The Annals of the World, History 2 · 6 (continued) (3 of 15)

The Annals of the World · History 2 · 6 (continued) (3 of 15)

p. 446The Legats also received instructions to visit the Macedonians, who, in regard that a popular state seem'd strange to them, had made no use of a Common Council, and were up in factions and seditions amongst themselves. They were ordered also to make diligent enquiry into the affairs of the Galatians, and the kingdom of Aria rather; [Polyb. Ibid.] Notwithstanding, Ariarathes by his great civility in a conference with Junius and the former Legates, dismissed them, highly commending him. [Id. Legat. 108.]

The peace betwixt Eupator and the Jews, was no sooner made, than broken off again: for those that had command in the places adjacent; Timotheus Apollonius, son of Genneus, Hieronymus, Demophon, and Nicanor, Governour of Cyprus, would not suffer the Jews to be quiet. And the Citizens of Joppe likewise, having by fair speeches enticed 200 Jews, which dwelt amongst them, into their ships, put from shore, and threw them all over-board. [2 Maccab. 12. 2, 3, 4.]

When Judas Maccabeus heard of this piece of villany, he came by night to Joppe, fired their port, and navy, and slew all those that had fled thither; and understanding that the Jamnites had some such designe against those Jews that lived with them, he did the same by night to their port and fleet, so that the flame of the fire appeared as far as Jerusalem, which lay 240. furlongs distant. [Ibid. 5, 9.]

By that time, Judas his army had gone nine furlongs thence, upon their march against Timotheus, the Nomades of Arabia set upon them, not fewer in number than 5000 Foot, and 500 Horse, where after a hot dispute, the Arabians were worsted, and upon an engagement, to supply them with Cattel, and to pleasure them some other wayes, obtained a peace from Judas. [Ibid. 10, 11, 12.]

Judas his souldiers stormed the City Caspis, and took it: the City was fortified with a bridge, and fenced with walls, and inhabited by people of several nations: the slaughter of the Citizens was so great, that an adjacent lake of two furlongs broad was coloured with blood. [Ibid. 13, 16.]

They removed from thence 750 furlongs, and came to Characa unto the Jews which were called Tabieni (because they inhabited the land of Tob.) Timotheus was drawn off from that place, although he had not done the businesse he went about, leaving behind him a very strong Garrison: which Dositheus and Sosipator, two of Judas his Captains ventured upon, and killed about 10000 of the men which Timotheus had left to keep it. [Ibid. 17, 18, 19.]

Upon this miscarriage, Timotheus leavies a new army of 120000 Foot, and 2500 Horse, of all nations round about him, and mercenary Arabians; sent away the women and children, and other baggage to Carnion, or Carnaim, a place hardly to be besieged, and difficult to come unto, by reason of the streightnesse of the passage, he encamped against Raphon, on the other side the brook. Judas with all his forces, (putting himself in the van) crossed the brook toward the enemy, and gave that Gentile-army p. 447such a total rout, that some flew this way, others that way, in such great disorder, that they were often hurt by their own men, and wounded by the points of their own swords: So that Judas pursued them with, that eagernesse, that he slew near thirty thousand men, [1 Mac. 5. 37, 43. 2 Mac. 12. 20, 23.]

But Timotheus himself falling into the hand of Dositheus and Sosipater, very subtilly besought them, that he might escape with his life, because he had in his power many of the Jews parents and brothers, who, if they put him to death, should be served in the same kind: upon his engagement to see them safe returned, they dismissed him for their brethrens sake, [2 Mac. 12. 24, 25.]

Judas marched forward to the City Carnaim, and to the Temple of Atargata which was therein, whither many of the enemy had fled: the Temple he fired and all the men in it, demolished the City, and put to the sword 25 thousand men, [1 Mac. 5. 43, 44▪ 2 Mac. 12. 26, 27.]

Then Judas brought back all the Israelites which were in Galaad, with their wives and children, and all their baggage, with an intent to bring them into Judea: And they were come as far Ephron, which was a very great City, and well fortified, and stood in the way thorough which they were to passe; it was peopled by nations of all sorts, the walls well manned, and had in it good store of engines and ammunition. But so it was, when Judas and his army were necessarily to passe thorough it, that the Citizens clapped their gates against them, and baracado'd them up with the stones; yet they forced their way thorough, after a day and a nights battery, and demolished the City to the ground; took all the spoile, killed all the males, near 25000 in number, and marched over the dead bodies thorough it, [1 Macc. 5. 45, 51. 2 Macc. 12. 27, 28.]

After this, they passed over Jordan, into a great plaine before Bethsan, [1 Mac. 5. 52.] which the Greeks called Scythopolis, [Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 12.] distant 600 furlongs from Hierusalem. As soon as they were entred into the town, the Jews (which lived amongst them, met them) and acquainted them, how friendly the Scythopolitans had alwayes dealt with them, and how kindly they had treated them in their adversities: whereupon they returned them thanks, and requested the continuance of their affections to their Nation for the future, [2 Mac. 12. 29, 30, 31.]

Judas bringing up the reare of his army, encouraged them all the way, until he came to Judea, [1 Mac. 5. 53.] They arrived at Jerusalem, about the Feast of Pentecost, [2 Mac. 12. 31.] and went up unto Mount Sion with joy and gladnesse, and offered burnt-offerings, because they had not lost a man, but were all returned home in peace, [1 Mac. 5. 54.]

After Pentecost, Judas and his brethren with 3000 Foot, and 400 Horse, marched against Gorgias, who had the command of Idumea, with intent to give him battle, [2 Mac. 12. 32, 33. cum 1 Mac. 5. 65.]

In that fight few of the Jews were slain: yet when Dositheus, one of the Bacenors troup, a stout man, had taken Gorgias prisoner, and apprehending him by his coate of male, led him away, a Thracian trouper made up toward him, and cut off his shoulder, and rescued Gorgias, that accursed miscreant, who made his escape into into Marissa: but when they that followed Esdris (one of Judas his Captains) were wearied with long fighting; Judas, after he had called upon the Lord, and sang Psalms and Hymns in his mother-tongue, set upon Gorgias his forces unawars, and made them flee, [2 Mac. 12. 33, 37.]

Then having after the victory called together his army, he withdrew to the City Odullam: and when the seventh day was come, they purified themselves, and kept the Sabbath. The day following, when Judas his souldiers had gathered up the bodies of those that fell in the battle, with an intent to bury them, they found under every ones coate, things consecrated to the Idols of the Jamnites; which was prohibited the Jews by their Law, [Deut. 7. 25, 26.] So that it was clear and evident to all, that this was the cause of their miscarriage. Hereupon they betook themselves unto prayer, foreign, beseeching God, That sin might be utterly rooted out; or, (as the Arundel book, and the Aldiu edition reads it) foreign; They beseeched God, that they might not be utterly razed out for that sin: moreover, they made a contribution of two, or three, (as the Greek Arundel, and my own Syriac book, or twelve, as the Latine copies have it) thousand drachms of silver and sent to Jerusalem, to provide a sinoffering, [Ibid. 38, 43.]

The Judas with his brethren went against the sons of Esau, Year of the World d. and discomfited them in the South (of Judea,) and smote Hebron, with the villages thereof, dismantled the fortification, and fired the towers round about. From thence he removed, purposing to go into the land of the Philistins, and passed throw Samaria. At that time certain Priests desirous to shew their valour, and not going very wisely to work, were slain in a p. 448skirmish. Then Judas declined toward Azotus, into the land of stranges or Philistins, and when he had overturned their altars; burnt their graven images, and taken away the spoiles of the Cities, he returned into Judea, [1 Mac. 5. 65, 68.]

When Antiochus his souldiers which were garrisoned in the Tower at Jerusalem, had blocked up the Jews round the Sanctuary, alwayes studying which way they could annoy them, and strengthen the heathen: Judas and all the people besieged them in the 150 year of the Greeks, having planted their battery—and engines; howbeit some of the besieged got forth (to whom also certain wicked Israelites joyned themselves) and prevailed with Antiochus Eupator the King, speedily to oppose himself against that swelling power of the Jews, [1 Mac. 6. 18, 27.]

Hereupon the King summoned together all his friends, and the Commanders of his army, and Masters of his house: and to these repaired forces from other kingdoms, and from the Islands or sea coasts: So that his whole power consisted of 100000 Foot, and 20 thousand Horse, and 32 Elephants, trained up for war, [ibid. 28, 29, 30.] But in the second book of the Maccab. we read, how that in the 149 year (of the account, viz. of the Contracts) the tidings was brought to Judas Maccabeus, that Antiochus Eupator was gone against Judea provided with Greek forces, to the number of 110000 Foot, and 5300 Horse, 22 Elephants, and 300 Chariots with hooks, [2 Maccab. 13▪ 1, 2.]

Menelaus the Usurping High Priest sided with this power, feeding himself with fond hopes of obtaining from Eupator that honour which hitherto he had but the empty title of, [2 Mac. 13. 3.]

King Eupator came with a mind highly enraged, resolving to bring far greater mischief upon the Jews, than ever his father had done: which when Judas heard of, he commanded the people, That they should call upon God night and day, that he would vouchsafe them his wonted assistance: and then having called a Council of war, he resolved to march against the King, and encamp about Modin, [2 Mac. 13, 9, 14.]

The Kings army having marched thorough Idumea, assaulted Bethsura, with their engines: but the Bethsurans sallied forth, and fired them, and fought with them valiantly. As for Judas, he pitched in Bethzachariah, over against the Kings Camp, [1 Mac. 6. 31, 32.] and when he had given the watch-word to his men, Victories are from God, taking along with him some of his choicest men, he attempted by night the enemies Camp, and pierced as far as the Kings own pavilion: he slew at this bout, near 4000 men, and their prime Elephant, with all that were upon him: upon the dawn of the morning, he drew off, and departed with good successe, having thereby transfaced a dread and a horror clean thorough the enemies Camp, [2 Maccab. 13. 15, 16, 17.]

Then the King early in the morning, marched apace with his army, and pitched near Bethzachariah: where he drew up his men into battalia, and ordered that the juyce of grapes and mulberies should be set before the Elephants, supposing thereby to render them more fierce upon the fight. These beasts were disposed through the army, and to each beast, was assigned 1000 Foot well appointed, and 500 Horse: in their wooden castles which every one of them carried on his back, were 32 souldiers, besides the Indian which guided him: Their armour made such a glorious shew, that the neighbouring hills glistered by reason of the reflexion of the Sun-beams upon their sheilds of gold and brasse, [1 Mac. 6. 33, 41.]

Judas and his army engaged the enemy, and killed of the Kings Party 600 men. At which time, Eleazar, sirnamed Savaran, (or Avaran rather, Judas his brother [1 Mac. 2. 5.] observing an Elephant in royal harnesse, and taller than any of his fellows, and supposing the King was upon his back, made up toward him, slaughtering his enemies on both hands, and crept under his belly, and slew him; but he himself was pressed to death with the fall of the beast upon him; But the Jews perceiving the vast power of the King, and the strength of his Forces, turned away from them, [1 Maccab. 6. 42, 47.]

The King upon his return to the siege of Bethsura, was sometimes put to flight (by Judas) other whiles in skirmishes, he retreated with losse. But Judas neglected not to relieve the besieged, and to send them such things as they stood in need of. Rhodius, one of the Jewish army, sent intimation hereof to the enemy; hereupon inquiry being made, he was seized on, put upon the rack, and kept in prison. Then the King parlyed the second time with the Bethsurans, and inclined them to resign unto him, [2 Mac. 13. 19, 22.] After the peace thus concluded, betwixt them, they all marched out of the City, being forced to surrender for want of provision to sustain the siege; for that year was the Sabbatical year, in which it was not lawful to sow their land. But the King after he had taken Bethsura, placed a Garrison therein to keep it, [1 Maccab. 6. 49, 50.]

p. 449Thence the Kings army went up to Jerusalem, and encamped against Mount Sion, and the Sanctuary many dayes together, and planted his Attillery with Engines, and instruments to cast fire and stone, and pieces to hurle darts, and slings: whereupon the besieged counter-made these Engines, with others of their own, and held them play a long while: but victuals began to grow scant with them both, in regard that this was the seventh year, and also because they in Iudea which were delivered from the Gentiles, had eaten up the residue of their store: very few were left in the Sanctury, because the famine prevailed to mightily amongst them, that they were forced to disperse themselves into severall places. [1 Macchab. 6. 51, 54. Iosephus. lib. 11. cap. [14.]

In the mean time, Philip, whom Antiochus Epiphanes had by his last Testament nominated Tutour to his son Eupator, and under him appointed over the affairs of that whole kingdom, (being returned out of Egypt) came out of Media and Persia, with the forces which Epiphanes had left there, [1 Maccab. 3. 37.] purposely to recover by force his right which Lysias had usurped. [1 Maccab. 4. 55, 56. 2 Maccab. 13. 23.]

When Lysias heard hereof, he perswaded the King and the Commanders of the army, to make peace with the whole nation of the Jews, and to permit them to enjoy their own constitutions, as in former times: in regard, that their army lessened every day, the provision for the Camp failed, the place which they besieged was well fortified, and the affairs of their own kingdom were urgent and important. [1 Maccab. 6, 57, 58, 59.]

The Kings and his great ones, assenting to what Lysias had moved, sent in to the besieged, about articles of peace: the conditions were accepted of, and the Covenants confirmed with an oath. Whereupon the besieged marched out of the Garrison, and the King entred Mount Sion, offered sacrifice, honoured the Temple, and dealt kindly with the place: But in a while after, when he had well considered the strength of the place, he brake his oath, and gave order to pull down the wall round about. [Ibid. 60, 61, 62. cum 2 Maccab. 13. 23.]

The King appointed Maccabeus, or (as the Greek context bears it, and my Syriack Interpreter hath it) Higemonides rather, Generall of his army from Ptolomais to the Gerrhenians, [2 Maccab. 13. 24.] or as far as Egypt; whose boundary is the mountain Gerur, by Ptolomies assignment.

While the King was come to Ptolemais, the Ptolemaians (who allwayes bare a deadly hatred to the Jews, as appears by the History, 1 Maccab. 12. 48.) were heartily vexed at the peace made with Iudas, and in a rage, would needs have nulled the Covenant. But Lysias went up to the judgement-seat, where he so well defended the matter, that be appeased the tumult, and pacified the Citizens. [2 Maccab. 13. 25, 26.] Josephus, at the close of the 14 book of his Antiquities, sayes, That the Soveraigntie of the Hasmoneans lasted 26 years, to the taking of Jerusalem by Herod, and the slaying of Antigonus, for (as Herod hath it in the same Authour, lib. 17, and the same work, cap. 8.) one year lesser. But that fell out the 126 year from this time, so that the investure of the commanding power in the Hasmoneans took its rise from the time of the peace, agreed on betwixt Antiochus and Maccabeus.

From the Autumn began the year of accounts of the contracts, Year of the World 3842. a. CL. which the Collector of the second book of the Maccabees, makes use of.

Antiochus Eupator, with Lysias his Guardian, hastening to Antioch, [1 Maccab. 6. 63. 2 Maccab. 13. 26.] brought along with him as prisoner, Menelaus the High Priest, [Iosephus, lib. 12. cap. 15.] whom Lysias had accused as the sole incendiary of the whole Iewish war, and the first promoter of all their evils. Whereupon, by expresse from the King, he was sent to Berrhea in Syria, where he was let down into a Tower filled with ashes, and so dyed a death worthy of his life. [2 Maccab. 13. 4, 8.]

This wretched Menelaus thus taken out of the way (the tenth year after his first usurping the Priesthood) at Berhea, (as it is truly written in Iosephus, pa. 421. and not as in pag. 700, erroneously at Beryticen.) the King substituted another in his room, every whit as bad as the former; Alcimus or Jacimus by name: Priest indeed he was of Aarons progeny, but not of the High Priests blood. Lysias, having perswaded the King to transfer that dignity into another family. Ioseph. Antiq. lib. 12. cap. 15. & lib. 20. cap. 8.]

Onias, son of Onias the third, High Priest, seeing the High Priesthood was confered upon Alcimus, went into Egypt, and after he had well insinuated himself into the affections of Ptolemei Philometor, and Cleopatra his wife, obtained of them leave to build a Temple to God, in the Jurisdiction of Heliopolis, answering that of Hirusalem, and that they would also constitute him High Priest there. Thus Iosephus delivers the businesse, in the forecited places of this work of the Iewish Antiquities, recanting what p. 450he had formerly writ in his work of the Iewish wars. [lib. 1. cap. 1. & lib. 7. c. 37. al 30.] Viz. Onias his flight, and his building the Temple in Egypt, to have fallen out whilst Antiochus Epiphanes was living.

About this time, Ptolemei Philometor, and his younger brother Ptolemei Euergetes II. fell at high variance: the Senate of Rome wrote letters to their Ambassadors. Cn. Octavius, Sp. Lucretius, and L. Aurelius, to do what in them lay, to compose the differences: [Polib. Legat. 107.] For after they had joyntly six years together reigned peaceably, the younger brother cast off Philometor, and ruled alone. [Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger. pag, 54. & 225.]

He, being deprived of his kingdom, repaired to Rome for his relief, with a very slender retinue, and in a neglected garb. [Valer. Maxim. lib. 5. cap. 1.] As he was on his his way to the City on foot, he was taken notice of by Demetrius, Seleucus his son: who, much troubled at the sight, presently provided a Royal Robe, a Diadem, and a Horse, adorned with golden furniture, and thus attended with his own servants, made toward Ptolemei, meeting him 26 miles from the City: After a civill salute, he advised him to put on these princely ornaments, and to enter Rome somewhat like himself, least happily he might appear contemptible. Ptolemei indeed thanked him extreamly for his good will toward him, but was so far from taking any of those things which he had brought him, as that he desired him rather to give him leave to retire a while with Archias in some one of those towns which lay in the way. [Diod. Sicul. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 322.]

At length he came to Rome, having taken up his lodging at an Alexandrian Painters house: as soon as the Senate heard of it, they sent for him, and made a most exact apology, for that they neither had, according to the usuall custom, sent the Quaestor to wait upon him, nor had entertained him upon the publick account: avowing, That those omissions were not to be imputed to any disrespect of theirs towards him, but meerly to his own coming so suddenly upon them, and so privately. Hereupon, they conducted him out of the Court, unto the house of publick entertainment, and perswaded him to put off those his sordid weeds, and pitch upon a day for audience: they also took care that Presents might be sent unto him dayly by the treasurers, so that by their severall civillities, they did, as it were by so many distant steps, advance Ptolemei from that low condition he was in, to his former kingly eminency, and occasioned unto him far greater ground of triumphing in the hopes he had of Romes assistance, than of fear considering the meanesse of his fortune. [Val. Max. ut sup.]

As soon as Cn. Octavius and Spurius Lucretius, the Roman Legates came to Ariarathes, King of the Cappadocians, they enquired into the contestation which was betwixt him and the Galatians. He, in few words, opened the whole case to them, adding withall, That he was willing to acquiesse in their umpirage. But the greatest part of his speach was concerning the affars of Syria, knowing that Octavius was bound thither. He shewed them also in what a tottering condition that state was in, and how great correspondence there was betwixt himself and the great ones there. He profered also to attend upon them with his forces, and to be ready and forward upon all occasions, untill they were returned safe out of Syria. The Kings good will and forwardnesse to accommodate them, was much resented by the Legates: yet they told him, That at present they had no need of his company, but in case of some future emergency, if there might be occasion for it, they would not scruple to send unto him, whom they would for ever hereafter put into the list of such which are reputed most sincere friends to the Romans. [Polyb. Legat. 108.]

As for the commotions in Syria, King Eupator, by the help of his Guardian Lysias, had quickly pacified them. For he, upon his return to Antioch, finding Philip in command there, fought him, and took the City, [Maccab. 6. 93.] where also, after he had gotten Philip into his clutches, he put him to death. [Josephus lib. 12. cap. 15.]

Octavius Lucretius, Year of the World b. and Aurelius, The Julian Period. 4552 the three Roman Legates (according to their instructions received from the Senate upon their coming into Syria) took care that the Elephants should be slain, Year before Christ 162 and the Nayy fired, and managed all things else to the Roman interest. This lay heavy upon the stomack of one Leptines, and therefore with his own hand, he stabbed Cn. Octavius, the prime Legate at Laodicea, as he was anointing himself in the place of exercise: he vouched the fact, as lawfully done, and not, but by the instigation of the gods. This Octavius was the first that en-nobled that family with the consulship, from whence Caesar Augustus afterward descended. Lysias, Eupators Guardian (who was reputed the chief incendiary of the people against the Romans) took care for the intertainment of Octavius: and forthwith dispatched Legates, in the Kings, to Rome, which might excuse the fact and evidence the Kings innocency, as p. 451not being any whit accessory thereunto. [Polyb. Legat. 114. & 122. Cicero. Philippic. 9. App…an. Syriac. pag. 117. Zonar. ex Dione.] Julius Obsequiens, in his book De Prodigus, confirms this killing of Octavius, as happening in the time of Marcius and Scipio, being Consuls.

There was at that time in Syria, one Isocratis a Grammarian, of the company of those that were wont to make publick recitations, a prating Braggadocio, and one that was hatefull to the Grecians themselves, whom Alcaeus in his publick contestations did use wittily to provoke and jear. He, as soon as he came unto Syria, began to vilify the Syrians, as people of none of the soundest head-pieces, and not containing himself within the bounds of his profession, began to treat of state-matters, and to give his judgement therein: for he did not onelyonly defend the justice of Cn. death, but moved also that the massacre might be extended to the other Legates of the people of Rome, that not so much as one might survive to carry tidings thereof to Rome; that they might by this be brought to abate of their arrogancy, in controling others, and surcease this their over-bold usurpations of soveraignty every where. [Polyb. Legat. 122.]

The Romans (by their Embassadors, Canuleius and Quintus) restored Ptolemei Philometor to his kingdom; and reconciled him to his younger brother Euergetes: having decreed that the kingdom should be divided betwixt them: Philometor was to take Egypt and Cyprus for his share, Euergetes Cyrene: this agreement was confirmed by all religious ceremonies, and by the mutuall plighting of their faith each to other: Notwithstanding, all this Euergetes hastened away to Rome, in designe of nulling the Covenant: whereupon Philometor also sent Menethillus of Alabanda, as his Lagate thither, as his advocate and proxie in this his contest with Euergetes. [Polyb. Legat. 113. & 114. Liv. lib. 46. Zonar. ex Dione.]

Ariarathes, King of Cappadocia, deceased, his son Ariarathes sur-named Philopator succeded, by right of inheritance, to the Crown: who as soon as he had solemnized his fathers funeral with the highest magnificence that could be, he sent his Legates to Rome, about renewing the league and allyance with that people of Rome. He was first called Mithridates, but after he came to age, by his fathers name Ariarathes. At his coming to the Crown, he treated his Friends, Nobles and Subjects, with what respect was fitting, so that he soon won the affections of all persons, of what quality soever. And in regard that he was experienced in the Greek, and studied philosophy, Cappadocia (never before known to the Grecians) soon became a receptacle for learned men. [Livie lib. 46. Diodor. Sicul. in Bibliotheca, Phocy. cod. 244. & Excerp. Vales. pag. 325.]

From Spring-tide began the CLI year of the kingdom of the Grecians, Year of the World c. which is used in the first book of the Maccabees.

When the Ambassadors of Ariaraches, the new King of Cappadocia, were arrived at Rome, they moved the Senate, that they would embrace their King with all love and affection. who alwayes, both abroad and at home, wished well to all the Romans: the Senate did not onelyonly renew the league and amity, as was requested; but highly commed the Kings inclination, and entertained the Ambassadors very civilly: after that Tiberius Gracchus (of whom mention was made in the 3838 year of the World) returned from his Embassie in Asia, had related many notable expressions of the affections of this King, and of his father, and indeed of the whole kingdom, toward the people of Rome. [Polyb. Legat. 109.]

The Rhodians (by Cleagoras and Lygdamis their Embassadors at Rome) requested that they might be permitted to hold Lycia and Caria, upon the same terms as formerly. [Id. Legat. 110.]

For at what time the Calyndians in Caria revolted from the Caunii (whereupon the Caunii attempted to besiege them) at the first indeed they required assistance from the Cnidyans, and by that association made shift for a while, to hold the enemy play: but being doubtfull of the issue of the war, they dispatched an Embassie to the Rhodians, wherein they yielded themselves and their City into their hands. The Rhodians accepted of the profer, and accordingly sent supplies both by sea and land, raised the siege, and took the City into their own jurisdiction. And the Senate soon after confirmed unto them the right and possession. [Id. Legat. 111.]

Ariarathes King of Cappadocia, understanding by his Legates, who were now returned from Rome, that he was assertained of the good will of the Romans, thought himself now fast-seated in his kingdom, offered to the gods Eucharisticall sacrifices, and feasted his Nobles. Moreover, he sent Ambassadors to Lysias at Antioch, to fetch the bones of his sister and mother (Antiochus the daughter of Antiochus the Great) concerning which business he gave instructions to the Embassadors upon their departure, joyned with intreaties and prayers, supposing it not seasonable to expostulate p. 452the businesse of Octavius his death (although he was much displeased at it) least if he should chance thereby to provoke Lysias, he might not have his request granted. Lysias gave way that he should have those reliques, which, as soon as they were brought unto him, he carryed them fourth in high solemnity, and was very carefull to lay them next his fathers tomb. [Id. Legat. 112.]

After the two Ptolemies (brothers) had parted the kingdom betwixt them: Ptolemei the younger comes to Rome, to invalidate the partition agreed upon with his brother, urging, That he did not voluntarily do as he was commanded, but, had yielded upon necessity, being forced thereto by the difficulty of the times: therefore he requested the Senate, That they would adjudge Cyprus to him: for, put the case it were so, yet would his portion be far worse than his brothers: on the other side, Menithyllus, Philometors Agent, declared, (which also the Roman Ambassadors themselves confirmed by their Testimony) How that the younger Ptolemei did not onelyonly hold Cyrene, but also his very life, by means of his brother, in regard that there was such a generall alienation of mens minds from him, that he might take it for a high favour, that the kingdom of Greece was quitted to him, which was more than he could hope for, or any man else, dream of. But upon Ptolemees contradicting what was urged, the Senate, partly considering, that the sharing of the kingdom was not as yet quite compleated, partly out of their own desire to have that kingdom divided, (that as occasion should serve, they might with lesse pains reduce it under their own power, when divided, than when united) granted the younger brothers demands, and forthwith sent their Lagats (Titus Torquatus and Cn. Merula) with instructions to reconcile the two brothers, and to give Cyprus to the younger. [Id. Legat. 113.]

When news was brought to Rome of the killing of Cn. Octavius, and the Legates of Antiochus Eupator, which Lysias sent, were arrived at Rome, and discoursed at large, shewings, That their King was in no wise conscious to the murder: the Senate sent the Legates back again, determining nothing upon the matter, because they would by no means reveal their minds, [Id. Legat. 114.] yet they ordered a Statue to be erected in the place of common pleas, to the memory of Octavius. [Philippic. 9.]

Demetrius, much affected with the news of that accident, sent for Polybius (the Historian) and advised with him, Whether or no, it were expedient to move the Senate afresh about his affairs; who admonished him to take heed of dashing himself twice against the same stone, telling him, That he had better adventure upon some noble exploit, worthy of a kingdom; hinting hereby, That he would have him steal away from Rome as soon as he could. But he, following the counsel of one Apollonius, his intimate acquaintance, (a good man indeed, but a very youth) came into the Senate, and requested, That he might at least have his liberty, and might not any longer be detained as hostage at Rome; seeing they had confirmed the kingdom unto Antiochus Eupator. The Senate for all this, remained peremptory in their decree: whereupon, Demetrius consulted first with Diodorus, (a subtill fellow, who came fresh out of Syria, and had had formerly the education of him) and then with Polybius, how he might make his escape. Menethyllus, Ptolemei Philometors Agent, (who by Polybius his means (with whom he was intimately acquainted) had been admitted into the Counsel, under pretence of providing for his return home-ward) openly hired a sacred ship of the Carthaginians, which was about to saile to Tyrus, to bring the first fruits of the Carthaginians, (as the manner was) to their ancestour-gods. When all things were in readinesse, Demetrius sent his Tutour Diodorus into Syria beforehand, to hear what the world talked, and to fell how the pulse of the people did beat. Himself taking onelyonly a few with him, which might be as companions to him in his journy, supped at a friends house with them, the rest he sent away to Anagnia, whither he said he would come a hunting the day following. [Polyb. Legat. 114.]

At this instant, Polybius lay sick a bed, who fearing least Demetrius, sitting over long at his cups, should let slip the oppertunity of escaping: night now drawing on, sent unto him a sheet now sealed up, with these intimations written in it,

foreign

foreign.

foreign,

foreign.

He that delayes, incurs the fates

Of night, bouldnesse successe creates.

Adventure, come what can, let all,

Rather than thou, thy self shouldst fall.

p. 453To which he added, that saying of Epicharmus (commended by Polybius, lib. 3. pag. 768. and by Cicero. ad Attic. lib. 1. Epist. 16.) foreign, be sober, and remember to trust noe body, these are the very shews of prudence. As soon as he read the note, he understood presently what those instructions meant, and from whom they came; and thereupon making shew as if he had been about to vomit, and had need to disgorge, he and his friends left the company: and communicating his design to Nicanor, and the rest of his friends, he came by night to Ostia, at the mouth of Tiber. Mennethyllus went before to the Mariners, and told them, That he received new instructions from the King, so that he must of necessity abide a while longer in the City: yet he would dispatch him unto certain young men of most approved fidelity, which should give him a full account of all the transactions of his brother. About the end of the third watch of the night, Demetrius comes with 8 companions, 5 servants and three lackeys: whom Menithyllus commended to the Master of the Ship, who knew nothing of the plot; they set sail about break of day, [Id. ibid.]

There was no thought at Rome of his departure until the fourth day following; and then they made strict inquiry after him, but could not find him: upon the fifth day, the Senate met upon the businesse; but Demetrius being now six dayes sail from the City, Year of the World c. was gone as far as the straite of Sicily. The Senate thought it would be to no purpose to follow after him, he having gotten so great a start of them: But within few dayes after, they set forth Tib. Gracchus, Lucilius Lentulus, and Servilius Glaucias, Ambassadors: whose employment was to see how things went in Greece; and passing from thence, to observe what Demetrius had in designe, as also to learn how other Kings stood affected, and to debate their differences with the Galatians [Ibid.]

In the mean time, Demetrius was got into Lycia: from whence he wrote to the Senate, That he marched not against Antiochus his Uncles son; but against Lysias, with a resolution to avenge Ocatvius his death. And having soon drawn Tripolis of Syria to be on his side, as if he had been sent by the Senate to take possession of the kingdom, (for no one dreamed of his escape) and being seized also of Apamea, he mustered all his Forces together, and made toward Antioch: where he killed the young youth (King Antiochus Eupator) and Lysias, as they were friendly coming out to meet him (for they did forbear to take up armes for fear of displeasing the Romans) [Zonar. ex Dione.] and being entertained with the applause of all in Syria, he obtained the kingdom, [Justin. lib. 34. cap. 3. Appian. in Syriac. pag. 117, 118.]

We read in the [1 Mac. 7. 1, 4.] how that in the 151 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, Demetrius, son of Seleucus, escaping from Rome, came with a few men to a City on the sea coast (viz. Tripoli of Phoenicia) and began to reign there: and that, as he entered into the Palace of his Ancestors, (at Antioch near Daphne, the Metropolis of Syria) his souldiers seized upon Antiochus and Lysias, who were by his command put to death. And in the [2 Mac. 14. 1, 2.] how that, after three years, or in the third year (from the begining of Antiochus Eupator, or the purging of the Temple by Judas Macc. of both which, mention is made in the beginning of the 10 cap. Judas was informed that Demetrius was arrived at the Haven of Tripolis, and with a great power, and navy, had taken the Country, and killed Antiochus, and his Tutour Lysias. But Josephus assigneth to Antiochus Eupator two years reign, [lib. 12. cap. 16.] so doth Eusebius also in his Chronicle) although Porphyrius [in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger. pag. 228.] and Sulpicius Serverus, [Histor. Sacr. lib. 2.] ascribe to him, one year onelyonly, and 6 moneths.

Demetrius, having removed Heraclidas (from the charge of the Treasury in Babylon, over which he was appointed by Antiochus Epiphanes) and put to death his brother Timarchus (who likewise was by the same Antiochus made Governour of Babylon) as a Rebel against him (who besides that, was very faulty in the discharge of his place there) was by the Babylonians first sirnamed Soter, [Appian. Syriac. pag. 118.]

Alcimus (who had obtained from Antiochus Eupator, Year of the World d. the grant of the High-Priesthood, but was not received by the people, in regard, that in the times of confusion under Antiochus Epiphanes, he willfully difiled himself, 2 Mac. 14. 3.) endeavouring to get the Pristhood confirmed upon him by Demetrius Soter, made his address unto the King, accompanied with other wicked and apostate Israelites, who maligned their country-men, and especially the Hasmoneans, as guilty of cutting off the Kings friends, and banishing them out of the Country. Demetrius resented their complaints; and thereupon sent Bacchides the Governour of Mesopotamia, his intimate and trusty friend, and with him, Alcimus (on whom he had setled the Priesthood) with a great force into Judea: when they had entred the Land, they thought to have over-reached Judas Maccabeus and his brethren by their fair speeches: but they gave no credit unto them, [1 Mac. 7. 5, 11.]

p. 454Then there assembled unto Alcimus and Bacchides, a company of Scribes, amongst whom the Hasideans were chief, that desired peace from them; for said they, One that is Priest of the seed of Aaron hath the conduct of this army, who will not do us any wrong. But after that they had put themselves into his hand; that wicked Priest, contrary to the agreement, and his oath, put threescore of them to death, all in one day: to this massacre, the Historian applies that of the Psalmist [Ps. 79. (al. 78.) 2, 3.] The flesh of thy Saints, have they (foreign cast out,) given to the beasts of the earth, and their blood have they shed round about Hierusalem, and there was none to bury them: by which perfidiousnesse many being terrified, fled from the City, [Ibid. 12, 19.]

Bacchides removed from Jerusalem, and encamped in Bezeth, or Bethzetha; from whence he sent and took many of those which had forsaken him, and certain of the people also (of the Jews) whom he slew, and cast into a deep pit. After, then he committed the Country to Alcimus his care, leaving him a sufficient force to assist him, and he himself returned back to the King. To Alcimus (who neglected no thing that might help to assure the Priesthood unto him) assembled all such as were disturbers of the people; who after they had brought the land of Juda under their power, made great havock in Israel: Hereupon Judas Maccab▪ went out into all the coasts of Judea round about, taking vengeance of all those that had revolted from him; and he got such a hand over them, that for ever after they kept close within their Garrisons, and durst not make any more incursions into the Country, [Ibid. 19, 24.]

Ptolemei the younger, coming out of Italy into Greece, hired from thence an army of very stout men, amongst whom he took with him one Damasippus, a Macedonian, who (after he had slain the Governours that sate in Council at Phaco, a Town of Macedonia) escaped thence as fast as he could, with his wife and children. Ptolemei, removing from those parts, came to Peraea, a Continent situate over against Rhodes: who, after he had been courteously treated by the people, he determined to set sail for Cyprus. But Torquatus and the rest of the Roman Legates, when they observed what a great strength of mercenary souldiers he had levyed, they began to consider the tenour of their instructions they had received from the Senate, whereby they were expressely charged to reduce him without blows. And at last prevailed with him, to disband his mercenaries, as soon as he had brought them to Sida, and to break off his intended voyage to Cyprus: and that he should do his best that they might meet with him about the borders of Cyprus. They themselves in the mean while were upon going to Alexandria, that they would work the King to a condescention to his requests, and that they would meet him at the place appointed, and bring the King himself along with them. These propositions had such influence upon Ptolemei the younger, that, despairing of reducing Cyrene, he dismissed the mercenary souldiery: And himself went directly to Crete, taking along with him Damasippus and Cn. Merula, one of the Embassadors: (where as soon as he had hired a thousand souldiers,) he departed to Libyna, and kept them at the Port of Apis, [Polyb. Legat. 115.]

In the interim, Torquatus, and Titus, being come to Alexandria, did what they could to perswade the Senior Ptolemei, to come to an agreement with his brother, and to yield Cyprus unto him. But upon Ptolemeis grant of some particulars, and lending a slight eare to others, meerly to gain him time, his younger brother who lay encamped (as was agreed upon) before Apis in Libyna, much displeased that as yet nothing was concluded concerning the resignation of Cyprus, sent Cn. Merula to Alexandria, hoping by his, and Torquatus his means, to accomplish his designs, [Id. ibid.]

Hipparchus Bithynus (never sufficiently extolled by Pliny who attempted to transmit unto posterity the exact number of the stars, Year of the World 3843. a. and reduce the constellations into order, by particular instruments of his own invention, thorough which he shewes, both their positions, and their magnitudes) [Plin. lib. 2. cap 26.] wrote in his book foreign, that in the 27 year of the third Calippic Periode, the 30 day of the Egyptian monethmonth Mesor, (Septemb. Julian 27.) about sun-set, the autumal equinoctial was observed by him, [Ptol. 3. lib. 2. cap. 2.]

From this Autumn, began the year CLI. of the account of the contracts: made use of the 2 book of the Maccab. In which year (for so the Greek Copies compute, and my Syriac Interpreter, where the Latin edition reads CL.) Alcimus is said to come to King Demetrius, presenting him with a golden Crown, a Palme, and Boughes also which were thought to be of the Temple, [2 Mac. 14. 3, 4.] For he, observing how greatly Judas Maccab. and the Assideans which were with him increased in power, and also because they would not suffer him to come near the holy Altar; having gotten opportunity, eagerly accused them to the king, as authors of all the commotions, and disturbers of the common peace in Judea, complaining most bitterly; That he was devested of the High-Priesthrod, which was the glory of his ancestors; and as long as Judas p. 455was living, he was confident Demetrius should never enjoy the kingdom quietly. This (being avouched by other of his friends, and most implacable enemies of Judas) so netled Demetrius, that he dispatched away Nicanor, General into Judea, with order to destroy Judas, disperse his associates the Assideans, and to settle Alcimus in the High-Priesthood: as for the Gentiles which fled out of Judea for fear of Judas, they came flocking to Nicanor, accounting the calamities which were like to fall upon the Jews, to be their onelyonly happinesse, [2 Maccab. 14. 3, 14. cum 1 Maccab. 7. 25, 26.]

The Jews, upon report of Nicanors approach, and of the association of the Gentiles with him, cast dust upon their heads, and made their supplication to God. But after a short skirmish betwixt Simon (Judas his brother) and Nicanor near the village Dessaro: Nicanor, hearing the brute of the prowesse and valour of Judas and his company in defending their Country, was somewhat timerous of running the hazard of a war. Therefore he sent Posidonius, Theodotus, and Matthias, to parlee with them upon mutual engagements of fidelity, each to the other. When they had well debated the matter amongst themselves, Judas propounded it to the people, who with unanimous consent approved the Articles. The day was fixed, whereon Judas and Nicanor were to meet, the one with the other: yet Judas was somewhat jealous of the enemy, and thereupon disposed of some armed men into several conventent places, which might be as a security, in case any violence should be attempted contrary to engagement. But the conference proved very peaceable, and closed in a league without the kings privity. Nicanor, after this, abode a while in Jerusalem, and dismissed the companies which he had before collected: he lived so friendly and familiarly with Judas, that he perswaded him to marry a wife, [2 Mac. 14. 15, 25.]

As soon as that wretched Catiff Alcimus observed this their mutual correspondence, and meetings together, he addressed himself the third time to Demetrius, and complained of Nicanor, as having in agitation some treacherous design against the king: who was so enraged by these calumnies, that he wrote immediately to Nicanor, to let him know, that he took very ill, those his intercourses with Judas Maccab. comanding him withal, forthwith to send away Judas bound to Antioch: which although he was very loath to do, in regard it was a violation of their Articles of peace, seeing Judas had not in the least manner transgressed; yet, because he knew not to gainsay the king, he watched for a convenient time to execute the kings command by a stratagem, [ibid. 26, 29.]

Whilst Ptolemei Philometor with his high complements detaines the Roman Legates at Alexandria fourty dayes, rather against, than with, their wills, nothing of businesse being dispatcht: the Cyreneans revolted from Euergetes the younger brother, and with them some other Cities also conspired. The Egyptian Ptolemei (whom Euergetes had appointed over the whole Realme, when he sailed away unto Rome) being no stranger to the businesse; when tidings hereof was brought to Euergetes, and more also, that the Cyreneans were already with an army in the field, fearing least, whilst he endeavours to adde Cyprus to his Dominions, he should loose Cyrene; he layes aside the thoughts of all other matters, and leaving Apis, where his Navy lay in harbour, he sailed to the great Catabathmus, as they call it; intending from thence to reach Cyrene. But finding the straite in Catabathmus kept by the Libynians and the Cyreneans; he shipped half his men, and gave them orders to sail about those narrow places, and to fall upon the enemy unawars: he himself with the other Brigade of his army, charging them in the Van, endeavoured to gain the hill. But as soon as the Libynians perceived they were surrounded on all sides, they quitted their stations: so that the king did not onelyonly get a free passe to the top of the hill; but also reduced a strong hold, having 4 towers which lay in the bottom, wherein was great plenty of waters, [Polyb. Legat. 115.]

From thence he marched clean thorough the Wildernesse in seven dayes: the souldiers which were under Mochyrinus following him by Sea; the Cyreneans upon his approach, drew out their army against him, consisting of 8000 Foot, and 500 Horse. For they, guessing what Philometors mind was, by what he had done at Alexandria: and seeing nothing of a king in Euergetes, but that all his administrations were tyrannical, could by no means be perswaded, freely to yield themselves unto him: whereupon they gave him battle, Year of the World b. and overcame him, [Ibid.]

Judas Maccab. observing how Nicanor was grown more reserved than formerly, and his dealings more rough than usually they had been: he bethought with himself, that this churlishnesse could not portend any good, and therefore having gathered together many of his associates, he withdrew himself from his sight, [2 Mac. 14. 30.]

Nicanor, coming to Jerusalem with great Forces, and by his fair speeches drew Judas to a treaty. Howbeit, whilst they were saluting one the other civilly, the enemy had designed to seize upon Judas, and carry him away: which thing, when it was known p. 456to Judas, he was sore afraid of him, and would see his face no more. When Nicanor saw his purpose was discovered, he marched against Judas, to fight him beside Capharsalama: where there fell of Nicanors party near five thousand men, and the rest fled to the City of David. [1 Mac. 7. 27, 32.]

After this went Nicanor to Mount Sion, where there met him out of the Sanctuary, certain of the Priests, and Elders of the people, to salute him peaceably, and to shew him the burnt sacrifice that was offered for the King; but he slighted and scoffed at them, & commanded them to deliver up Judas unto him. And when they professed with an oath, that they knew not what was become of him; he stretched forth his right hand toward the Temple, and swore, unlesse Judas and his forces were delivered up into his hands, when he returned in peace, he would set the house of God on fire, digge down the Altar, and erect in the same place another glorious Temple to Bacchus. Whereupon the Priests entered, and stood before the Altar, and the Temple, and with great lamentation beseeched God to frustrate Nicanors threats, and avenge his blasphemies. [1 Mac. 7. 33, 38. 2 Mac. 14. 31, 36.]

There was arrived unto Nicanor one Rhazis, one of the Elders of Jerusalem, who for his love and affection to the Citizens, was called, The Father of the Jews. Therefore Nicanor, (thinking that if he were dispatched out of the way, he could bring what calamities he pleased upon the Jews, sent about five hundred souldiers to take him: who when they had forced the outward gates of the Tower wherein he was, and had commanded to fire the other doors, he stabbed himself with his own sword: but when he perceived, that, by his making so much hast, his would was not mortall, he threw himself headlong from the wall; afterwards, running to a steep Rock, when he was allmost dead, he plucked out his bowels, and with both his hands, cast them amongst the throng, and so gave up the ghost. [2 Maccab. 14. 37, 46.] Touching which action, St. Augustine is to be consulted with, in his 61 Epistle to Dulichius, and lib. 2. against Gandentio, cap. 23.

When Nicanor saw that Judas was not in Jerusalem, but in the parts of Samaria, he marched from Jerusalem, and encamped in Bethoron, where a supply of forces met him out of Syria. But Judas pitched in Hadasa (30 furlongs off the enemy) with 3000 men. Nicanor did what he could to ingage in battle on the Sabbath day, and when he was presently admonished by some Jews (who were compelled to march with him) to give the reverence due to that day, and to God, the first institutor thereof, he with most horrid blasphemy, put by those that thus perswaded him. As for Maccab. he encouraged his party out of the Law and the Prophets; and moreover, recalling to their minds their former encounters, and declaring unto them a dream of his, wherein there was represented unto him Onias, (who was High Priest, the third of that name) praying for the people, and the Prophet Jeremy reaching unto him a golden sword, he cheared up their spirits. Whereupon, being well armed with prayers and sure confidence in God, on the 13 day of the 12 monethmonth Adar, the fell upon the enemy. Nicanor himself was the first that fell in the fight: whereupon, the rest threw away their arms, and betook themselves to their heels. The Jews had the pursuit of them one dayes journy, even from Hadasa to Gazera, sounding an alarme after them with their Trumpets. Whereat all the Jews, out of the severall Towns round about, hasted to the slaughter of their flying enemies: so that no lesse than 35 thousand of them were slain by the sword, not so much as one single person remaining alive of the whole army. Then they fell upon the spoil, and took the prey, and cut off Nicanors head and arms with the shoulder, and brought them to Jerusalem, where they hung his head upon a high Tower, with his right hand, which he had so proudly stretch forth against the house of God: Judas also commanded the tongue of this wicked fellow to be cut out, chopped in piece, and to be given to the birds of the air. In commemoration of this victory, it was enacted by a general Decree, That a great solemnity should be kept yearly upon the 13 day of the 12 monethmonth, called in the Syriac, Adar: the day before the feast of Mordecai. [1 Mac. 7. 39, 49. 2 Mac. 15. 1, 37. Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 17.]

Here ends the History continued in the second book of the Maccabees: wherein is comprehended a breviary of the five books of Jason, a Jew of Cyrene. After Nicanors death Judea for a while had rest from wars, [1 Mac. 7. 50.] during which time, Judas Maccabeus, hearing of the great power of the Romans, and their humanity towards any that were in distresse; having learned also, in how great fear Demetrius stood of them, sent Eupolemus the son of John, and Jason son of Eleazar, as Agents to the Senate at Rome, in the name of him, his brother, and the Common-wealth of the Jews, to negotiate an association and alliance with the people of Rome, hoping thereby to free their necks from that heavy yoak of King Demetrius, and the Empire of the Greeks. [1 Maccab. 8. 5. 17, 18, 31, 32.]

Cneus Merula, being at length returned from Alexandria to Euergetes, told him, that his brother Philometor would not condescend to any of his demands, urging, That p. 457they must hold to the Covenants, which were ratified at first. Euergetes, hearing this, commanded away Comanus, and his brother Ptolemei, as his Legates to Rome, with Merula: who were to treate with the Senate concerning the injury done him by his brother, and to acquaint them with his contempt of the people of Rome. As they were upon their way thither, they met with Titus Torquatus (Cn. Merula his Collegue in the Embassie) who likewise was dismissed from Alexandria, without compleating the businesse he went about. At the same time also Menithylius of Alabanda was sent Agent to the Senate from Philometor, [Polyb. Legat. 116, & 117.]

After Demetrius heard that Nicanor and his whole army were cut off in the Fight; he dispatched Bacchides and Alcimus, the second time into Judea, and with them the right wing, or the better part of his army, who marching on the way that leads to Galgala; encamped in Maesaloth (al. Massadoth) which is in Arbela, and having taken it, put multitudes to the sword, [1 Mac. 9. 1, 2.]

On the first monethmonth of the 152 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, they removed toward Jerusalem (to seek out Judas Maccabeus) and from thence they marched to Berea (or Beerzath, as it is in the Arundel Copy) with 20 thousand Foot, and 2 thousand Horse. But Judas pitched in Eleasa, having 3000 choice men with him: who seeing the number of the enemy so great, were fore afraid; whereupon many of them conveyed themselves away from him, insomuch, that 800 onelyonly remained in the Camp. With these few he charged Bacchides vast army, and fought from morning till night: and at last routed his right wing, in which Bacchides himself was, and pursued them unto Mount Azotus. But those on the left wing following upon Judas, and those which were with him; slew Judas, fighting valiantly, and as soon as he fell, the rest fled away. Then Jonathan and Simon took up the corps of their brother Judas, and buried it in the Sepulchre of their fathers at Modin: and Israel made lamentation for him many dayes, [1 Mac. 9. 3, 21.] Judas was slain the sixth year, after the death of his father Mattathias.

After the death of Judas, wicked men discovered themselves in all the coasts of Israel, who before played least in sight, for fear of Judas: and by reason of the great famine which happned in those dayes, the whole Country, joyned with them, and submitted themselves to Bacchides, that they might the more commodiously be supplied with provisions. Bacchides advanced those wicked men to be Lords of the Country, who when they light upon any of Judas his friends, brought them to him to be tormented and reviled: So that, there was great affliction in Israel, the like was not, since the time the Prophets ceased from amongst them, [1 Mac. 9. 23, 27.]

In the mean time the Legates which were sent to Rome from Judas Maccab. concluded a peace and association with the people of Rome, and the Articles were writ in tables of brasse, to this effect. That the Jews should assist the Romans, and the Romans the Jews against the common enemy. The Senate also wrote letters to King Demetrius, that he should forbear to oppresse the Jews any farther: otherwise they would wage war with him, both by sea and land, in vindication of that People who was now their friend and confederate, [1 Mac. 8. 19, 32.] And to this, relates that passage of Justin concerning the Jews, [lib. 36. cap. 3.] When they had revolted from Demetrius, (having procured allyance with the Romans) they of all the Eastern people first obtained their liberty; the Romans at that time being very free in giving away that which was none of their own.

Josephus, [lib. 12. Antiq. cap. 17.] observes that this was the first league that was ever known to be betwixt the Romans and the Jews: which is there expressed in other words, by this forged subscription, also being added thereto. This Decree of the Senate was writ by Eupolemus, son of John, and Jason, son of Eleazar (the Jews Agents) when Judas was High-Priest, and his brother Simon General. As if any body else had been General, whilst Judas was living besides Judas himself: or admit there had been, Had it not been more probable that Jonathan would have been the person, rather than Simon, who had it not till after Jonathans decease? For what was a little before written by Josephu…, how that upon Alcimus his death, the people by common suffrage gave the High-Priesthood to Judas, appears out of [1 Mac. 9. 54, 55, 56.] to be a clear mistake; for there it is evidently shewed, that Alcimus died after Judas: and Josephus himself (recanting afterwards his errour) relates, That Jacimus or Alcimus had no successour at all; but that Hierusalem was destitute of a High-Priest seven whole years together, [Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 8. pag. 701.]

After a long debate in the Senate, betwixt the Legats of both the Ptolemeis: when Titus and Cnaeus (who were by the Romans sent Embassadors unto them) had by their evidence, and with all favour and industery promoted Euergetes his cause; the Senate ordered, That within five dayes Menithyllus Philometors Legate, should depart from Rome: and the League which was betwixt them and Philometor, should be void. They sent also Publius Apustius, Year of the World d. and Caius Lentulus, Embassadors to Euergetes: who p. 458forthwith went to Cyrene, and with great care informed him what was done. This pufft him up with fresh hopes, so that presently he levyed an army, and set all his wits a working, how to get Cyprus into his hands, [Polyb. Legat. 117.]

All Judas Maccab. his friends meeting together, chose in his room, his brother Jonathan (sirnamed Apphus) for their General. Bacchides, as soon as he heard of it, contrived how to destroy him; but Jonathan and his brother Simon, and those that were with him having notice thereof, to prevent him, fled into the Desert of Tekoa, and encamped by the poole of Asphar: then Jonathan sent his brother Iohn, (sirnamed Gaddis) with a band of souldiers, to desire the Nabathites (Arabians) that they might leave their carriages with them, for they were very many: But the children of Jambri out of Medaba met with them upon the way, and falling upon them, slew John and his comapany, and having seized on the spoile, went their way. But these pillagers joy lasted not very long: for when Jonathan and his brother Simon heard that those sons of Jambri kept a great wedding, and were bringing the Bride from Nadabath in great pomp, and a long traine of Nobles (for she was daughter to a Prince in Canaan) they rose out of the place where they lay in ambush, and falling fiercely upon them, slew 400. made the rest flee to the mountains, and seized on all their spoile. After they had in this manner fully avenged the blood of their brother, they marched back again to the marshes of Jordan, [1 Maccab. 9. 28, 42. Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 1.]

Bacchides followed Jonathan at the heeles, and came upon the Sabbath day to the Banks of Jordan, with a great army. Both the armies engaged, and in the fight Jonathan reached forth his arme to strick Bacchides, but he warily waved the blow: yet there fell of his men in that day, about a 1000, (or 2000 as Josephus gives up the account) Jonathan, perceiving he was not able to deal with that vast power of the enemy, he and his men leaped into Jordan, and got over to the other side; neither did the enemy attempt to follow him. As for Bacchides he returned to Jerusalem, and built fenced Cities in Judea, and a Fort in Jericho, Emmaus, Bethoron, Bethel, Thamnatha, Pharathoni, Tephon, and strengthened them with high walls, gates, and bars: he garrisoned them all, that by their sallies and incursions, they might prejudice the Israelits. He fortified also Bethsura, and Gazara, and the Tower at Jerusalem; supplying them with men and provision. And having seized upon the chief mens sons in the Country for hostages, he put them in ward in the Tower at Jerusalem, [1 Mac. 9. 43, 53. Joseph. ut supr.]

When Mithrobuzanes, one of the sons of Zadriades, King of the lesser Armenia had escaped to Ariarathes King of Cappadocia; Artaxias King of the greater Armenia (whom Antiochus Epiphanes had conquered) hankering after his kingdom, by an Embassie to Ariarathes, sollicited him to side with him; and by murdering the one of the two brothers, whom he had under his power at that time, that he would divide Sophene between them. But Ariarathes abhorring such a piece of treachery, sharply rebuked the Legates, and by letters to Artaxias, admonished him to forbear such a villanous design: and moreover, he restored Mithrobuzanes to his fathers kingdom, [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. H. Valesii, pag. 325.]

Ariarathes received Tiberius Gracchus, Year of the World 3844. a. Lucius Lentulus, and Servilius Glaucius, the Roman Legates in Cappadocia, very royally, [Polyb. Legat. 119.] Thither Demetrius Soter sent Menocharis, to the end, that he should seriously debate with the Roman Legates about the setling of his kingdom, [Id. Legat. 120.] He profered also to King Ariarathes marriage with his sister, (Dowager of Perseus King of the Macedonians) but he refused the motion, foreseeing he might thereby give offence to the Romans, [Diodor. Sicul. Legat. 24. Justin. lib. 35. cap. 1.]

After Menocharis was returned to Demetrius at Antioch, Year of the World b. and had given account of his conferences with the Roman Legates; The Julian Period. 4554 the King deeming it very necessary (as his condition was at present) by all means possible to engage and endear unto him the Roman Legates, Year before Christ 160 laying aside all other matters: first sent to them into Pamphylia, then again to Rhodes; protesting, that he would do whatever lay in his power for the Roman interest, if he could but procure from them, the Title of King. Tiberius, who wished well to him from his heart, helped him much in the grant of his suite, and obtaining the right of Sovereignty, [Polyb. Legat. 120.]

Leptines (who had stabbed Cn. Octavius the Roman Legat at Laodicea) went to King Demetrius, and intreated him, not to be troubled at the death of Cnaeus, nor to proceed to any extremity against the Laodiceans, upon that account; for he himself had resolved to go to Rome, and avouch before the Senate, that he had done the act, and that with the good liking of the gods. And because he went chearfully, and of his own accord: he was brought from thence to Rome, without either bond or guard. As for Isocrates the Grammarian, who by his malapert tongue had drawn upon himself that misfortune, as soon as ever information was given against him, he grew distracted, p. 459and became stark mad: but when he saw the gyves put about his neck, and the shackles applyed, then began he to abridge himself of his daily repast, and wholly to neglect his attire and garb, [Polyb. Legat. 122.]

In the 153 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, Year of the World c. the second monethmonth, Alcimus commanded to pull down the wall of the inward court, which severed the court of the people, from that other of the Gentiles: It was built by Zerobabel and the Prophets: But God stopped the mouth of that prophane High-Priest, by striking him with a sudden Palsie, that he could not speak a word more, not give orders concerning his own house; but died in great torment, [1 Maccab. 9. 54, 55, 56.] the third year after he had usurped the High-Priesthood. Josephus in [lib. 12. Antiq. cap. 17.] assignes unto him four years; but in the last chapter save one of the twentieth Book of the same Work, three yeares onelyonly: where also he addes, how that after his death, Jerusalem was seven entire years without any High-Priest. Betwixt the second monethmonth of the 153 year in which Alcimus died, and the seventh monethmonth of the 160 year in which Jonathan put on the High-Priests Robe, [1 Maccab. 10. 21.] were seven yeares, and five moneths over.

Upon Alcimus his death, Bacchides returned to King Demetrius; so that, Judea had rest two years, [1 Mac. 9. 57.]

About the CLV. Olympiade, Year of the World 3845 Embassadors came to Rome from Ariarathes King of Cappadocia with a Crown of the value of 10000 pieces of gold: who signified likewise to the Senate in what manner their Master had received Tiberius Gracchus, and how for their sakes they refused the profers of friendship with Demetrius, and the tender of marriage with his sister: adding withal, that he was very ready to serve the Romans, in whatever they would be pleased to command him: When Tiberius Gracchus, and the rest of the Embassadors had by their testimony confirmed this his propensity and affection towards the people of Rome: the Senate accepted of the Crown, and took it for a great favour; which they requited with a Staff, and a Seat of Ivory; which sort of Presents, are of high estimation amongst the Romans. These Embassadors were dispatched home by the Senate without delay, before the beginning of Winter, [Polyb. Legat. 119. & 121. Diodor. Sicul. Legat. 24.]

Upon the coming in of the new Consuls (Cn. Cornelius Dolabella, and Marcus Fulvius Nobilior) the joynt Embassie of Prusias King of Bithynia, and the Gallogrecians, complaining against Eumenes King of Pergamus, was heard in the Senate. Attalus also had his audience, who was sent thither by his brother Eumenes, to plead his cause: who was not onelyonly quitted from the accusations that were against him; but had honour conferred upon him, and was received and dismissed with great courtesie. For observe, how far the hearts of the Senatours were alienated and averse from King Eumenes, whom they perfectly hated, so near did their affections close with Attalus, being alwayes enflamed with ancient desires of his promotion and advancement, [Polyb. Legat. 119, 121.]

Menocharis, and other Embassadors, came to Rome from Demetrius Soter King of Syria, bringing with them for a Present, a Crown worth 10000 pieces of gold, (which the king sent as a token of his gratitude for his civil usage when he was hostage amongst them) delivering up also Leptines who had killed Cn. Octavius the Embassador with his own hand, and Isocrates the Grammarian, who defended openly the murder. Isocrates was a strange spectacle to all beholders, his countenance was terrible and fierce, as a mans must be, who in a whole years space had neither washed his face, nor pared his nailes, nor cut his hair: the figure and motion of his eyes shewed the distemper of his mind to be at that height, that whosoever should chance to have met him, would not so much have dreaded the sudden occursion of any wild beast: On the contrary, Leptines was alwayes the same man, ready at any time to come into the Senate: and whensoever any discoursed with him about the murder, he confessed the fact, and added withal, that he was confident the Romans would do him no hurt: neither did his hopes fail him; for when the Fathers had a long while debated in the Senate, what was best to be done in the businesse: at last, the Senate gave audience to the Embassadors, and received the Crown at their hands, but made no account of those two men; as if that was a fault chargeable upon all the Syrians. It was the policy of the Senate to keep this liberty entire to themselves, that as often as they pleased, they might revenge this crime. And upon the very same ground, they gave this answer to Demetrius: That the Senate was ready to do him all friendly offices, provided, that he became their feadary, as formerly he had been, [Polyb. Legat. 122. Diodor. Sicul. Legat. 25. Appian. Syriac. pag. 118.]

Orophernes, or (as some call him) Holophernes, made his addresse to Demetrius Soter, King of Syr…, complaining of Ariarathes his younger brother's injury, in driving him out of his kingdom of Cappadocia: although, to speak truth, he was not the lawfull p. 460issue, but either shuffled in by Queen Antiochis, or adopted by her, as Zonaras relates out of Dion, and we before (in the year of the World, 3832.) out of Diodorus. Demetrius, who still bare a grudge against Ariarathes, for slighting the tender of his sister to him in marriage, entertained the suppliant; and, covenanting with him for a thousand talents for his paines, by his advise, and assistance dethroned Ariarathes: Notwithstanding, the assistanne he had from Eumenes King of Pergamus. [Polybius, lib. 3. pag. 161. Liv. lib. 47. Justin. lib. 35. cap. 1. Appian. Syriac. pag. 118. Zonar. ex Dione.]

Eumenes, King of Pergamus, upon his death-bed, bequeathed his wife Stratonica, (sister to Ariarathes, who lately lost his kingdom) and also his kingdom, to his brother Attalus, [Plutarch in Apothegm. & lib. foreign] after his 38 years reign. For, substracting the years (computed by Strabo) of his brothers and his sons reign, who succeded him, from the intervall (inserted in the Roman History) between his first coming to the Crown, and the ceasing of Pergamus to be a kingdom, there remaines over and above. 38. year: so that Eumenes dyed in the very beginning of the 39 year; although Strabo (but erroneously) assigned him 40 years reign. He left Attalus Philometor, (whom his wife Stratonica bare unto him) to inherit the kingdom after him: but in regard that his son was so very young, he appointed his brother Attalus Philadelphus Protectour of him and the kingdom, who managed the affairs thereof one and twenty years. [Strabo. lib. 13. pag. 624.]

A second observation of the Autumnal Equinoctiall was made by Hipparchus, Year of the World 3846. a. in the 20 year of the Calippick Period, on the first day of the Additionalls to the Egyptian year (the 27 of the Julian September) in the morning, about the sun-rising. [Ptol. lib. 3. cap. 2.]

Orophernes, whom, upon the expulsion of his brother Ariarathes, it behooved much to manage things with great prudence, and ingratiate himself into the peoples hearts, by clemency and acts of grace, intended no such matter, but was wholly fixed upon scraping up mony together: & having most wickedly put many to death, unto Timotheus (whom afterwards he sent Embassador to Rome) he gave 50 talents, to King Demetrius 70, promising to pay the other 400 talents shortly after, and to adde six hundred over-pluse: whereas he saw that he had rendred himself odious to the Cappadocians by this action, he began to pill and plunder all the people, and to hook into his own Exchequer the wealth of the nobility. [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesi. pag. 334.]

This same Orophernes, having had his education in Ionia (as hath been intimated in the 3832 year of the World, out of Diodorus) little regarding the constitutions of his Country, set up foreign, The Ionick, and an arstificial kind of intemperance, [Polyb. lib. 22. apud Athenaeum, lib. 10. cap. 12.] And having heaped together a vast sum of mony, he deposited 400 talents in the hands of the Prienians, in case the times should turn: which afterwards were faithfully by them restored unto him again. [Polyb. & Diodorus, Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesi. pag. 170, 173. & 334.]

After that Jonathan and his company had lived in peace and quietnesse at their own home two years together, some prevaricating Jews suggested to Bacchides, That there was a fair probability of surprizing them all in one night. Whereupon Bacchides made towards them with a great force, and sent letters privily to all his friends in Judea, to assist him in his enterprize of seizing on Jonathan, and those that were with him. But their plot was discovered to Jonathan and his company, who having taken 50 men of the country, who were found to be contrivers of the villany, put them to death. [1 Mac. 9. 57, 61.]

Then Jonathan and Simon, and those that were with him, removed to Bethbasi, (or Bethlagan, as Josephus hath it) which is in the wildernesse, repaired the walls thereof, which were decayed, and fortified it. As soon as Bacchides had notice of it, he mustered up all his forces, and summoned his adherents in Judea, to repair unto him. Then went he and laid siege to Bethbasi, and fought against it many dayes, and made his Engines. But Jonathan, leaving his brother Simon within the City, traversed the Country with a small brigade; where he smote Odoarrhes (or Odomern) and his brethren, and the sons of Phasiron, in their Tents: And when he began to smite all that he met with, and break into the enemies body, Simon with his company sallyed out of the City, and fired the Engines. In this fight, Bacchides was worsted; who enraged to see himself thus disappointed in his hopes, converted his anger against those wicked wretches, that were the promoters of this expedition, insomuch that he slew many of them, and purposed to return into his own land. Jonathan having intimation hereof, sent Commissioners unto him to treat with him concerning a peace, and the delivering back the prisoners he had taken out of Judea. Bacchides very readily embraced the motion, protesting he would not prejudice Jonathan all the dayes of his life: so he returned back into his own land, and never after entred Judea with an army. p. 461The wars thus composed in Israel, Jonathan dwelt at Michmash, (in the Tribe of Benjamin) and began to judge the people, and to take away the Wicked out of Israel, [ibid. 62. 73.]

A third observation of the autumnal Equinoctial, Year of the World 3847 was made by Hipparchus in the 21 year of the third Calippic period, on the first day of the additionals to the Egyptian year (the 27 of the Julian September) at noon-tide, [Ptolem. lib. 3. cap.]

Ariarathes, deprived of the kingdom, came an humble supp…liant to Rome, and applyed himself to Sextus Julius the Consul. His garb discovered the great calamity he was in: there came also an Embassie from Demetrius; Miltiades had the prime managing of it, who came provided both to excuse whatsoever Ariarathes should lay to his charge, as also with counter-criminations to render him odious. Orophernes likewise sent his Legates, Timotheus, and Diogenes, to present a Crown at Rome, and to renew their allyance and association; but chiefly to be defendants in the judical processe for what was acted by his party, and to accuse Ariarathes. And, to speak truth, Diogenes and Miltiades both, at private conferences made the greater flourishes, (as being two to one, and they in their height of prosperity, Ariarathes in an afflictive and miserable condition) and also when they came to treat the matter openly, had far the odds of him: for in that they dared to say any thing in defiance of the truth, and answer to all queries, no body being present which could confute their untruths, they seemed to do what they listed, [Polyb. Legat. 126.] but in the conclusion, it was decreed by the Senate, That Ariarathes (in regard he was a friend and an associate of the people of Rome) and Orophernes should reign together as brothers, and partners in the kingdom, [Appian. Syriac. pag. 118. Zonar. ex Dione.]

Ptolemei Euergetes, endeavouring to reduce Cyprus, in a fight there with his brother Philometor, was worsted: and when Philometor had reduced him, being besieged in the City Lapithus, unto extreme necessity, at last he took, but spared, him; being naturally of a mild disposition, and because of that bond of consanguinity betwixt them, as also out of fear to give distaste to the people of Rome. Neither did he onelyonly forgive him, but entered into covenant with him, whereby he obliged himself to resign back unto him, the kingdom of the Cyrenians, and in lieu of Cyprus, to demeane unto him certain Cities with a yearly allowance of corn; promising also to espouse his daughter unto him. Thus was that war betwixt the two brothers, after that it had risen to the greatest alienation of affections, and extreme danger, of a sudden composed upon most gentle conditions, [Polyb. & Diod. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 197. 334, 337. Liv. lib. 47. Zonar. ex Dione.]

Orophernes, considering with himself that the Romans had cut him short of what he enjoyed formerly, resolved as soon as possibly he could, to pay his mercenary souldiers: least that for want of their pay, they should chance to mutiny. But being at present somewhat bare of monies, he pillaged Jupiters Temple, situated at the foot of the Mount of Ariadne, which until that time was untouched: and out of that plunder, discharged all the arreares which were due to the souldiery, [Diodor. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 337.]

Attalus, Eumenes his brother, and successor in the kingdom of Pergamus, drove Orophernes and Demetrius Soter quite out of Cappadocia, and restored Ariarathes, [Polyb. ibid. pag. 169. Zonar. ex Dione.]

Demetrius Soter profered to Archias 500 talents, upon condition he would betray Cyprus unto him: promising him other gratuities and honours, if he would assist him herein. As Archias was going about the work, he was apprehended by Ptolemei (Philometor) and being questioned for the design, he hanged himself with the rope of the curtain which was drawn before the Hall, [Polyb. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 170. & apud. Suidam, in voc. foreign.]

Ariarathes, after he was restored unto the kingdom of Cappadocia, demanded of the Prienians the 400 talents, which Orophernes had deposited with them: but they honestly replyed, As long as Orophernes was alive, they would not deliver the money to any body but him, who had entrusted them with it: whereupon Ariarathes sent Troupers to pillage the Country; Attalus assisted him, and indeed incited him to the work, there being a private grudge betwixt him and the Prienians: And notwithstanding the great slaughter that was made both of man and beast, and some were killed at the very gates of the City, yet could not the Prienians relieve them; wherefore they sent their Embassadors to the Rhodians, but were glad at last to flee to the Romans for Protection: But Ariarathes lightly esteemed all reports, and although the Prienians had faithfully restored to Orophernes the mony deposited amongst them, yet did Ariarathes for that very thing, set a great fine upon them, and afflicted them with most sad calamities, and that without just cause, [Polib. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 173.]

p. 462Upon some differences arising betwixt Attalus and Prusias Venator, Year of the World 3848 King of Bithynia, The Julian Period. 4558 Attalus sent Andronicus, Year before Christ 156 Prusias Nicomedes and Antiphilus, Ambassadors to Rome: whereupon, the Senate sent Publius Lentulus to take cognisance of their cause. When Andronicus began to charge upon Prusias, the first invasion, the Romans were not much affected with what he said in that particular; but began to suspect that Attalus had a mind to fall upon Prusias, to seek occasion of quarrel, and to get before hand with him in accusation: Prusias his Ambassadors protested that there was no such matter; which made the Senate give lesse credit to what was alleadged against Prusias. But after a more strict search into the businss the Senate not very well knowing how far they might trust those Agents, sent two Ambassadors of their own, L. Apuleius, and C. Petronius, to see how the squares went betwixt those two Kings. [Polyb. Legat. 128.]

Prusias, Year of the World 3849 having gotten a conquest over Attalus, entred Pergamus, and after he had at a great charge provided sacrifices, he went into Esculapius his Temple, and as soon as he had made an end of offering, he returned again to the Camp. The day following, failing in his designe and hopes of taking Attalus, he brought his forces to Nicephorium, lying under the walls of Pergamus, began to pillage all the Temples, and rifled and ransacked the Images and Statue, of the gods: and at last, the Image of Esculapius himself, to whom the day before he had offered so many vows and sacrifices, escaped not his hand; which, because it was an excellent piece (made by Philomachus or Phyromachus) he carryed away with him, bearing it upon his own shouldiers. From thence he marched with his army to Elaea: and having attempted to besiege the City, when he saw he was not likely to do any good upon it, (because Sosander, foster brother to Attalus, lay in the City with a strong Garrison, and beat him off) he went away by ship to Thyatira: In the way he ransacked the Temple of Diana in Hiera Cume, As for Apollo Cynius his Tempe, about Temnus, he did not onelyonly rifle it, but burnt it to the ground: and having so done, returned home. Having lost most of his foot souldiers by famine and the bloudy flux: neither had he better luck with his fleet at sea; for by reason of a violent storm in Propontis, most of his ships were sunck in the midst of the sea, souldiers and marriners and all: and others wracked and cast on shore. [Polyb. & D…odorus, Sicul. in Excerpt▪ Valesii, pag. 169, 170. & 337. cum Suidas. in Voce. foreign.]

Attalus, after he had been beaten by Prusias, sent his brother Athenaeus along with Publius Lentulus, to acquaint the Senate with what had befallen him. [Polyb. Legat. 128.]

After these two had made their full declaration in the Senate of Prusias his exploits, the fathers of the Senate forthwith ordered that C. Claudius Cento, L. Hortensius, and C. Aurunculeius should go Ambassadors with the aforesaid Lentulus, with instructions, to charge Prusias to forbear any farther to molest Attalus. [Id. Legat. 129.]

P. Scipio and Marcus Marcellus being Consuls, the Athenians sent three of the most famous Philosophors of that age Ambassadors to the Senate and people of Rome. Carneades an Academick, a Cyrenian by birth, Diogenes the Stoick, a Babylonian born, and Critolaus the Peripatick, to get a release of the fine of 500 talents (accorded by the judgement of the Sicyonians, but by commission from the Senate of Rome) for their devastation of Oropus. When they were brought into the Senate, they made use of Caecilius, (or C. Acilius rather) a Senatour for their Interpreter; although a little before, each of them severally, to shew their abilities, had discoursed in a great assembly of people. At that time, say Rutilius and Polybius, it was admirable to hear the eloquence of those three Philosophers in their several strains. Carneades was hot and fiery: Critolaus witty and smooth: Diogenes grave and Sober in his style. Clitomachus in his History written in Greek, relates, how that Carneades (to whom Clitomachus was an Auditour) and Diogenes the Stoick stood before the Senate in the Capitol; A. Albinus, who was then Praetor, said in merriment to Carneades: I seem not (O Carneades) in your eyes as if I were a Praetor, because I am not a Philosopher, nor Rome a City, nor the people therein Citizens: to whom he replyed, This Stoick perhaps takes you for no such Person. As soon as Carneades had done speaking, Cato the Censor thought it fitting to dispatch away those Ambassadors incontinently, because, whilst he argued, the truth, could not easily be discerned. And because the bruite of those Philosophers spread all over the City, and the Roman youth laying aside all other pleasures and delights, ran as if they were mad after Philosophy: Cato, fearing least the youth should bend all their study that way, and make far greater account of the glory of eloquence, than of action and martial discipline, moved, That all Philosophers should be sent out of the City in a civill equipage: and when he came into the Senate, he checked the fathers, for that they suffered those Ambassadors (who were also to perswade what they pleased) to abide so long amongst them without an answer: wherefore he advised also, That they would without farther delay, conclude and decree something concerning p. 463the Embassie, that so they might get them home, and argue amongst their young Grecians; and not to tamper with the youth of Rome, who were to be kept close to the obedience of the laws and magistrates as formerly. [Cicero in Lucullo. & Tusculan. quest. lib. 4. & lib. 2. de oratore. Plin. lib. 7. cap. 30. Plutar. in Catone. Ma…ore. A. Gellius lib. 7. cap. 14. Maccab. lib. 1. Saturnal. cap. 5.]

At the same time that the Senate sent Qu. Opimius Consul, Year of the World 3850 to wage war with the Oxybians of Ligurea (of which Polybius makes mention in the 134 Embassie) Ptolemei the younger (Euergetes) came to Rome: The Julian Period. 4560 who as soon as ever he was entred the Senate, Year before Christ 254 fell foule upon his brother Philometor, charging him as the contriver of those ambushes, by which he had been way-laid: endeavouring withall, by displaying the skars of the wounds he had received to the eyes of the Spectators, and aggravating the businesse with all the Rhetorick he had, to work upon the affections of the people, and to bring them to a commiseration of his condition: there were present at the same time also Ambassadors from Ptolemei the Saviour, Neolaidas and Andromachus, who stood ready to satisfie all impeachments charged upon him by his brother, but the Senate would not suffer them to speak a word, so strangely had his brother prepossessed their minds by telling his tale first, these being suddainly commanded out of Rome, five Embassadors were designed, amongst whom were Cn. Merula, and L. Thermus, and to each of them were assigned Gallies of five orders of oars: their commission was to go along with the younger Ptolemei, and place him in the possession of Cyprus, They wrote also to their Allies in Greece and Asia, giving way for their assisting of Ptolemei in his recovering of Cyprus. [Polyb. Legat. 132.]

When the Ambassadors from Rome were come to Prusias, they forbad him in the Senates name to proceed any farther in his hostility against Attalus, an Ally and confederate of the Romans. But upon this they charged him strictly, either to submit to the Senates decree, or to come with a thousand horse to the borders, there to argue the case with Attalus, who with the same number expected his coming thither. He, slighting Attalus his tender retinue, and hoping to surprize him, sent his Agents a little before, as if intending no lesse, than to follow after with his thousand men. But he drew up his whole army, as if he had come to fight, (not to parley.) Attalus and the Roman Legates, upon notice given them, hasted away: but Prusias seized upon the Roman carriages, took Nicephorum, and demolished it, fired the Temples that were in it, and having forced Attalus with the Roman Legates to fly into Pergamus for refuge, besieged it. [Appian in Mithridaticis, pag. 172.]

When Hortensius and Aurunculeius were returned from Pergamus to Rome, and had declared with how great contempt Pusias had received the injunctions of the Senate; who had, contrary to the league betwixt them, assayed all violence and injury against them and Attalus, after he had blocked them up in Pergamus. The fathers were so highly displeased, and moved by this affront, that they decreed ten Ambassadors should forthwith be dispatched away, amongst them were L. Anicius, C. Fannius, and Q. Fabius Maximus, with order to make an end of the war, and to compell Prusias to make satisfaction to Attalus for the damages he had sustained by this war. [Polybius, Legat. 123.]

Whilst it was yet winter, Attalus had got together a considerable army: for, both Ariarathes, and Mithridates his confederates had sent under-hand both horse and foot, under the command of Demetrius, Ariarathes son. Whilst Attalus was busied in these his preparations, the Roman Ambassadors met him at Quada, and after they had conferred of all things with him, they went directly to Prusias: as soon as they came thither, they seriously signified unto him the pleasure of the Senate: Prusias promised he would do some things the Senate required of him, but denyed the most: whereupon, the Roman Embassadors to whom he had given great offence by his obstinacy, renounced that amity and allyance which had been formerly between them, and so all of them took their leaves of him, and set forward to go to Attalus. But Prusias, repenting of what he had done, made after the Embassadors, begging and beseeching them a long time: and when he saw no good could be done by his importunity, he gave them over, and returned home, not well knowing what course to take. In the mean time, the Romans advised Attalus to lye upon the confines of the kingdom with his army, but should not commit any act of hostility against any body, onelyonly secure his own Cities and Villages from invasion, As for them, they divided themselves severall wayes; some went to Rome to acquaint the Senate of King Prusias his pertinacy: others went into the Country of Ionia, and others of them to the Hellespont, and the Ports adjacent, to Byzantium; all of them went upon one and the same designe of working men off allyance and compendance with Prusias, and bringing them to side with Attalus, and to assist him in what they could. [Id. Legat. 135.]

Atheneus, Attalus his brother, soon after came with a great Fleet, consisting of 80 ships with decks, whereof five were of the Rhodians, and had been imployed in the p. 464war in Crete, twenty of Cyziceneans, twenty seven of Attalus, the other were of the Confederates setting out. He drave in a direct course to the Hellespont; and wheresoever he sailed by any of the Cities under Prusias command, he put to shoar, and wasted their Countries, [Id. Legat. 136.]

As soon as the Senate had taken an account of their Embassadors which were now returned from Prusias: they sent three others, Appius Claudius, Lucius Oppius, and Aulus Posthumus: upon their arriving in Asia they concluded the war, and prevailed with both the Kings to agree upon these conditions; That Prusias should forthwith deliver up to Attalus 20 ships with Decks: That he should pay 500 talents within the space of 20 years: That either of them should keep what they had, before the breaking out of the war betwixt them. Moreover, Prusias was to satisfie for the damages which he did to the Countries of the Methymneans, Egeans, Cumai, and Heracleots, and to pay unto them 100 talents. After the Covenants were signed by both parties. Attalus returned home with all the forces he had brought either by sea or land, [Id. ib. 175,] But Prusias, observing how distastful he had rendred himself to his Subjects by his enormous Tyranny, and considerig withall, how mightily his son Nicomedes was beloved of them, he grew jealous of his son, and sent him away to Rome, that he might live there. [Appian. in Mithridatic pag. 173.]

Upon the revolting of the Antiochians from Demetrius Soter, Orophernes entred into combination with them, and contrived how to dethrone him, who had been not long since the principall in restoreing himself to his kingdom. Demetrius, having received intimation of this his designe, spared indeed his life, least Ariarathes should be freed from the fear of war from his brother, but seized his person, and commanded him to be kept close prisoner at Seleucia, yet the Antiochaeans, notwithstanding the discovery of the plot, were not so dismayed as to give over their enterprize: But, having drawn into their association Ptolemei King of Egypt, Attalus King of Asia, and Ariarthes of Cappadocia, being provoked by war from Demetrius, they suborne a certain obscure youth, an Aliant, who was to lay claim to the kingdom of Syria, as being his fathers, and to assay the recovery thereof by force of arms; and that the confront might be compleat, they called him Alexander, and gave out, that he was son to King Antiochus; such an universall Odium, had Demetrius contracted upon himself, that his rivall had confered upon him by consent of all, not onelyonly strength and power befitting a King, but also royalty of extraction. [Justin lib. 35. cap. 1.]

This Alexander, in the Epitome of the 52 book of Livie, is said to have been an obscure person, and whose descent was not very well known, Athenaeus stiles him, Suppositious son of Antiochus Epiphanes. [lib. 5. cap. 10.] Appian, one who shuffled himself into the family of those that were descended from Seleucus. [in Syriac. pag. 31. Sulpitius Severus, A youth bred up at Rhodes, who falsely bragged of himself, that he was son to Antiochus. [Histor. Sacra. lib. 2.] Strabo, [lib. 16. pag. 751.] surnamed Balas, and Josephus, [lib. 13. cap. 8.] Balles.