria) met with the Roman Embassadors: whom when upon their approach, he had saluted, and reached forth his right hand unto Popillius, he delivered unto him the Tables which he held in his hands, conteining that Decree of the Senate, whereby he was commanded immediately to conclude the war against Ptolemei; and enjoyned him, that before he did any thing else, he should read it. When he had read over the Tables, and said, That he would consult with his friends, what he ought to do; Popillius with a vine-twig which he had in his hand, encircled the King, and commanded him before he went out of the ring, which he had described, to return his answer to the Tables. The King being astonished with p. 429that unusual and imperious action, after that he had demurred a while, saith, I will do what the Romans command. Whereupon at length Popillius reached forth his right hand unto the King, as to a confederate and friend. Thereupon, the space of a few dayes, and those prefixedly numbred, being granted, Antiochus full sore against his mind, and not without sighing, however, yet withdrew his forces into Syria (for instead of foreign, in Polybius we suppose foreign ought to be substituted out of Livie) esteeming it expedient to give place unto the times for the present. [Polyb. Legat. 92. & Liv. lib. 45. cum Ciceron. in Philippica 8^â. Velleio Paterculo lib. 1. cap. 10. Valeri. Maximo. lib. 6. cap. 4. Justin. lib. 34. cap. 3. Appiano in Syriac. pag. 131. Plutarcho in Apophthegmat. cap. 32, &c.

The Samaritans, seeing the Jews most miserably oppressed by Antiochus, professed themselves to be by descent Sidonians, and thereupon obtained letters from Antiochus to Apollonius his President, and Nicanor the Kings Steward, that they should not be involved joyntly into the common condition of the Jews; and that the Garizitine Temple, as yet not honoured with the title of any god should from thenceforth be called by the name foreign, or of the Grecian Jupiter: there is extant touching this business a supplicatory Epistle of the Samaritans in Joseppus his 12 book of Antiquities, the seventh Chapter, with the answer of Antiochus, dated year the 46, (but I know not from what Epocha the account is drawn) the 18 day of the monethmonth Hecatombaeon.

After that Antiochus had departed out of Egypt, the Roman Embassadors by their authority confirmed the union between the two brethren, who were scarce yet well agreed, [Liv. lib. 45.] C. Popillius requested as a boone from the King, the enlargement of Menalcidus, the Lacedemonian, who had actively made such of the pressing and necessitous times of the Kings to the encreasing of his own private estate; but he commanded them to send Polyaratus, who had been a chief favourer of Perseus his party at Rhodes, to Rome: and Menalcidus was indeed dismissed; but there was a demur made concerning Polyaratus: for Ptolemei reverencing as well Polyaratus as his Country, did by no means determine to send him to Rome, but rather unto Rhodes; which Polyaratus himself also requested, Being embarqued therefore in a small vessel, and delivered to the custody of one of his friends, named Demetrius, he designed him unto Rhodes, writing letters also unto the Rhodians touching his transportation. Howbeit Polyaratus arriving at Phaselides, I know not upon what thoughts, taking with him hearbs for the strowing of the Altar, and priestly ornaments, fled unto the common tutelary God of the City. [Polyb. Legat. 92, & 95. & in Excerptis Valesii. pag. 138.]

Popillius, having setled affairs at Alexandria, sailed unto Cyprus, and from thence dismissed the fleet and army of Antiochus into Syria, which had lately vanquished in that place, the Egyptians. [Polyb. Legat. 92. Liv. lib. 45.]

The Kings of Egypt being delivered from the war against Antiochus, before all things dispatched Numenius, one of their friends, Embassador unto Rome; to return thanks for the favours which they had received from them. [Polyb. Legat. 95.]

When the Phasellites had sent unto Rhodes, requesting them to receive and carry along with them Polyaratus, the Rhodians did indeed send a ship, but forbad Epichares the Master of the ship, to admit him aboard the vessel, because the Alexandrians were enjoyned to set the man ashore at Rhodes: the ship therefore being brought unto Phaselides. When Epichares refused to receive Polyaratus into his vessel, and on the other side Demetrius, unto whose custody he was recommended by the King, commanded the man to get up and be gone; and the inhabitants of Phaselides moreover urged it, fearing least it might render them obnoxious to the Romans. Polyaratus being afflicted with the sadnesse of his care, went aboard Demetrius his ship again. Howbeit, having gotten an oppertunity at his landing, he fled directly with speed unto Caunus: and in like manner complaining of his sad condition, implored the assistance of the Caunians: from whom receiving a repulse, because they were tributaries unto the Rhodians; he privily sent unto the Cibyrates, requesting that he might be received into their City, and some might be sent unto him, who might safely conduct him; for he was known unto the Cibyrates, because the children of Pancrates the Tyrant had been educated with him: and when the Cibyrates had consented and yielded unto his requests, Polyaratus was brought unto Cibyra. [Id. in. Excerpt. Valesi. pag. 138, 141.]

Popillius and the Embassie which was sent unto Antiochus, returning unto Rome, made report of the controversies taken up and composed between the Kings, and of the army withdrawn out of Egypt into Syria; afterwards the Embassadors of the Kings themselves came, the Legates of Antiochus declared, That the peace which was approved by the Senate, seemed more approved unto the King than any victory: and, That he obeyed the commands of the Roman Embassadors no otherwise, than if p. 430they had been the injunction of the Gods: they congratulated afterwards unto them the conquest over Perseus; to the which, if any thing had been commanded unto him, the King to his uttermost endeavours would have been assistant. The Legates of Ptolemei, joyntly in the name of the King, and Cleopatra returned thanks, That they were more indebted unto the Senate, and the Roman people, than their parents, than unto the immortal gods, by whom they had been delivered from a most miserable siege, received their paternal kingdom, almost lost; the Senate replyed, That Antiochus had rightly and duly done, in that he had obeyed the Embassadors, and that it was acceptable unto the Senate, and the Roman people, and unto the Princes of Egypt, Ptolemei and Cleopatra, (they said) if any benefit and advantage befell them by their means, that the Senate did much rejoyce at it, and should endeavour, That they might esteem the chiefest safeguard of their kingdom to consist in the fidelity of the Roman people. C. Papirius the Pretor was commanded, That he should take care, that the rewards should be sent unto the Embassadors, according to appoyntment and custom. [Liv. lib. 45.]

There was a joynt Embassage came both from Eumenes, and from Attalus, and from Athenaeus, brethren to Rome, to congratulate the overthrow of Perseus. [Id. Ibid.]

King Antiochus by a publick edict, Year of the World 3837 commanded all nations that were subject unto him, to observe the same way of divine worship, and, laying aside their peculiar customs, to professe the same religion with the Greeks; the punishment of death being proposed unto such as should be disobedient; and he appoynted over-seers over every people and nation, who should compell them hereunto. [1 Maccab. 1. 43, 52, 33.]

Of these he sent an ancient man of Athens into Judea and Samaria, that he might force the Jews to depart from the observation of the divine law; and defile the Temple at Jerusalem; imposing thereupon the name of foreign, Jupiter Olympius, as upon the Temple at Garizim, foreign, Iupiter Hospitable, or the Protector of strangers: for upon better considerations, he seems to have thought that a more suitable surname, than foreign Grecian, unto the condition of the Samaritans; because they were peregrines and strangers in the land of the Jews. [2 Maccab. 4. 1, 2.]

The King sent also proclamations by Embassadors to Jerusalem, and the Cities of Judah, that they should follow the rites of the Gentiles, take away the sacrificers out of the Temple, prohibit the sabbaths and festival dayes, pollute the sanctuary, and the Ministers thereof, erect Altars and Groves, and Temples of Idols, that they should sacrifice Swine, and other unclean beasts, that they should suffer their children to remain uncircumcised, and defile themselves with every impure thing, to the end, That they might forget the law, and change all the Ordinances of their God, [Maccab. 1. 46, 51.] and that it might wholly be a crime to professe the Jewish religion. [2 Maccab. 4. 6.]

A decree also came forth into the neighbour Cities of the Greeks, upon the suggestion of Ptolemei (son of Donymenes 2 Maccab. 4. 45.) that they should proceed in like manner against the Jews, and compell them to pertake of the sacrifices, but as for such as would not come over to the Greek customs, they should put them to death, [2 Macca. 17. 8, 9.]

And truly other nations embraced the word of the King, and of the Israelites also many consented to his religion, and sacrificed unto Idols, and prophaned the Sabbath, [1 Maccab. 1. 44. cum. 2. 18.] for many of the people that forsook the law were gathered together unto them, and they made the Israelites hide themselves in dens, and in places of their refuge, [1 Maccab. 1. 55, 56.] others were brought by bitter constraint on the Kings birth-day every monethmonth to eat of the sacrifices; and when the feast of Bacchus was kept, they were compelled to go in procession to Bacchus, carrying ivie. [2 Maccab. 6. 7.]

But the Temple was filled with riot and revelling by the Gentiles, who loosly spent their lives with harlots, and in the holy circuit of the Temple, defiled themselves with women, and moreover brought in things that were not lawful, the altar also was filled with prophane things, which the law forbiddeth. [2 Maccab. 6. 4, 5.]

And on the 15 day of the monethmonth Casleu (which answereth partly our monethmonth November, and partly December) in the 145 year of the kingdom of the Greeks, they erected the abomination of desolation (the detestible idol of Jupiter Olympius) upon the Altar, and built idol-altars throughout the Cities of Judah, on every side, and burnt incense at the doors of their houses, and in the streets. [1 Maccab. 1. 54, 55.]

p. 431When they had cut in pieces the Books of the Law which they found, they burnt them in the fire; and wheresoever was found with any the Book of the Testament, or if any approved the Law, according to the Kings commandment, they put him to death, [1 Maccab. 1. 56, 57.] where, by the title of Books of the Law, we understand not onelyonly the Mosaick Pentat…ch, with the later Hebrews, who from hence drive the Original of that Petaroth or dimissary Lecture, after which the people were dismissed (according to Elias Levita, in his Tischb…, in the word foreign) but the whole Scripture of the Old Testament, as in John 10. 34. 15. 25. and 1 Cor. 14. 21. and so doth Josephus upon the same occasion, [lib. 1…. cap. 7.] foreign. Wheresoever any Holy Book was found, as also the Law, and they with whom it was discovered, did miserably perish, and Severus Su…picius, in Sacr. Histor. lib. 2. is of the same judgement, who writeth, That the Holy Volumns of the Law and the Prophets were consumed in the fire.

On the 25 day of the month Casleu, sacrifices were offered upon the idololatrical altar, which was erected upon the Altar of God, [1 Maccab. 1. 59.] the 145 year of the Seleucida's reign, Olympiade the 153. [Iosephus lib. 12. cap. 7. & 11.

At the same time, two women which had circumcised their children, were accused▪ to whose breasts the children being hung, after that they had bin publickly led through the City, they threw them down headlong from a wall, and destroyed their families, and those that had circumcised the infants. [1 Maccab. 1. 61. 2 Maccab. 4. 10.]

The Galatians, Advertas being their leader, infested the kingdom of Eumenes with a very great commotion; but, a truce being made for the space of winter, both the Galls went home again, and the King withdrew himself to Pergamus into his winter quarters; where he fell sick of a sharp disease. [Liv. lib. 45, cum Polyb. Legat. 93.]

Antiochus, when he saw that his edicts were despised by the people, forced every one with torments by tasting of impure meats to abjure judaism, [Ioseph. …bell. de Maccab.] Howbeit, many of the Israelites were fully resolved and confirmed in themselves, not to eat any unclean thing, and they chose to dye, that they might not be defiled with those meats, and that they might not prophane the Holy Covenant. [1 Maccab. 1. 62, 63.]

Therefore the Tyrant Antiochus, siting in an eminent place, as President with his assessors, his army with their weapons environing them, commanded every one of the Hebrews to be snacht away, and to be to eat Swines flesh, and such things as had been offered unto idols: and if any should refuse the prophane meats, that being racked on wheels, they should be put to death. [Ioseph. ut sup.]

And many being led away, a principal person, Eleazar by name, of the priestly family, one, as being an eminent Scribe, most expert in the knowledge of the Laws, of 90 years of age; and therefore well known unto many of the followers of Antiochus, was brought before them: who, neither yielding to eat swines flesh, nor to pretend and dissemble to have eaten it, chose rather to undergoe the most cruell torments, than to violate the Law. [Id. Ibid. 2. Maccab. 4. 18,—31.]

After him, seven young men that were brethren, together with their most couragious mother, were brought before Antiochus; who refusing to tast Swines flesh, after that they had been exquisitly with new invented torments cruelly handled, rendred their unconquerable souls unto God. The most noble Martyrdom of these persons is found described in the seventh chapter of the second book of the Maccabees, and in the smal Treatise of Josephus, touching the Maccabees, intitled foreign, Of the empresse Reason, in the Latin Paraphrase whereof, set forth by Rufinus, these persons are reported to be brought from their Castle named Sasandrum, into Antioch unto the King, and their names were exprest, Maccabeus, Aber, Machir, Judas, Achas, Areth, Jacob, and the mothers name is said to be Solomona: which notwithstanding, the later Hebrew Historians calls Han…ah.

In Judah, about this time, Rhazis a Senator of Jerusalem gave a notable example unto others, exposing his body and soul for the defence of the Jewish religion; for his friendly affection unto his Country he was termed, The father of the Jews. [2 Maccab. 14. 37, 38.]

The Kings Officers, who in Judea forced men to Apostacy, came unto the Town called Modin, that they might there compell the Israelites to sacrifice, [1 Maccab. 2. 15.] Modin was a Village near Diospolis, as Eusebius relateth in his book foreign. Mattathias son of Jonathan, which was the son of Simeon, dwelt there at that time, a Priest of Jerusalem, of the family of Joarib (who was the first among the 24 courses, 1 Chron. 24. 7.) together with his five sons; John called Caddes, or Gaddes, Simon called Thassi, Judas called Maccabeus, Eleazar called Abaron, or Avaran, and Jonathan called Apphus. [1 Maccab. 2. 1, 5.] And as those seven Martyrs, who at Antioch discharged their combate received from the elder brother Maccabeus, p. 432the common name of the Maccabean brethren, so custom prevailed that from Judas Maccabeus, if not the first of Mattathias his five sons in age (as Josephus thinks in his first book of the war, first Chapter,) yet surely in the account of Prowesse, and glory thereby procured, [1 Maccab. 2. 66. 3. 4, 9. 4. 26.] they should obtain the common name of Maccabees. Howbeit, their father Mattathias, or Matthias is called by Josephus, lib. 1, Belli cap. 1. (as also in the Chronicle of Eusebius, and the lesser Seder Olam of the Hebrews) the son of A samonaeus: but in the 12 book of Antiquities, cap. 8. more expressely; foreign, the son of John, the son of Symeon, the son of Assamoneas, the common sort of Hebrews will have Mattathias himself to have been called Hasamoneus, and that from him that Sir-name descended unto the posterity; of which R. David Kimchi is to be perused upon the 68 Psalm, v. 32. where he denoteth the word foreign Princes.

Antiochus his officers did earnestly exhort Mattathias, being brought unto them, That, forasmuch as he was a Prince, and an illustrious person, and a great man in the City Modin, and fortified with sons and brethren, he should lead others by his example to yeild obedience to the Kings command: which he did not onelyonly constantly deny, but also … put to death a certain Jew whom he beheld sacrificing upon the heathen altar, at the very altar, and at the same time slew also the Kings Commissioner, (called by Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 8, Apelles) who forced men to sacrifice, and threw down the altar: after that, exhorting all who were guided with a zeal of the Law to follow him, together with his sons, he fled into the mountains, leaving all their goods in the City, [1 Maccab. 2. 16, 28.]

Then many, that sought after justice and judgement, went down into secret places, and together with their children and wives, and cattel, lived in Caves: which when it was discovered unto Philip (that Phrygian whom Antiochus had left Governour at Jerusalem, 2 Maccab. 5. 22.) the Kings Commanders, taking with them the Garrison of the Castle of Jerusalem, pursued them: and when they could not perswade them to be obedient to the Kings commandment, throwing fire into the Cave on the Sabbath day, they consumed them, with their wives, children, and cattel, to the number of a thousand persons; those that were inclosed for the honour that they bore unto the Sabbath making no resistance; no, not so much as stopping the enterances of the Caves, [1 Maccab, 2. 29, 38. 2 Maccab. 6. 11. Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 8.]

When Mattathias and his friends were informed hereof, they much lamented their case: and decreed, That if from thence forward they should be assaulted by their enemies, they would repel them with armes, [1 Maccab. 2. 39, 40, 41. Joseph. ut supra.]

Unto these the company of Asideans joyned themselves, religious men who voluntarily offered themselves for the defence of the Law by armes, and all which were compelled to flee from the wicked: and having settled an army, they partly slew the impious men, and partly forced them to betake themselves by flight unto the Nations. Howbeit, Mattathias and his friends, marching up and down, threw down altars, circumcised all children whom they found uncircumcised in the coasts of Israel, and pursued the sons of pride, and the work prosperously succeeded in their hands, [1 Maccab. 2. 42, 48.]

When the Cibyrates neither durst, for fear of the Romans, detain Polyaratus the Rhodian amongst them, nor yet were able to convey him to Rome, by reason of their unskilfulnesse in Sea-affairs (for they were altogether mid-land-men) they were compelled to dispatch an Embassie to Rhodes, and also into Macedonia unto L. Emilius Paulus the Proconsul, entreating them to receive the man. And the Proconsul wrote to the Cibyrates, That they should keep Polyaratus in straight custody, and bring him to Rhodes; but to the Rhodians, That they should take care that he should safely be brought unto Rome by Sea, and so the businesse being discharged by both of them according to command, Polyaratus was at last brought to Rome, [Polyb. in Excerptis Valesi. pag. 141.]

King Eumenes sent his brother Attalus to Rome, for the suppressing of the commotion of the Galatians; as also to congratulate unto the Senate, the conquest procured over Perseus. Which Embassie Attalus undertook so much the more chearfully, that, because he had assisted the Romans in that war, and exposed himself unto all dangers as a willing and ready confederate, he might, by some testimony of favour and benevolence, try how acceptable that service was unto the fathers: by which hope, least he should be tempted also to procure the kingdom, Eumenes sent after his brother unto Rome Stratius the Physician, a person of great trust and authority with him, as a faithfull Espye of the things that were done by his brother, and a trusty Monitor, if he should see him depart from his fidelity, [Polyb. Legat. 93. Liv. lib. 45.]

When all men benignly received Attalus, coming unto Rome; partly by reason of their former commerce with him, because they had served in the same war; partly because p. 433they believed him to be their friend; and when they came to meet him with a greater train than he hoped for: he began to be swolne up with vain hope, being ignorant of the true cause for which he was so kindly entertained: for seeing the minds of most of the Romans were alienated from Eumenes, and believed that he had carryed himself deceitfully in this war, entertaining conferences with Perseus, and watching advantages upon the straights of the Romans; some persons of especial rank were eager to draw Attalus into private debates and encourage him to lay aside that Embassie which he had undertaken for his brother, and treat for himself: for the Senate, they said, was disaffected unto his brother, and desirous to enstate upon him that Dominion and Power which pertained unto him. Whence it came to passe, that Attalus his minde was lifted up, insomuch that he engaged himself unto some of the Governours to come into the Senate, and to debate with the fathers of that businesse. Howbeit Stratius the Physician, a person of singular prudence, and powerful eloquence, took him off from that intention; for he set before his eyes, That even for the present, he did reign no lesse than his brother, and for the future, he would be left the undoubted Successor of the kingdom: and that that hope could not be far distant; forasmuch as Eumenes by reason of the infirmity of his body, did daily and hourly expect the end of his life. Moreover, he sayed, That a new combustion came now upon the kingdom from the insurrection and tumult of the Galls, whereunto resistance could scarce be made by the consent and concord of the Kings; How much lesse should they be able to deal with them, if a home-bred sedition should be added unto a forreign war? Wherfore Attalus being brought into the Senate, in the first place professed his joy for the overthrow of Perseus: and afterwards discoursed of his fidelity and readinesse of mind which he brought unto that war: then he largely entreated of sending Embassadors to the Galatians, who by their authority might draw them from armes, and reduce them to their former estate: he proceeded also to speak of the Enions, and Maronites, which he requested might be bestowed upon him: but as for the accusation of his brother, and the division of the kingdom, he wholly omitted to propound any thing, [Id. ibid.]

The Senate supposing that Attalus would come unto them again, and discourse of those affairs apart, promised him to send Embassadors; and expressed notable magnificence in sending those gifts, which customarily in such cases used to be given: moreover they promised to bestow upon him those Cities. But when after all these offices of humanity and courtesie had been performed unto him, Attalus departed the City, neither did any of those things which the Senate hoped for; the fathers being frustrated of their expectation, whilst he was yet in Italy, declared Aenum and Maronea to be free, revoking the promise which they had made unto Attalus. Yet the Embassie, whereof Publius Licinius was the principal Person, they dispatched unto the Galatians, [Polyb. Legat. 93.]

Amongst many Embassies of Asia, and Greece, next to this of Attalus, the Embassadors of the Rhodians drew the eyes and minds of all men upon them: they had at this time a twofold Embassie, the first whereof Philocrates discharged, the later Philophron, and Astymedes, [Id. ib. Liv. lib. 45.] for the Rhodians upon the return of that answer, which was given unto Agesipolis, presently after the battle fought with Perseus, knowing the anger of the fathers against them, and hearing their threats, immediately dispatched those Embassies, [Polyb. ibid.]

When the Legates had first made their appearance in white raiment (as it became such as rejoyced; for if they had been clad in sordid apparel, they might have looked like mourners for the misfortune of Perseus) after that the fathers had been consulted with by Marcus Junius the Cousul (whilst the Embassadors stood in the place of the publick assembly) whether they would give unto them place, rewards, and a Senate, they judged fit that no Rite of hospitality should be observed towards them: the Consul being gone forth out of the assembly, after that the Rhodians, affirming that they came to congratulate their victory, and purge the accusations of their City, had requested that a Senate might be granted unto them, declared, That the Romans were wont to give unto confederates and friends both other things benignly, and liberally for their entertainment, and also a Senate; but as for the Rhodians, they had not deserved in that war to be reckoned in the number of confederate friends. Upon the hearing of which words, they all prostrated themselves upon the ground, beseeching the Consul, and all that were present, that they would not more look upon new and false criminations to their hurt, than on their ancient deserts, whereof they were witnesses themselves, and immediatly taking unto them sordid raiment, they went up and down with prayers and tears to the houses of chief persons, entreating them that they would first understand their cause, before they were condemned. [Livie lib. 45.]

p. 434Marcus Juventius Talua the Praetor, whose imployment it was to intermedle in the affairs between the Citizens and strangers, stirred up the people against the Rhodians, and by a new and bad example, not advising first with the Senate, nor acquainting the Consuls, made a proposition upon his own head, Whether they did approve, and would command war to be denounced against the Rhodians, and one to be chosen out of the Magistrates of that year, who should be sent with a fleet to manage the war, hopeing that himself should have been the person. M. Antonius, and Marcus Pomponius Tribunes of the people opposed this enterprize: and from thence there arose a contention between the Praetor and the Tribunes of carrying on all things disorderly. The Tribunes by their intercession before the time, perswaded that the hast of the Praetor should be put off untill the coming of Aemilius the General. [Id. Ibid.] The Praetor was violently, by Antonius pulled from the Desk: and the Embassadors of the Rhodians, being by him brought unto the Senate, made their speeches; first Philophron, and afterwards also Astymedes, [Polyb. Legat. 93. cum Diodor. Siculo, Legat. 19. & in Photii Biliotheca, cod. 244.] by the later of whom that Oration seems to have been made, which is found in Livie without a beginning: for Polybius witnesseth, That Astymedes having inserted his speech amongst his letters, exposed it unto publick view: which notwithstanding, the same author observeth upon that account to have been misliked by the more prudent Persons, because (peradventure in the former part of it which is wanting in Livie) he undertook the defence of his own Country in such a manner, that it was interwoven with an altogether unnecessary accusation of the rest of the Greeks.

The speech being ended, they all fell down upon their faces, and in humble manner casting down branches of Olive: at length being raised up again, they went out of the assembly; then the votes began to be demanded: such as bearing the office of Consuls, or Pretors, or Embassadors in Macedonia, had been engaged in the war, were most enraged against the Rhodians. Howbeit, Marcus Portius Cato much advantaged their cause, who being of ridgid disposition, at that time shewed himself a gentle and meek Senator: the speech which he spake for them in the Senate, was by himself inserted into his fifth Book of his Origines, or Derivations, [Liv.] The fathers at length, sharply and severely upbraiding the Rhodians with many things particularly, said, That the Senate well understood, had it not been for some few that were friends to the Roman people, and especially for the Embassadors themselves, in what sort the Rhodians ought to be handled, and answer was given unto them in such manner, that they were neither declared enemies, nor continued friends, [Polyb. Diodor. Sicul. and Livie ut supra.]

The answer being given, Philocrates immediatly went to Rhodes: Astymedes remained Lieger at Rome, that he might know what things were transacted and give notice of them to his Country-men: the Rhodians, forasmuch as they seemed quit from an exceeding great fear of a war to be brought upon them from the Romans, bore the other passages, though very doleful, with a contented mind. [Polyb. and Livie.]

P. Licinius, and the rest of the Embassadors who were sent with Attalus to end the war between the Galls and King Eumenes came unto Synnas: at what time Eumenes (who after the recovery of his health, the Spring first invited abroad out of his house) had gathered his army from several places unto Sardes. At Synnas, the Roman Legats conferred with Solovetius, Captain of the Galls, and Attalus went along with them; but he would not enter into the Camp of the Galls, least their mind should be incensed by the debate. P. Licinius, discoursing with the Duke of the Galls, found him more fierce upon his intercession: insomuch that it might seem strange, that the words of the Roman Legates should prevail so much amongst those rich Kings, Antiochus and Ptolomei, That they should presently make peace, and be of no reckoning with the Galls. [Liv. lib. 45.]

Upon the approach of the Summer, the Rhodians sent Theaetetus (the Copies of of Livie have Theodotus) the Admiral of the fleet, with a Crown to the value of 10, or, as we read it in Livie, 20 thousand pieces of gold, at the rate of 16 pound the piece, that they might by all means endeavour to contract friendship with the Romans: but they desired that amity might so be requested from the Romans, that no vote of the Rhodian people should be made concerning it, or that it should be committed unto writing: lest, if they should not obtain it, besides the frustration of their Embassie, they should be more disgraced upon a repulse, & repent them of the Decree. When therefore, according to their Laws, the Admiral of the Fleet alone had power of concluding friendship, without any expresse ordinance procured; they decreed by him to send their intentions, and the truth is, That although before this, they had assisted the most noble and comly victories of the Romans, yet for the space of 40 years, they so continued in their friendship, that they never bound themselves unto them by a league of amity: p. 435lest being engaged in the religion of an oath, they should cut off all hopes from other Kings and Potentates, waging wars with the Romans of obtaining assistance if need required from: but now with most earnest desire they endeavoured to procure this honour, not that they were in love with new confederates, or stood in fear of any but the Romans themselves; but that they might render themselves lesse suspected unto the Romans. [Polyb. Legat. 93. Liv. lib. 45. Dio, Legat. 21. vel. 22.]

Theaetetas had scarce arrived at Rome, when the Caunians revolted from them: and the Mylassenses possessed the Towns of the Euromenses, the Rhodians therefore dispatching Lycus suddenly with an army, forced the Caunians, though they had procured the assistance of the Cibyrates, to submit to their government, and in a fight near Orthesia, overthrew the Mylassens, and the Alabandens, who having taken away the Province of the Euromenses, came with united forces against them. [Polyb. & Liv. Ibid.]

About the same time there was a decree published by the Senate, whereby liberty was granted unto the Carians and Lycians in general, whom after the dispatch of the war with Antiochus, the Romans had alloted unto the Rhodians: upon the receiving of which news, the minds of the Rhodians were shooken with fear, whilst they much doubted, least they had given the Crown to no purpose, and in vain expected an amity: and thus at last the Rhodians lost Lycia and Caria, after that they had been forced to endure their wars to procure them, [Polib. Legat. 93. &. 140. Liv. lib. 45. Appian. Syriac, pag. 116.]

When a Senate was granted unto Theaetetus, he entreated concerning the entrance into a league with the Rhodians; but whilst the fathers made delayes, he departed this life, being above 80 years of age. Afterwards the Caunians and Stratonicians, that were in exile, came unto Rome, who after that they had been heard in the Senate, there was a Decree made, whereby the Rhodians were commanded to withdraw their Garrisons from Caunus and Stratonicea. That answer being received, Phylophron and Astymedes with all speed hasted into their Country, lest if the Rhodians should neglect to call forth their Garrisons, the beginning of other calamities should again arise unto their City. [Polyb. Legat. 99.]

About the same time, the Cnossians and Gortynians waged war with the Raucians, having made a league amongst themselvs, which they confirmed by an oath; That they would not make an end of the war before that they had taken Raucus by force. [Id. Legat. 100.]

The Rhodians upon notice of the Embassie of the Caunians, when they perceived that the wrath of the Romans was nothing asswaged, were in all things obedient unto their pleasure, [Id. ib.] And thus they lost Caunus, which they had redeemed from the Commanders of Ptolemei with 200 talents: and Strotonicea, which they had received, as a great benefit from Antiochus, and Seleucus; either of which Cities paid 120 talents yearly unto their City, [Id. Legat. 104.]

The Rhodians sent an Embassie to Rome, the principal Person whereof was Aristotle. These had in their commission instructions to propound the friendship again; and to be earnest in that behalf: But when about mid-summer the Embassadors made their appearance, and upon the grant of a Senate unto them, after the declaration of the Rhodians their obedience in all things that were enjoyned unto them, had exhorted the fathers with many and sundry reasons unto an amity; the Senate returned such an answer, wherein no mention of society being made, the fathers denyed it to be proper for them to vouchsafe amity unto the Rhodians, [Id. Legat. 100.]

At the beginning of Autumn, Year of the World 3838 L. Aemilius Paulus, C. Sulpitius Gallus, being appointed overseer of the army, went with no great Retinue to view Greece; Scipio his son, and Athenaeus brother of Eumenes the King, waiting upon him; he bestowed liberty upon Macedonia, and enacted laws meet for confederates. After the dispatch of his serious affairs, he instituted at Amphipolis a sport, which he had long before prepared, having sent messengers, both into the Cities of Asia, and to the Kings to give notice of it; howbeit as he compassed the Cities of Greece, he gave intimations thereof unto the Governours himself, and in that great convention of Europe, and Asia, a multitude being from every quarter, partly for congratulation, partly for to see the sight, gathered together, such vast armies of both land and sea Forces, there was observed, such abundance of provisions, and such cheapnesse of victuals, that there were gifts given of that kind for the most part, by the General, as well unto private persons, as to Cities and Countries; not onelyonly for present occasion, but to carry unto their houses, [Livie lib. 45.]

Labeo was sent by the Romans to destroy Antissa, in the Island Lesbos, and for the transplanting of the Larysseans unto Methymna, because at what time Antenor, (Perseus his Admiral) coasted about Lesbos, they receiving him, furnished him with victuals, [Id. ibid.]

p. 436Prusias (Venator) King of Bithynia, with his son Nicomedes, came unto Rome: the Senate sent L. Cornelius Scipio the Treasurer, to meet him at Capua: and decreed that a most excellent house should be hired for him at Rome, and provisions made upon the publick account, not onelyonly for himself, but also his Retinue; and in the entertainment of him, the whole City had the visage and countenance of one courteous friend, [Liv. lib. 45. Valer. Maxim. lib. 5. cap. 1.]

Having entered into the City with a great traine, he went from the Gate, and the judgement-seat of Q. Cussius the Maior, and unto the market-place: a concourse of people being made on every side, he said, That he came to salute the gods which dwelt at Rome, as also the Senate and Roman people, and to congratulate unto them, their conquest over Perseus, and Gentius the King; and that having reduced the Macedonians, and Sclavonians to their jurisdiction, they had encreased their Empire. When the Maior had told him, That if he pleased, he would grant a Senate unto him that day; he requested two dayes space, wherein he might visit the Temples of the gods and the City, as likewise both strangers and friends. L. Cornelius Scipio the Treasurer was appointed unto him for a guide to conduct him up and down. The third day, he came into the Senate, congratulated the victory unto them, mentioned his own merits in that war; requested that he might have liberty to perform his vow, by offering 10 greater sacrifices in the Capitole at Rome, and one at Preneste unto Fortune; that these were his vowes for the conquest of the people of Rome, and that amity might be renewed with him afresh: and that the land taken from King Antiochus, which the Galls, albeit the people of Rome had conferred it on no man, did possesse, might be given unto him. Last of all, he recomended his son Nicomedes unto the Senate: he was assisted with the favour of all those that had been Commanders in Macedonia. Wherefore the rest of his demands were granted; as for the land, it was answered, That they would send Embassadors to enquire, whether it belonged unto the Roman people, and were given unto no body. That they accepted willingly the recommendation of Nicomedes. That Ptolemei King of Egypt (unto whom of late the Roman people had preserved his kingdom from Antiochus invading it) did sufficiently declare with what care the Roman people did defend the children of their confederate Kings. Moreover it was commanded, that beasts and other things that appertained unto sacrificing, whether he would offer them at Rome, or at Preneste, should be given unto the King, as to the Roman Magistrates at the publick charges; and that twenty long ships should be assigned unto him out of the Fleet which lay at Brundusium, which he might imploy, until the King came unto the Fleet assigned unto him; that L. Cornelius Scipio should not depart from him, and should defray the expences both of himself, and company, till they should take ship. It is reported, That the King was wonderfully affected with joy, by that kindnesse of the Roman people: That he refused the rewards that were given unto him, but commanded his son to accept of the gift of the Roman people. These things the Roman Writers relate of Prusias, [Liv. ibid.]

Polybius and other Greek Authors write, That when he came into the Senate, he did low obeysance, and kissed the threshould of the Senate, and called the Senators, his Tutelary gods, and used other speech not so honourable to the hearers, as misbeseeming unto himself: and that for this extraordinary debasement of himself, he received a more courteous answer from the Senate, [Id. ibid. Polyb. Legat. 97. Diodorus, Sicul. Legat. 22. vel 23.] Howbeit having stayed about the City not above 30 dayes, he departed into his kingdom, [Liv. fin. lib. 45.]

About the transaction of these things news came, That Eumenes was upon his journey to Rome: who, because he had carried himself a neutral in the Macedonian war; least that he should seem to be judged an enemy, if he were excluded; or discharged from all crime, if he were admitted; there was a general law made, That no King should be permitted to come to Rome, [Polyb. Legat. 97. Liv. 46.] Afterwards being certified that Eumenes had arrived at Brundusium in Italy; they sent unto him the Treasurer, to bring this Decree unto him, and to command him to speak, whether he had occasion to make use of the Senate in any thing: if he had no request to make unto the fathers, That he should give intimations unto him, with all speed to depart out of Italy. The King, upon conference with the Treasurer, understanding the pleasure of the Senate, exchanged not a word of businesse with him; assuring him that he stood in want of nothing. By this means, the Romans did not onelyonly effect an hindrance of Eumenes his coming to Rome, but procured somewhat else also which was of great concernment unto them: for the kingdom of Pergamus being in great danger by reason of the Galatians; there was no doubt, but by reason of this disgraceful rejection of Eumenes, the courage of all his friends would be abated; and the Galatians be twice more couragious in the prosecution of the war. Now these things came to passe upon the beginning of Winter, [Polyb. ibid.]

p. 437Mattathias, having exhorted his sons unto the study of piety, and unto fortitude in the constant defence of the Law of God, commended Simon unto them, as a Counsellor and Father, but Judas Maccabeus, as the Commander of their wars, as one that was excellent in valour from his youth: afterwards, blessing them, he dyed in the 146 year of the kingdom of the Greeks, when he had governed the miserable and banished company one year, and his sons buried him in the supulcres of their fathers at Modin, and all the Israelites be wailed him with great lamentation. [1 Maccab. 2. 49.—70. Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 8. 9.]

Judas Maccabeus his brethren, and all who adhered unto his father, assisted him, succeeding into his fathers place, [1 Maccab. 3. 1, 2.] who privatly going into the Villages, exhorted their kinsmen, taking with them such as continued in the Jewish Religion, they gathered together six thousand men, and called upon the Lord, That he would pitty his Temple prophaned by ungodly men, as likewise the City ruined, and hear the blood that cryed unto him; and that remembring the unjust destruction of innocent infants, and the blasphemies that were committed against his name, he would declare his hatred against the wicked. [2 Maccab. 8, 1, 4.]

In the mean time Antiochus Epimanes, when he heard of the sports set forth by Emilius Paulus in Macedonia, and had a mind to exceed Paulus in the magnificence of his expence; he dispatched Legates, and Observers into the Cities, who might declare, That at Daphane near Antioch, sports should be exhibited by him: to the intent, That out of all Greece (as Polybius) or out of all parts of the World (as Diodorus declareth) famous men might eagerly make recourse unto that show. Howbeit, Polybius in the 31 Book of his Historie, thus describeth the order of the Pomp.

There went in the first place, five thousand men in the flower of their age, in garb like Roman souldiers, with mayled brigantines: there followed immediatly as many Mysians: Next to these, three thousand Cilicians, lightly armed, and ready harnassed with Golden Crowns. After this as many Thracians, five thousand of the Galatians; and moreover some with silver Shields. After this company, 240 couple of Gladiators: Upon the back of these came a thousand riding on Pisaean, or rather Nisaean Horses, (as the most learned Casaubon hath corrected the place) and 3000 riding on such as were of vulgar use; and of these most had Trappings, and golden Crowns, some silver. Unto these succeded of their confederates and friends about a thousand Horsemen, all furnished with golden Trappings. With these was joyned a wing of their associat friends, agreeable unto them in number, and accoutrement. Besides these marched 1000 choice men; whom the most excellent order of Horse-men, to the number of about 1000, did follow, called by the Greeks Agema or the Company: 1500 Horsemen in compleat armour from head to foot, called by the Greeks Cataphracti, because both men and horses were covered with arms, did close the company: all the forementioned persons had purple coats, some of them inter-woven with gold, and portrayed with the images of live beasts: after these marched an hundred Chariots, with six horses abreast, and 42 Wagons with four. Moreover there was a Chariot drawn with coupled Elephants, and another with two Horses: and after these followed 36 single Elephants, without any order.

Next went about 800 Youths with golden Coronets, fat Oxen near 5000, Tables for Holy uses about 300, Elephants teeth 800: then were carryed whatever by man was beleeved or said to be gods or Genii; as also the images of their Heroes: some of them guilded over, others arrayed in golden robes, each one gallantly adorned with his Elogy and Motto, sutable to the Legend written of him. To these were added the Images of the night, of the day, the Earth, of the Heavens, of the morning and of the noon: 1000 Pages belonging to Dionysius the Kings Secretary, went in this pompous train, bearing silver vessels, none whereof weighed lesse than a thousand Drachmaes. These were seconded by 600 others of the Kings Pages, carrying vessels of gold: and next to those followed about two hundred women, whose office was out of golden Chalices to sprinkle the spectatours with their sweet oyntments. In the close, 80 women gloriously decked and adorned with costly rayment, were carryed in litters, having legs of gold, and 500 more in others, whose legs were of silver: These things were most remarkable in the Pageantry.

After this, a great solemnity of sports, fencings, huntings, was kept for 30 dayes together: all which time variety of oyntments was provided by the King: for all which played any prize. For the same purpose 15 golden jarres were brought full of oyntments of saffron, and as many of cinnamon and spiknard: those sorts of oyntments were bestowed the five first dayes, and with no lesse freedom the dayes following, oyntments of oyl-olive, marjarom, and lillies. As to the treatments of the guests, sometimes 1000, otherwhiles 1500 tables were most richly spread: all which things so exact and magnificent were performed, partly out of what in Egypt he had cheated King Philometor of, being but then in his minority, herein perfidiously transgressing the tenour of p. 438his league, partly out of friends contributions, and partly out of the spoyles of those many Temples, which he had rifled, [Polyb. in Athenaeus, lib. 5. cap. 4. & lib. 10. cap. 12.]

But the glory of this preparation was eclipsed and debased by those unworthy offices the King supplyed in his own person; for he, riding up and down on a little palfrey, commanded these to passe on, these to stand, others he ordered as best pleased his own fancy; in such manner, that if his Diadem had been of, none would have deemed him to be King, who scarce represented a servitour of resonable quality and repute. All the times of the feast, standing at the doors of the rooms where the feast was kept; some he conducted in, others he placed at the Tables: he ushered in the servants that brought in the dishes, sometimes walked to and fro, sometimes sat down, other whiles lay along the floor, oft times hopping and skiping about to remove a dish or a cup from the Table: in his viewing round the guests, he now and then pledged those that drank to him; sporting and jesting with such of the company as were merrily disposed: moreover, after many had taken their leave, in regard the feast continued a long time: he was in a disgvise brought in by the Anticks and layed along upon the ground, as if he had been one of their company; at last roused by a noise of musick, he started up, and fell to dancing, acting his part with ridiculous jestures: so that all, ashamed of the Kings demeanour, forsook the feast, [Polyb. ibid. & eum se…utus Diodorus Siculus, in Excerpt. Valesi. pag. 321.]

The Shew thus at length concluded: Tiberius Gracchus, Embassador, immediately came to Antiochus, sent by the Senate to make discovery of the counsels of the Kings, and to espy how affairs went there: who was by the King entertained with such chearfulnesse and alacrity, that he did not onelyonly not suspect a plot, or discover the least token of alienation in him for what had happened at Alexandria, but also opposed himself against all those, that went about to impeach him: And which is more, Antiochus resigned his Palace Royal to the Embassadors of Rome, and as good as his very Diadem: when as notwithstanding all this ceremony, his will and affection was most irreconcileably estranged from the Romans, [Polyb. Legat. 101. & 109. Diod. Sicul. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 322.]

Whilst Antiochus was at leasure to sport it at Daphne, Judas Maccabeus seriously plyed his businesse in Judea: For being stoutly assisted by his brothers, he drave out the enemy, slew his revolted Country-men, and purged the Land from its former prophanations, [Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 9.] Fired Cities and Villages, being upon them unawars, got into his hand the most convenient places; put to flight no smal number of his enemies, most commonly taking advantage of the night for such private attempts: insomuch, that the bruit of his valour spread it self forth into all quarters, [1 Maccab. 3. 8, 9. 2 Maccab. 8. 6, 7.]

To the Embassadors which were sent from the Galatians in Asia unto Rome, the Senate indulged the enjoyment of their own constitutions, but with this proviso, That they keep home, and passe not beyond their own borders in armes, [Polyb. Legat. 102.]

Pytho, dispatched upon an Embassie from Prusias King of Bithynia to Rome, complained to the Senate of King Eumenes, how he had pillaged his territories, and seized certain places to his own use; charging upon him also, that he would not forbear his encroachment upon Galatia, nor submit to the Decrees of the Senate; but that he did cherish, and by all means possible advance those of his own faction: on the contrary he did discountenance and keep under whosoever seemed inclinable to the Romans, and desired that the Common-wealth should be governed by the precepts of the Senate. Others likewise came from the Asiatick Cities with fresh accusations, intimating a combination betwixt him and Antiochus against the Romans. The Senate after audience, neither slighted the accusations, nor yet revealed their own sense, but kept all close within their own breasts: having an eye upon Eumenes and Antiochus, as jealous of them. In the mean time, they alwayes gratified the Galatians in some thing or other, and were assistants in vindicating their liberties, [Id. Legat. 104. Livie lib. 46.]

Astymedes the Rhodian Legat, pleading his Countries cause at Rome before the Senate, was now more moderate, and not so hot in his speech, as in his former Embassage. Omitting all recriminations, he made it his onelyonly businesse at present to shew, That his Country-men had smarted sufficiently, and far beyond the demerit of the offence: when he came to inform particularly the damages which the Rhodians sustained, he said, Their chief greivance was, That they had now lost the revenue of their Haven: in regard that the Romans had both discarged Delos from paying custom, and had also taken from the people, the liberty which they formerly enjoyed, of determinating the impost, and other matters of publick concernment: So that the custom which in former times was farmed for ten hundred thousand drachma's, scarce now p. 439surmounts to a hundred and fifty thousand: And seeing, that they themselves knew full well, that onelyonly a few had been engaged in the crime charged upon them, and those also had been all sufficiently punished by the people, he requested that they would not prove inexorable in their displeasure against those which were no whit involved in the guilt, but vouchsafe to receive them into their grace and favour, as formerly: for this it was, that his Country at this instant stood more in need of, than an association for war. And indeed this his speech seemed suitable to the present condition of the Rhodians so much, that after Tiberius Gracchus (who was newly returned from Asia, whither he had been Legate) had first declared, That the Rhodians had submitted themselves to the Decrees of the Senate; then, That all those were put to death which had any hand in bringing the people into disrellish of the Romans; he stopped the mouth of the adversaries, and prevailed with the Romans, That they would take the Rhodians into their allyance. [Polyb. Legat. 104.]

Neither could Tiberius signifie any thing more to the Senate concerning the designs of Eumenes and Antiochus, than that they knew before his setting forth from Rome: so mightily had these Kings obliged him unto them by their civility, [Id. Legat. 105.]

Apollonius, Governour of Samaria, having raised a great army amongst the Gentils and Samaritans, fell upon the Jews; but Judas Maccab. smote him and slew him, and many fell down slain, and the rest fled: and Judas took the spoile, and amongst them Apollonius his own sword, which ever after he used in the wars, [1 Maccab. 3. 10, 11, 12. Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 10.]

When Seron who had the command of Coelosyria heard, how that Judas was well provided of an army, multitudes from all parts resorting unto him: had mustered up all the Forces under his command, taking also the runnagado Jews unto him, and encamped near the going up to Bethoron; where he with his whole army was routed by Judas Maccab. and 800 of them being slain on the place, the residue fled into the land of the Philistins, near the sea coast, [1 Maccab. 3. 13, 24. Joseph. ut supr.]

As soon as the news of this overthrow came to Antiochus his eare, Year of the World 3839 it put him into such a heat, that forthwith he levyed all the strength of his kingdom, and giving them a years pay, commanded them to be ready upon all service. This Salary being paid, he saw his Treasuries quite exhausted; for by reason of the Jews their revolt from him, who paid him yearly above 300 talents of silver, and the vehement persecution raging in the Grecian Cities, and many Regions, (for he spared not the very Gentiles, whilst he endeavoured to make them abjure their ancient superstitions, and to bring them to a conformity of worship) his revenues were very much impaired: Insomuch, that fearing he should not find enough whereby to defray his charges and gratuities (wherein he was exceeding generous, and surpassing the Kings that went before him) he determined to go into Persia, to glean some tributes in those parts, and levy a considerable stock from thence, [1 Maccab. 3. 27, 31. Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 11. Sever. Sulpic. Sacr. Histor. lib. 2.]

Upon his going thither, he left Lysias of the Blood-Royal in Syria, Governour over all the Regions, from the River Euphrates, to the borders of Egypt, and entrusted him with the care of his son Antiochus (Eupator) committing unto him also, the half of all his Forces, and his Elephants, with expresse charge, utterly to root out the name of the Jews, and to give their Country to be inhabited by strangers: with the rest of his sons, himself leaving Antioch (near Daphne) in the 147 year of the kingdom of Greeks, having passed over Euphrates, marched into the high Countries, [1 Maccab. 3. 32. 37.]

Philip (whom Antiochus had appointed over Jerusalem, 2 Maccab. 5. 22.) observing how that Judas Maccabeus grew stronger and stronger every day, wrote unto Ptolemei (son of Dorymenes) Governour of Coelosyria, to lend his helping hand to the Kings affairs: who forthwith, choosing Nicanor son of Patroclus, a most intimate friend, sent him with no lesse than 20000 souldiers of all Nations under his command, purposing to root out the whole stock of the Jews: And to him also he joyned Gorgias, a Captain notably experienced in Military affairs, [2 Maccab. 8. 8, 9.]

Lysias also dispatched away Ptolemei himself as a reserve to them: so that under these three Commanders, Ptolemei, Nicanor, Gorgias, were mustered 40000 Foot, and 7000 Horse: who, marching with their entire army, pitched by Emmaus in the plain Country, [1 Maccab. 3. 38, 39, 40.]

And seeing that Antiochus was in arreare to the Romans in a tribute of 2000 talents, Nicanor resolved to wipe off that score, out of the sale of the captive Jews; and to that end, invited out of the Cities near the sea coast 1000 Merchants, promising That he would allow 90 slaves for one talent, [2 Maccab. 8. 10, 11, 14, 34, 36.] which was no sooner divulged, but the Merchants of the Country, with their attendants repair to the Camp to purchase the Jews for slaves; great companies also flocked out of Syria, p. 440and of the land of strangers of Philistins, to barter for the same commodities, [1 Maccab. 3. 41.]

Hierusalem being now quitted of inhabitants, and the Temple prophaned: Judas Maccabeus in this great extremity, removed with his army to Maspha, or Mizpa, for there before the building of the Temple, was the Israelities place of worship, [Jud. 11. 2. 20. 1. 21. 5, 8. 1 Sam. 7. 5, 6. 10. 17.] where he proclaimed a fast, and with most fervant prayers importuned the Lords protection of his smal army (for he had with him but six, or (as the Latin edition rendereth it, but seven) thousand against the vast power of the enemy. After this, such as had betrothed wives, or were planting vineyards, or were timorous, he dismissed home according to the Law, [Deut. 20. 6, 7, 8.] and then divided his army into four squadrons, and appoynting his brothers Commanders, committed to each 1500 souldiers; so the army removed, and pitched on the southside of Emmaus, opposite to the enemy. Where Judas earnestly exhorting them to behave themselves valiantly, even to the death, for their Country, and the Laws of their God, he gave orders to be in readinesse for the battel on the morrow. [1 Maccab. 3. 42.—60. 2 Maccab. 8. 12.—22.]

That night Gorgias had a design to surprize them unawares, and to that end took along with him 500 Foot, and 1000 choice Horse, and came toward the Jews Camp, having the Garrison souldiers of Syon Fort for his convoy. When Judas had got intelligence thereof, wisely makiug use of this present opportunity of setting upon the enemy, whilst thus divided, he marched straitwayes to Emmaus against Nicanor, whilest Gorgias their exprest Commander was from them. Who when by night he had arrived at the Jews Camp, and found no body there, supposing they were fled, hunted them about in the mountains: but by break of day Judas discovered himself in the plains of Emmans with 3000 men, who notwithstanding, were neither provided of armour or swords to their mind. [1 Maccab. 4. 1.—6.]

Judas, after he had encouraged his souldiers to the battel, and given the word, In the help of God, himself being in the front, encountred with Nicanor, and, Allmighty God assisting, slew of the enemy above 9000, wounded and maimed the greater par of Nicanors army, and put them all to flight: the chase was so large, that the Jews pursued some of them from Emmanus as far as Gazara (as the Greek Copy of the Maccabees, in the end of Arundels Library reads it) or Gadara (as Josephus) others unto the plaines of Idumea, others as far as Palestine, Azotus, and Jamnia, all the hindmost of them were slain, near 3000 in number. [Ibid. 8,—15. 2 Maccab. 8. 23, 24.]

Among those that were thus put to flight, were the Merchants, who (nothing doubting of the victory, followed the Kings army, in hopes of getting a good bargain of the Captives) became a prey also themselves: for the Jews seized on their mony which came to buy them: and when they had had a long pursuit of them, being prevented by time, they sounded a retreat. For the evening, on which the sabbath began, drawing on, after that they had gathered up the arms of the vanquished Host, and taken the spoiles from them, they composed themselves for the observation of the Sabbath, magnifying the mercy of God for this so marvelous a deliverance. [2 Maccab. 8. 25, 26, 27.]

Judas takes o… the Jews, eager upon the spoyles, for fear of an encounter with Gorgias, who was now returned from his fruitlesse expedition: whose forces discovering themselves from the mountain, as soon as they perceived by the smoak of the Tents, set on fire, that other division of their army to be routed, and saw Judas on the plain, standing in batalia ready to receive them, they all shifted for themselves into the land of strangers. The coasts thus cleared, Judas returned to the spoyl, where he found plenty of gold, blew silk, purple of the sea (which the Phenician Merchants had left behind them) and much wealth. [1 Maccab. 4. 16.—23.] All which the souldiers shared amongst themselves, having first deducted a portion for the maim'd, widows, and orphans: then with joynt supplicotian they beseeched the Lord that he would vouchsafe to continue to be gracious and favourable to his servants. [2 Maccab. 8. 28, 29.]

The Jews after this coped with Timotheus and Bacchides, and slew in that fight above 20000 of the enemy, made themselves Masters of the Forts, and divided amongst themselves much spoyle; allwayes admitting the maim'd, orphans, widows, and aged persons into equal portions with themselves: and when they had gathered up the arms, and disposed of them into the most convenient places, the remainder of the spoyle they carryed to Jerusalem: they slew also Philarches, one of Timotheus side, a most wretched fellow, and a notorious afflictor of the Jews: and in the midst of their solemn festival, which they had instituted for their late obtained victory, they burnt Callisthenes alive (having taken sanctuary in a little house) because he it was that had fired the holy gates. As for that pestilent Nicanor, he, having striped himself of p. 441all his glorious attire (that thereby lesse notice might be taken of him) came like a solitary fugitive thorough the mid-land Country, unto Antioch: where he professed, the Jews to be utterly unvanquishable, in regard they had God for their Protector, [2 Maccab. 8. 30, 36.]

Lysias receiving, by those that escaped, intelligence of the overthrow of his party, was confounded thereat; both because, neither those things which he would, happened to Israel; nor what the King commanded were accomplished, [1 Maccab. 4. 26, 27.]

Therefore the year following (being the 148. of the the kingdom of the Greeks, The Julian Period. 4549 he hast's into Judea thorough Idumea, Year before Christ 165 with 60000 chiefe Foot, and 5000 Horse: Judas Maccab. marched up toward him as he lay encamped at Bethsura, on the borders of Judea. And having first implored publickly the assistance of God, gives the enemy battle. Lysias observing how the Jews like so many mad men, contemning death, brake thorough their enemies body, and that his men turned their backs, 5000 being killed on the place: returned to Antioch, purposing a new expedition after he had with a greater army well re-inforced himself, [1 Maccab. 4. 28. 35.]

Antiochus Epiphanes, having undertaken an Expedition against Artaxias King of the Armenians, who marched from the Eastern parts, slew most of his army, and took Artaxias himself, [Appian. Syriac. pag. 117. & 131. Porphyr. apud Hieronym. in Daniel, cap. 11.]

When Prusias, King of Bithynia, had not onelyonly himself most vehemently accused Eumenes King of Pergamus, already suspected of the Romans by letters intercepted intimating a combination with Perseus against the Romans; but also, had prevailed with the Galatians, Selgenses, and many other people of Asia, to do the same. Attalus and Athenaeus were dispatched away to Rome by their brother Eumenes: who not onelyonly in the audience of the Senate, cleared all crimes, which were laid to their charge, but also returned back into their Country, with high honours conferred upon them: Yet for all this, the Senate abated nothing of their jealousies conceived against Eumenes and Antiochus; but sent C. Sulpitius Gallus, and Marius Sergius, Ambassadors, with instruction, to make a most strict enquiry into Antiochus and Eumenes their counsels, whether or no, they had made any provision for war, or were confederate with any against the Romans, [Polyb. Legat. 106. Diod. Sicul. Legat. 21.]

C. Sulpicius Gallus, as soon as entred Asia, unadvisedly makes proclamation thorough the chief Cities there; commanding whosoever had, whereof to accuse King Eumenes, he should at the appointed time, repair to Sardes: where, when he himself was arrived, he sate upon the Bench, (erected for that very purpose in the place of exercise) ten dayes together, to receive accusations: gladly admitting all manner of reproaches, and obloquies against the King, and catching at the least hint of an impeachment: for he was a person naturally vain, and such an one, who hoped some honour might redound to himself from the difference with Eumenes, [Polyb. lib. 31. in Excerpt. Valesii. pag. 145.]

Judas Maccab. and his brethren (as soon as they perceived that they had got respite from their enemies) with all their Forces came up to Jerusalem: and they recovered the Temple and the City, except Sion Fort, But the Altars and Chappels which the Gentiles had built in the open street, they demolished: And Judas commanded certain men to assault those which were in the Fortresse of Sion, whilst in the mean time he was busied in cleansing the Temple; the sad desolations whereof being beheld, stirred up most vehement lamentation to all that were present, [1 Maccab. 4, 36, 41. 2 Maccab. 10. 1, 2.]

The Priests well experienced in the Law, Year of the World 3840. a. assigned by Judas himself to that businesse, cleansed the Sanctuary, removed the defiled stones into an unclean place; pulled down the Altar for burnt-offerings, which was prophaned by the Gentiles, (laying up the stones thereof in the Mount of the Temple, until such time, a Prophet came which might enform them what ought to be done with them) built another of whole stones, upon which no iron toole had been lifted according to the tenour of the Law, [Deut. 27. 5, 6.] Repaired the Holy, and the Holy of Holies: hallowed the Courts, made new holy Vessels, brought into the Temple the Candlestick, the Altar of incense, and the Table: So they burnt incense upon the Altar, lighted the Lamps which were on the Candelstick; placed the Shew-bread upon the Table, spread the vailes, and finished whatsoever they had taken in hand, [1 Maccab. 4. 42, 51. 2 Maccab. 10. 3.]

Then on the 25 day of the ninth monethmonth, (called Cisleu, or Chasleu) in the 148 year of the kingdom of the Greeks; they rose up betimes in the morning, and, having furnished themselves with fire by striking stones one against the other, they offered sacrifice according to the Law, upon their new Altar of burnt-offering, [1 Maccab. 4. 52, 53. & 2 Maccab. 10. 3.] Two years after Judas succeeded his father Mattathias p. 442in the government; but three years compleat, since the Gentiles first sacrificed in that place: for on that very same day of the same month, on which they prophaned the old Altar, Judas consecrated this new one. [1 Maccab. 4. 54. 2 Maccab. 10. 3, 5. Ioseph. lib. 12. cap. 11.]

This Dedication was celebrated with Songs, Hymns, Citherns, Harps, and Cymbals, very joyfully, and all the people fell prostrate on the ground and worshiped, and blessed the God of Heaven, who had given them good successe; beseeching him that he would not suffer them to fall any more in such calamities: but if at any time they provoked him, that he himself would chasten them in mercy, and that they might not be delivered up to the blasphemous and barbarous Gentiles: they kept the Dedication of the Altar eight dayes, and offered burnt offerings with gladnesse, and the sacrifices of deliverances (or peace offerings) and of praise: they deckt the fore-front of the Temple with golden Crowns and Targets, repaired the Gates and Chambers, being on the sides of the Temple, and made doors for them. [1 Maccab. 4. 54.—58. 2 Maccab. 10. 4, 6.]

Then Judas and his Brethern, and all the Congregation of Israel, ordained, That through the whole nation of the Jews, the dayes of the Dedication of the Altar should be observed, yearly for the space of eight dayes, from the 25 day of the month Casseu, with mirth and gladnesse. [1 Maccab. 4. 59. 2 Maccab. 10. 8.] After they had kept these eight dayes in manner as the feast of Tabernacles, calling to mind, how not long since, when they should have kept that feast in its course, they lurked about the Mountains and Caves like wild beasts. Wherefore now bearing green boughs, and fayre branches, and palms, they sang prayses unto him, who had brought the purification of his holy place, to such an happy issue. [2 Maccab. 10. 6, 7.] Hence it was, that in the letters which the Council at Jerusalem, wrote to the Jews in Egypt, these dayes are called the dayes of Tents, or Tabernacles of the monethmonth Casseu, [2 Maccab. 1. 9, 18.] in the Gospel of St. John, 10. 22. they are called the feast of Dedication: and of the Jews, the feast of Lamps, either in regard of so great eradiation of their religion and liberties, which thus brake forth upon them, beyond all expectation: [as Josephus intimates in lib. 12. Antiq. cap. 2.] or from the lighting of the Lamps, because both at that time the lighting of the Lamps in the Temple was restored, [1 Maccab. 4. 49, 50. & 2 Maccab. 10. 3.] and also, because to this very day, the Jews in their Synagouge still continue thieir custom of celebrating this feast with a more peculiar provision of Lamps.

At what time they repaired the Temple, at the same they fortifyed Mouut Syon with high walls, and strong Towers, to keep in the enemy; those especially that were garrisond in that Fort, for fear they should at any time by their fallyings forth annoy the Temple: They fortified also Bethsura, distant thence not above five furlongs. [2 Maccab. 10. 5.] That the people might have a Garrison of defence against Idumea, [1 Maccab. 4. 60, 51. cum. 4. 7.—26.]

When the nations round about, Year of the World b. heard of the building of the Altar, The Julian Period. 4550 and the Dedication of the Sanctuary, Year before Christ 164 they were much displeased thereat: hereupon, contriving how they might destroy the whole stock of Israel, they began to massacre all those that lived in any of their quarters. [1 Maccab. 5. 1, 2.]

Antiochus Epiphanes, traversing the high Country (beyond Euphrates) heard say, That the City of Elymais in Persia, (called by the writer of the second book of the Maccabees, Persepolis) was a City every where cryed up for wealth, and in it a Temple, (which Appian reports to be dedicated to Venus, [Elymais in Syriac. pag. 131.] but Polybius and Diodor to Diana, in Elymais, [in Josephus, lib. 12. cap. 13. & Hieronym. in Daniel, cap. 11. cum Excerptis Valesii. pag. 141.] well provided, having in it Coverings of gold, brest-plates and arms, left there by Alexander the Great, Philips son. But when he, out of a ravenous appetite to the far booty, attempted the plunder of the City: the Cityzens incontinently betook themselves to their arms, worsted him, and forced him to retreat with much dishonour. [1 Maccab. 4. 1.—4. 2 Maccab. 10. 1, 2.]

But as soon as he came to Ecbatana, tidings were brought him of the ill successe of Nicanor, and Timotheus in Judea, and removing thence toward Babylon, about the borders of Persia, he heard also of the great defeat given to Lysias his army, how the image of Jupiter Olympius, was cast out of the Temple at Jerusalem, and the Sanctuary and Bethsura fortyfied: Therefore being enraged with furie, he thought to be avenged upon the Jews for the disgrace he lately received by those that made him fly; and to that end, commanded his Chariots with all speed to dispatch the journy, proudly vaunting, how that as soon as ever he arrived at Jerusalem, he would make that City a common burying place for the Jews. [1 Maccab. 4. 4, 7. 2 Maccab. 9, 3, 4.] And to this relates that passage of Tacitus (impiously aspersing that holy nation,) [lib. 5. Histor.] King Antiochus endeavouring to reform their superstition, and to bring in the Cities of p. 443the Greekes was hindred by the Parthian war in his design of redressing that most base nation.

Scarce were these proud words bolted out of the mouth of Antiochus, but he was struck with an incurable plague in the bowels, and violent torments in his inward parts: yet beeing not by the sicknesse of his body made more sound in his mind, but still breathing out his menacings against the Jews, he calls upon his Chariot-man to mend his pace: But it happened upon this his so furious career, that he fell out of his Chariot, and the fall proved so desperate, that his whole body was much bruised, and his limbs put out of their joynts: And after that he was lifted up from the ground, and carryed to and fro in an horse-litter, worms bred so fast in his body, that whole fleakes of flesh sometimes dropped from him; yet alive in such pitiful plight, that by reason of the noisomnesse of the stench, none could endure to carry him; thereby also he became offensive to his whole army, [2 Mac. 9. 5, 10.] Hereupon he was forced to break off his journey to Babylon, and to put in at Tabis, a Town of Persia, as is conceived, out of Polybius, [in Excerpt. his Valesii, pag. 144.] and Jerom, [in cap. 11 Dan.] where he continued bed-rid many dayes, [1 Mac. 6. 8, 9.] pining, and consuming away, [Appian. in Syriac. pag. 131.]

From the enterance of the Spring, Year of the World c. began the 149 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, made use of in the first book of the Macc. Epiphanes despairing of his recovery, summoned together all his friends, and openly acknowledged all those miseries to have fallen upon him, for the injuries he had done unto the Jews; and he must now, to his great grief, die in a strange land, [1 Mac. 6. 10, 13.] And when he could no longer endure his own smell, he said, It is meet to submit to God, and for man which is mortal, not to set himself in competition with God. And in this prayer to God, he vowed, That he would allow to those of Jerusalem, and all other Jews elsewhere, foreign, or the free exercise of their own constitutions (that for the future, they should enjoy the liberty of their own Laws and Manners: That he would beautifie the Temple with most rare gifts, restore all the holy vessels, and that with advantage; defray the charges of the sacrifices out of his own Exchequer, and that he himself also would turn Jew, and go thorough the whole habitable World, declaring the power of God: But when he perceived no intermission of his pains: he wrote most courteous letters to the Jews, earnestly intreating them, That they would remain loyal to him, and to his son, whom in his life (following the example of his father) he had designed to be their King, [2 Mac. 9. 11, 27.]

Then calling unto him Philip, his intimate friend, who was brought up with him (foreign, as he is stiled in 2 Maccab. 9. 29.) he appointed him over the whole kingdom: committing unto him his Crown, his Robe, and his Signet; to the intent, that after he had fetched back his son Antiochus from Autioch (where he had left him with Lysias) he should train him up, (for as yet he was but nine years of age: as hath been formerly hinted out of Appian.) to be Governour of the kingdom. Thus Antiochus deceased the 149 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, dying a miserable death in a strange land, on the mountains [2 Maccab. 9. 28.] of Parata, near Babylon: where Grotius on the place out of the fifth book of Curtius, sayes, the Town Tabis was situated. Polybius [in Excerpt. Velesii, pag. 144.] relates, how that he died Tabis in Persia: foreign; and indeed Jerom upon 11 of Daniel, recites (out of Polybius and Diodorus) how Antiochus frighted by certain phantasmes and visions, run mad, and at last, fell into a disease which ended his dayes: attributing his calamity to his sacrilegious design upon Diana's Temple. Howbeit he himself, wretched creature, professed in the presence of all his friends, the ground of all his miseries to be, His robbing the Temple at Hierusalem, and sending forces to destroy the Jews without cause, [1 Maccab. 6. 12, 13.]

The dead corps was carryed forth by Philip; who being jealous of Antiochus his son, withdrew himself into Egypt unto Ptolemei Philometor, [2 Maccab. 9. 29.] upon design of levying forces against Lysias, who hearing of Epiphanes's decease, set up his son Antiochus in his room on the Throne (who was under his tuition during his minority) calling him Eupator, [1 Maccab. 6. 17.] Appian reports, how that the Syrians gave him that sirname, in honour of his fathers vertue, confirming also, that Lysias was his Guardian in his pupillage, [in Syriac. pag. 117.]

Antiochus Eupator, now in actual possession of the Crown, prefers Lysias to the managing of the Realme; but more especially he installs him in the soveraignty of Coelosyria, and Phoenice: for Ptolemei Macron, Dorymenes's son, who had that honour formerly under Antiochus Epiphanes, [2 Maccab. 8. 8. cum 1 Maccab. 3. 38.] poisoned himself upon discontent, that he was accused to Eupator as inclining to the Jews: because he, observing the great injuries that were done unto them, endeavoured that right might be done them, and their affairs might be managed in a peaceable p. 444manner: and also because he had been called Traitor, for delivering up Cyprus (which was committed to his trust by Philometor) unto Antiochus Epiphanes, [2 Maccab. 10. 11, 12, 13.] Polybius gives him this commendation, [in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 126.] foreign. Ptolemei the Governour of the Cyprus behaved himself like an Egyptian in nothing, but was prudent and valiant among the first.

But Gorgias, who had the command of all parts about Judea, hired souldiers, and continually somented the war against the Jews: the Idumeans also who were joyned in association with him, having gotten into their hands the most commodious forts, and entertaining the Jerusalem-runnagadoes, infested the Jews, and did what they could to keep the war on foot, [2 Maccab. 10. 14, 15.]

Hereupon Judas Maccabaeus at Acrabbates, a Region of Idumea, falls upon the sons of Esau, who had begirt the Jews round: and storming their Garrison, became master thereof, slew no lesse than 20000. and seized upon all their spoiles, [1 Mac. 5. 3. 2 Mac. 10. 16, 17.]

And now he calls to mind the shrewd turne of the children of Baean, who had spread themselves in privy ambushes along the way sides, by which the Jewish army was to passe. These Baeanites upon the last rout had escaped with 9000 unto two very strong Castles, provided with all things necessary to endure a siege. Therefore Judas Maccab. left his brother Simon, with Josep, and Zaccheus, to besiege them, whilst he himself marched away to relieve some other places which stood in more need of his present assistance. But those that were with Simon, out of a greedinesse of money, upon contract with the besieged for 70000 drachmes, suffered some to escape: as soon as Maccab. had notice hereof, he summoned together the Governours of the people, and in their presence, excecuted as many of them as upon conviction were found to have any hand in the treachery: and having with little adoe reduced both the Garrisons, he burnt them to the ground, and utterly destroyed above 20000 of them, [1 Mac. 5. 4, 5. 2 Mac. 10. 16, 23.]

From thence he passed over to the Ammonites, where he found a very great power got together, and much people, under Timotheus his command: but he often fought them, and discomfited them, and having taken Jazer, and the Towns belonging thereunto returned into Judea, [1 Mac. 5. 6, 7, 8.]

Timotheus having, since his last overthrow, well recruited himself with multitudes of forreign Forces, and horses collected out of Asia, not a few, returned confident of the conquest of Judea. But Maccab. and those that were with him, after a serious humiliation and supplication unto God, marched out of Jerusalem, and joyned in battle with the enemy, a great distance from the City: and being encouraged by apparitions of certain horsemen in the heavens, fighting for them, slew of the enemy 20500 Foot, and 600 Horse: As for Timotheus himself, he escaped to a very strong Garrison, Gazara by name, whereof his brother Chereas was Governour: but at last, the Garrison was taken, and he and his brother, with Apollonius, being found hid together in a pit, were all three put to the sword. [2 Mac. 10. 24, 38.]

The Trocmians, a people of Galatia, having made some vain attempts upon Cappadocia, and seeing they could get no footing there, posted to the Romans, endeavouring to render King Ariarathes odious unto them. The Romans presently dispatched an Embassie, of which M. Junius had the chief managing, [Polyb. Legat. 108.

From Autumn began the year, Year of the World 3841. a. of the account of the contracts or Dhilkarnain, observed by the Collector of the second book of the Maccabees, CXLIX: but of the Chaldee account used in the Kings Edicts, [ibid. cap. 11.] and in Ptolemeis great Syntaxis, [lib. 9. cap. 7. & lib. 11. cap. 8.] CXLVIII. which also was the Sabbatical year.

The Heathen about the Region of Galaad assembled themselves together against the Jews, which were near their borders, with an intent utterly to destroy them: who slew of the Jews inhabiting the land of Tob, (Judic. 11. 3.) about a 1000 men: led away their wives and children captives, and took their very goods and houshold-stuff: and for those Jews of Galaad, which betook themselves to the Garrison in Dathema, for their security: Timotheus (not he which even now was said to be slain with his brother Chereas, but another of the same name) hasted with an army to lay siege unto them; and at the same instant, others from Ptolemais, Tyre, and Sidon, and all Galilee of the Gentiles, held a Randezvouz upon a design of cutting of the Galileans, [1 Mac. 5. 9, 15.]

The Galaadites and Galileans, dispatched letters to Judas and his brethren, earnestly solliciting them to hasten their assistance in this their extremities: Hereupon Judas (after a consultation first had with those at Jerusalem) divides his whole army into 5 Brigades: 3000 he designes to his brother Simon, for the relief of the Galileans: himself and his brother Jonathan, take along with them 8000 for the delivery of the p. 445Galaadites, and the residue of the army he leaves with Joseph, son of Zacharias, and with Azaria, for the security of Judea, strictly charging them, That they should not upon any terms ingage with the heathens in battel, till such time as they were returned back again. [Ibid. 16. 20.]

No sooner was Simon entred Galilee, but he fell upon the heathens, and chased them to the very gates of Ptolemais, and there fell of them 3000 men, whose spoile they took. Having thus rescued the Galileans, and those of Arbattis, (foreign) i. e. the plain and Champion Countries) with their wives, children, and whatsoever they had, they brought them into Judea with great joy. [Ibid. 21, 22, 23.]

But before Judas could get to the Galaadites, many of them were shut in Bossora, Bozor, Alemis, Caspher, Maced, Carnain, and other Cities in Galaad. [Ibid. 26, 27,]

By that time Judas and his brother, having passed over Jordan, had got three dayes march through Arabia Deserta; though Nabathetis, met him very friendly, and acquainted him with all that happened to the Galaadites: Moreover, how that on the morrow following the enemy, had designed to fall upon the Garrisons, and as fast as they took them to put all to the sword in one day. Upon this intimation, Judas with his army, turned aside by the way of the wildernesse unto Bozor; and having won the City, put all the males to death, pillaged the City, and after burnt it to the ground. Departing thence by night, he marched toward the Fortress, where he found the enemy about break of day, placing their Engines for battery, and the cry of them within the City, went up to Heaven: Those that were with Judas, marching in three divisions on the rear of the enemy, sounded with their Trumpets, and lifted up their voyce in prayer. Timotheus his Camp, knowing that it was Maccabeus, who was so near them, fled from him, and got themselves out of his sight: but in the pursuit, he had so great execution of them, that there fel in that day near 8000 of them. This done, he stept aside to Maspha, took it by storm, slew all the males, and after the plunder, set it on fire. From thence he went and took Chasphor, Maced, Bosor, and the other Cities of the Country of Galaad. [Ibid. 24, 26.]

Whilst Judas and Jonathan were in Galaad, and Simon in Galilea, over against Ptolemais. Joseph, son of Zacharias, and Azarias, who were left behind, to secure Judea, hearing of their gallant achievments, and ambitious to get themselves a name as great as the other, contrary to command, drave down their army as far as Jamnia, with intentions to fight the heathens. But Gorgias drew out all his forces out of the City against them, and beat them back to the very borders of Judea, and there fell that day of the Jews, near upon 2000 men. [Ibid. 55. 62.]

Lysias, Year of the World b. the your King Eupators Protectour and kinsman, The Julian Period. 4551 and the sole manager of the affaires of the kingdom, Year before Christ 163 being much displeased at what had happened, mustered together allmost 80 thousand men; all his own Horse, and 80 Elephants, and marched against the Jews: resolving within himself, to render Jerusalem an habitation for the Grecians, The Temple tributary, and to set the High Priesthood to sale every year. Hereupon, being entred Judea, he claps close siege to Bethsuca, a strong place, distant from Jerusalem about five furlongs. But Maccabeus his army, having an Angel for their convoy, slew 11000 of the enemies Foot, and 1600 Horse. All the rest, with Lysias himself, were put to slight, whereof many were sore wounded, others threw away their arms, and shifted for themselves. [2 Maccab. 11. 1.—12.]

Lysias, casting up with himself what losse he had sustained, and considering that God …ought the battles of the Jews, sent Ambassadors to them, to intreat concerning a piece, avowing, That he would subscribe to all reasonable propositions; and moreover, be a means of ingratiating them into the Kings favour. Judas Maccabeus, supposing this might be conducible to the publick behoof, embraced the motion, and signified in writing, (which was sent by the hands of John and Absalom, what he should mediate forunto the King, on the behalf of the Jews: The King granted every Article, [Ibid. 13, 14, 15.] Concerning this particular, there are extant letters, both from King Antiochus to Lysias, [Ibid. 22. 26.] as also from Lysias to the Jews, dated in the year (of the Chaldee account) 148, the 24 day of the monethmonth Dioscorinthius as it is in the Greek Copies; but in the Latin Dioscorus, [Ibid. 16—21.] This monethmonth in the Caldee year, seems to be intercalated betwixt Dyster and Xanthicus (in which are written, the following letters of the King; and the Romans to the Jews, concerning the foresaid peace) which is therefore called in the Greek edition of the book of Esther, (now to be seen in the noble Earle of Atundels Library) the monethmonth Adar-nisan, and Dysterxanthicus, and by the modern Jews Veadar, or the other Adar: although our Syriac Interpreter of the second book of the Maccabees, hath substituted in its name the Syrians latter Tisri.

In the same 148 year, Year of the World c. (of the Chaldee account) the 15 day of the monethmonth Xanthicus) according also to the Chaldean reckoning) there are letters directed to the Jews, p. 446both from King Antiochus, [2 Maccab. 11. 27.—33.] and also from Quintus Memmius, and Titus Manlius (otherwise called Manius or Mamlius) Ambassadors from Rome, who at that time came to the King residing at Antioch: [Ibid. 34.—38.] thither also followed Lysias after the covenants were drawn up. [1 Maccabees 12. 1.]

About the beginning of the Spring, began the CL year of the kingdom of the Grecians, which the writer of the first book of the Maccabees makes use of.

Demetrius, son of Seleucus Philopator, having been detained many years hostage at home, and now entred the 23 year of his age, requested the Senate, That by the assistance of the people of Rome, he might be restored into his own kingdom, now unjustly usurped by the son of Antiochus Epiphanes his Uncle, protesting that he should allwayes look upon Rome as his native Country and nursery, repute the Senators sons, as so many brothers, and the Senatours themselves as fathers. Notwithstanding, all this complement, the Senate esteeming more expedient, as to their affairs, if Syria were Governed by a child rather than a man, with joynt consent voted, that Demetrius should be kept at Rome, and the kingdom be confirmed to the child which Antiochus left behind him. But withall, they presently dispatcht away Cn. Octavius Spurius, and Lucretius, and Lucius Aurelius, as Legats to weild that kingdom at the pleasure of the Senate, supposing that none would be against it: the King being but yet a child, and the Princes of the Court accounting they were extreamly favoured, in that the Romans would not deliver up the kingdom to Demetrius, which was a thing they much feared would ensue. And when they were informed, how Antiochus had provided himself of Elephants in Syria, and ships above the number which they allowed him; they gave in charge to the Legats, that they should fire the ships, hough the Elephants, in a word, That they should do what they could to bankrupt the Kings Exchequer, [Polyb. Legat. 107, Appian, Syriac. pag. 117. Zonor. ex Dione. Justin. lib. 34. cap. 3.]