The Annals of the World, History 2 · 6 (continued) (1 of 15)

The Annals of the World · History 2 · 6 (continued) (1 of 15)

p. 409WHen Antiochus, Year of the World 3829 son of Antiochus the Great, The Julian Period. 4539 returning from Rome (where he was hostage) came unto Athens; Year before Christ 175 his brother Seleucus, by the treachery of Heliodorus was taken out of the way. Howbeit, Eumenes and Attalus expelled H…liodorus, who aimed at the kingdom of Syria, placing Antiochus in the possession thereof, that by this good turn, they might obliege him to be their friend: for now by reason of some petty injury, even they began to grow jealous of the Romans. [Appian. in Syriac. pag. 116, 117.]

Demetrius, son of Seleucus, to whom the kingdom did of right belong, having then entered into the tenth year of his age, remained at that time hostage at Rome. But Apollonius, who was brought up with him, upon the death of Seleucus, whose great favourite he was, departed from Court to Miletum, [Polyb. Legat. 114.] But the Syrians stiled their new King Antiochus, Epiphanes, or Illustrious, because upon strangers usurpation of the kingdom, he appeared bravely to his people, in vindication of his ancestours title, [Appia. in Syria…. pag. 177.] who notwithstanding, by reason of his mad conversation, Polybius thought might more justly be called Epimanes, or the Frantick, [apud Atheneum lib. 2. cap. 2. lib. 5. cap. 4. & lib. 10. cap. 12.]

For having obtained the kingdom of Syria, he entered into a new, and, to other Kings, unusual course of life: first going out of his Royall Palace privately, his servants knowing nothing of it, he unadvisedly wandred about the City, taking but one or two associates with him. Moreover he accounted it an honour to converse and drink with the common people, and with aliants and strangers of the meanest condition. And if perchance, he heard of any young men that had a merry meeting, he presently with his pot and musick, came to the revels: Insumuch, That most of the company being startled at the strangenesse of the thing, upon his coming thither, betook themselves to their heels, or else out of fear sat still and spake not a word. Lastly, laying aside his royall garment, and being clad with a coat, such as he saw used by the Candidates at Rome, he saluted and took hold of every ordinary fellow that he met with, and sometimes sued for a place of the Edilis; sometimes for the Tribune-ship of the people. At last having, by the suffrages of the people, obtained the place of a magistrate, fixing, according to the Roman custom, his ivory chair, he gave judgement, and took cognisance of the law suits, and controversies of the Citizens with that industry, p. 410and diligence that every one of the sager sort doubted what he meant: Some interpreted it to be indiscretion, some imprudence, others madnesse. [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 305, 306.] Atheneus also relateth the same things (in the fore-cited fifth book, and 14 chap. and tenth book, and 12. chap. out of the 26 book of Polybius his histories; which Livie also translated into his 41 book, as one may see in that fragment, which Charles Sigonius falsly interpreted of Perseus.

That Antiochus began his reign the 137. and dyed in the 149 year of the kingdom of the Greeks (or of the Macedonians, from Seleucus.) The writer of the first book of the Maccabees teacheth us. [cap. 1. 10. & 6. 16.] Whence also Johannes Malela Antiochenus, in his Chronicle ascribeth unto him 12 years, which are termed by Porphyrie, Eusebius, Jerom, Sulpitius Severus and others, to be 11 onelyonly: for the reconciling of whom we must say, that at the end of the 137 year Antiochus began, and at the beginning of the 149 year (from the spring season, as this author useth to reckon) he ended his reign, (viz.) eleven years, and some moneths over and above.

That Antiochus was not at the first acknowledged King by those that favoured Ptolemei Philometor: but that some whiles after he obtained the title under the guarb of clemency, Jerom affirms in his commentary upon the 11 chapter of Daniel; but entring into society with Eumenes, he powerfully ruled over Syria and the neighbouring nations: the government of Babylon being committed to Timarchus, but the custody of the treasury to Heraclidas his brother, two brethren linked one to another by filthy commerce, [Appian. in Syriac. pag. 117.]

Hircanus, the son of Joseph, and Grandchild of Tobias, seeing Antiochus very prevalent, and fearing, least being reduced under his power, he should suffer for what he had attempted against the Arabians, laid violent hands upon himself: howbeit Antiochus seized upon his whole estate. [Josephus, lib. 12. cap. 5.]

Jason, son of Simon the second, High Priest, being weary of the continued High priesthood of Onias the third his brother, that he might obtain it himself, promised unto Antiochus 360 talents of silver, and of another revenue 80 talents; adding moreover 150 others, if power might be granted unto him to settle a place of exercise, and of training up of youth at Jerusalem, and of reducing the Hierosolymitans into the condition of the Citizens of Antioch: which terms being willingly admitted by the covetous King. Jason, removeing his brother Onias, invaded the High-priesthod, and obtaining the government, began to reduce his own Country-men to the fashion of the Greeks, and the royall privileges, granted of special favour to the Jews, by the means of John the father of Eupolemus (who afterward went Ambassador to Rome) he took away, and putting down the governments which were according to Law, he brought up new customs, contrary to the Law, [2 Maccab. 4. 7, 11.] Josephus affirms, that unto Onias the third, dying about the time, his brother Jesus, who desired rather to be called Jason, was substituted, and at length (after three years) Jason being removed from the High-priesthood, by the endeavour of Menelaus, the new High Priest, and Tobias his sons (or grandchildren of Hyrcanus his brother) the Grecian rites were introduced, [in lib. 2. Antiq. cap. 6.] Howbeit the same writer, in his small treatise of the Macchabees, declareth the businesse far otherwise, and suitable enough to the mind of the Macchabaick Historian (if you except the vast sum of the annual pension) in this sort. Antiochus, abrogating the High-priesthood of Onias, substituted Jason his brother; who promised to pay yearly unto him 3660 talents: who being made Priest and leader of the people, reduced the nation, being estranged from their ancient manners and institutions, into all iniquity: insomuch as he did not onelyonly establish a place of exercise in the fortresse of our Country, but abolisted also the care of the Temple.

The seventh year of Philometor, Year of the World 3830 of Nabonasier, The Julian Period 4540 the 574, Year before Christ 174 the 27 of Phamenoth, according to the Egyptians, (on the beginning of the first of May, (according to the Julian reckoning) two hours after mid-night, there was an eclipse of the Moon observed at Alexandria, [Ptol. lib. 6. cap. 5.]

Between the Grecians tearing themselves with mutual fury, there was a truce made for six moneths; but afterwards a more grievous war burst out: howbeit, by the coming of Q Minutius the Legate, who with ten ships was sent from the Romans to compose their strifes, they came into hopes of peace. [Livie, lib. 41.]

The Lycians also, about the same time, Eumenes inciting them, revolting from the Rhodians, were infested with a war by them. Certain Castles, and the field Scituated in the utmost bounds of the opposite continent of the Rhodians, were annoyed by the garrisons of Eumenes. [Polyb. Legat. 61. & 67. Liv. lib. 41. and 42.]

Certain apostate Jews, agreeing with Onias the false high priest, having procured power from King Antiochus of living according to the ordinances of the Gentiles, erected a place of exercise under the very Tower of Sion, forced the chief young men to submit to the laws of the school, by wearing an hat, and by art reduced their foreskin, p. 411becoming uncircumcised; that they might not even when they were naked be unlike the Greeks: and such was the height of Greek fashions and increase of heathenish manners, that the Priests had no courage to serve any more at the Altar, but despising the Temple, and neglecting the Sacrifices, hastned to be pertakers of the unlawfull allowance which in the place of exercise after the game of Discus, was exhibited, [1 Maccab. 1. 11, 15. & 2 Maccab. 4. 12, 15. compared with Josephus lib. 12. chap. 6.]

When the game that was used every fifth year was celebrated at Tyrus, King Antiochus being present at it; impious Jason sent special Messengers thither from Jerusalem, such as were free Denisons of the City of Antioch, to carry three hundred, or (as it is much more truely in the Manuscript book of the Earle of Arundels Library) three thousand three hundred drachmes of Silver to the sacrifice of Hercules: which notwitstanding the bearers procured to be laid out upon the building of Gallies, [2 Maccab. 4. 18, 19, 20.]

The Embassadors sent from King Antiochus, Year of the World 3831 came to Rome: The Julian Period. 4541 the chief whereof Apollonius (whom the Ambassadors of the Romans, Year before Christ 173 which were in Syria, reported to be in chief esteem with the King, and most friendly to the Roman people) being brought into the Senate, besides the stipend due from the King (the late payment whereof he did excuse upon divers and just reasons) delivered also by way of gift, vessels of Gold, to the value of five hundred pound weight: He added, That the King requested that the society, and friendship which was with his father, should be renewed with himself: and that the Roman people should lay such injunctions upon him, as were to be imposed on a faithful and confederate King; That he should in no wise, be wanting in any service: That the merits of the Senate were so great towards him whilst he was at Rome, and such the civility of the youth; that he was entreated by all Orders of persons, as a King, not as an hostage. The Embassadors received a kind answer, and A. Attilius, Major of the City, was enjoyned to renew with Antiochus, that league which was with his father. The Treasurers of the City received the stipend, the Censers, the Golden Vessels: and it was committed to their charge to dispose of them in such Temples as should be thought fitting. To the Embassador was sent a reward of an hundred thousand pieces of coin; his house was given him freely, and his charges ordered to be defrayed, during his continuace in Italy, [Liv. lib. 42.]

Unto Antiochus was born a son, Antiochus Eupator; whom himself dying, left nine years of age, [Appian. Syriac. pag. 117. & 131.]

Cleopatra, the beloved mother of Ptolemei Philometor the daughter of Antiochus the Great, and the sister of Antiochus Epiphanes, being dead, to whom her father had given for the Dowry, Coelosyria (or at least a great part of it) Eulaius the Eunuch, foster-father of Philometor, and Lomus governing Egypt, re-demanded Coelosyria from Antiochus Epiphanes, as fraudulently seized upon: which afforded a ground of a war between the Uncle and the Youth, as Porphyrie relates out of the Alexandrian Histories of Callinicus Sutorius, [in Hierom, on the 11 chap. of Daniel] For the right of Philometor in re-demanding Coelosyria, it was alledged, that Antiochus the Great, father of Epiphanes, against justice and right, first took away Coelosyria from Ptolemei Epiphanes, father of Philometor, when he was in his non-age; and afterwards restored the same unto him with his daughter Cleopatra, upon the account of her portion, Antiochus Epiphanes on the contrary asserting, that from the time when his father overcame the father of Philometor, at Parium, Coelosyria was ever subject to the Kings of Syria, and stifly denying, that it was given by his father unto Cleopatra the mother of Philometor for her Dowry, [Polyb. Legat. 72. & 82.]

At that time Philometor began first to sit in his Throne, and the solemnity of his Coronation was performed, [2 Maccab. 4. 21.] and then the prudence of Ptolemei (son of Dorymenis, who was sirnamed Macron) shone forth: who when he had received the government of Cyprus, the Island, at what time the King was a child, and had delivered nothing of the Kings monies unto the Stewards; when the King had attained unto his youthful estate, sent a vast collection of monies unto Alexandria: the King and all Courtiers thereupon very highly commending his former parcimony, [Polyb. book 27. in the Collections of Valesius, pag. 126.]

Antiochus, having sent into Egypt Apollonius, son of Menestheus, to the solemnization of the Coronation of Philometor the King, perceiving him not to be well affected to his affairs, took care to be fortified against him; whereupon, coming to Joppe, he took his journey to Hierusalem; where, being honourably received by Jason and the City, he was brought in with Torch-light, and with great shoutings, and from thence he went into Phoenicia with his host, [2 Maccab. 4. 21. 22.]

Jason three years after that he had bought the High-Priest-hood from Antiochus, sent Menelaus brother of Simon the Benjamite a traytor, that he might bring unto the King the promised money, and advise him of necessary affairs: but making use of the p. 412opportunity of his Embassie to his own advantage, by the same devices wherewith Jason circumvented Onias his brother, he also circumvented Jason; and promising unto the King 300 talents of silver above all that was to be performed by Jason, conveyed the High-Priest-hood unto himself, [2 Maccab. 4. 23, 24, 25. Sever. Sulpic. Histor. Sacr. lib. 2.] That this Menelaus was first named Onias, and was brother unto Onias the third, and to Jason himself, and the youngest son of Simon, the second, the High Priest, Josephus affirmeth, [Antiquit lib. 12. cap. 6. cum lib. 15. cap. 3.]

Menelaus, having gotten the Principality by the Kings Mandate, expelled Jason into the Country of the Ammonites; but took no care to pay any of the monies which he had promised to the King, [2 Maccab. 4. 25, 26, 27.]

Cius Popilius Lenas, and Publius Aelius Ligur, being Consuls, Valerius Antias writes, that Attalus brother of Eumenes came to Rome, to lay crimes to the charge of Perseus king of the Macedonians, & to discover his provisions for war. The Annals of the most, and such unto whom thou would give the better credit, affirm Eumenes to have come in person himself, Eumenes therefore, as soon as he came to Rome, being entertained with the highest honour, and brought into the Senate; said, That the reason of his coming to Rome, besides the desire of seeing the gods and men, by whose benefit he was in such a fortune, above which he durst not wish any higher, was, that he might openly advise the Senate to oppose the proceedings of Perseus, [Liv. lib. 42. Appian. Legat, 25. a Fulv. Vrsino. edit.] And there was so great secrecy herein of all men, that before the war was finished and Perseus taken prisoner, it could not be know, what either he spake, or the fathers answered, [Liv. ibid. Valer. Maximus, lib. 2. cap. 2.]

Some certain dayes afterward, Satyrus a principal person among the Ambassadors of the Rhodians, inveighing more liberally in presence of the Senate against Eumenes, because he had stirred up the nation of the Lycians against the Rhodians, and was more vexatious unto Asia than Antiochus, made a plausible, and, to the people of Asia, (for even so far the esteem of Perseus had reached) an acceptable Oration: which notwithstanding procured from amongst the Romans greater respect unto Eumenes; so that all honours were conferred upon, and most ample rewards given unto, him, with a Chariot of state, and an Ivory staff, [Liv. ut sup. Diodor. Sicul. 9. Legat 16. a Fulv. Vrsino, edit.]

Eumenes, returning from Rome into his Realme, and going up from Cirra to the Delphic Temple, that he might sacrifice to Apollo, liers in wait, suborned by Perseus, tumbled down two vast stones, with one whereof the head of the King was smitten, with the other his shoulder benumbed; many stones being heaped on him after he fell from a steep place downward. His friends, the next day, being come to himself, brought him to the ship: from thence they passe to Corinch, from Corinth, their ships being conveyed over the neck of the Isthmos, to Aegina; where his cure was so private, none being admitted, that the report of his death was carried into Asia, and Rome, [Liv. lib. 42. Appian. Legat. 25.]

Attalus, crediting more hastily than beseemed brotherly concord, that Eumenes was dead, did not onelyonly confer with the Governour of the Castle of Pergamus as the unquestionable heir of the Crown, but the Diadem also being assumed, and espousing to himself Stratonice his brothers wife (daughter of Ariarathes King of the Cappadocians) rushed too hotly into her embraces: but not long afterwards, hearing that his brother lived, and was coming to Pergamus, laying his Diadem aside, he with the Guard, according to custom, went to meet him, bearing an halbert; whom Eumenes both friendly embraced, and also honourably, and cheefuly saluted the Queen; whispering neverthelesse into his brothers ear,

foreign.

Vntill thou seest that I am dead,

Approach not rashly to my bed.

Neither thorough his whole life did he do or speak any thing that might have a shew of distaste: but entreated him with the same friendship as before, [Liv. lib. 42. Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesi. pag. 306. Plutarch in Apophthegm. & lib. foreign.]

Eumenes, the late wickednesse of Perseus, besides the ancient hatred, inviting him thereunto, prepared a war with his uttermost strength. Ambassadors came to him from Rome, gratulating unto him his escape from so great a danger, [Liv. lib. 42.]

After that, Ariarathes King of the Cappadocians had born unto him of his wife Antiochis, daughter to Antiochus the Great, two daughters, and one son (first named Mithridates, and then Ariarathes) of the two sons which his wife (supposing that she should have been barren) had before suborned unto him, he sent Ariarathes the elder p. 413with a competent estate to Rome, the younger called Olophernes, or Orophernes, into lonia; least they should contend with his Jenuine son about the kingdom, [Diodor. Sicul. lib. 31. in Photii. Bibliothec. cod. 244.] This year therefore he sent Ariarathes his son to be educated at Rome, that from a child he might be accustomed to the manners and men of Rome: requesting, that they would permit him to be, not under the custody of hosts, after the manner of private persons, but under the charge of publick care and tuition. That Embassie of the Kings was very acceptable unto the Senate; and they decreed that Cieius Sicinius the Major, should appoint a furnished house where the Kings son and his Retinue might inhabit, [Liv. lib. 42.]

The Romans sent Ambassadors to their confederate Kings, Eumenes, Antiochus, Ariarathes, Masanissa, and Ptolemei, King of Egypt; and others also into Greece, Thessal…e, Epirus, Acarnania, and the Islands: that they would unite themselves in war against Perseus, [Appian. Legat. 25.] T. Claudius Nero, and M. Decimius, were sent to make trial of Asia, and the Islands, and commanded also to go into Creet and Rhodes, to renew amity also, and likewise to discover whether the minds of their confederates had been courted by King Perseus, Year of the World 3833 [Liv. lib. 42.]

The Legates that had been sent unto the confederate Kings, returning out of Asia, declared how that they had conferred with Eumenes in Asia, Antiochus in Syria, Ptolemei in Alexandria, That all of them had been sollicited by the Embassies of Perseus; but had eminently continued constant in their fidelity, and had promised to perform whatever the people of Rome should command them. That they had also been with the confederate Cities: that the rest continued faithful enough, onelyonly that they found the Rhodians wavering and seasoned with the devices of Perseus. The Rhodian Ambassadors came to acquit themselves of those reports, which they knew openly bruited concerning their City; and it was thought fitting, that when the new Consuls entered upon their Magistracy, a Senate should be called for them, [Liv. ibid.]

P. Licinius, The Julian Period. 4543 and C. Cassius, Year before Christ 171 being Consuls, all the Kings and Cities which were in Asia and Europe, set their thoughts on the care of the Macedonian and Roman war: both an ancient hatred did exasperate Eumenes, and also a new anger, because by the wickednesse of Perseus, he was almost, like a Sacrifice, slain at Delphos. Prusias King of Bithynia, resolved to abstain from armes, and expect the event: for he thought it not equal, to bear armes for the Romans against his wives brother, and if Perseus should be Conqueror, pardon might easily be procured by his sister. Ariarathes King of the Cappadocians, besides that he promised assistance to the Romans upon his own account; from the time that he became united unto Eumenes by affinity, associated himself into all Councils both of war and peace. Antiochus surely had an eye upon the kingdom of Egypt, despising both the youth of the King, and the sloath of his Tutors; and by debating about Coelosyria, he thought that he should find ground for a war, and manage it, without any impediment, whilst the Romans were imployed about the Macedonian war: howbeit, he largely promised all Kings, both by his own Legates to the Senate, and to their Ambassadors himself. Ptolemei by reason of his youth, was even then at the disposing of others: his Governours did both prepare war against Antiochus, whereby they might defend Coelosyria, and also made liberal promise for the Macedonian war, [Liv. lib. 42.] And thus Ptolemei King of Egypt, Ariarathes of Cappadocia, Eumenes of Asia, and Masanissa of Numidia, were assistants unto the Romans, [Oros. lib. 4. cap. 20.]

Three Embassadors, A. Posthumius Albinus, C. Decius, and A. Licinius Nerva, were sent from the Romans to the Grecians: who afforded unto them the assistance of Archers, [Liv. lib. 42.]

Three other Ambassadors, T. Claudius Tiberius, P. Posthuminus, and M. Junius were dispatcht unto the Islands, and the Cities of Asia. These going about, did exhort their confederates to undertake against Perscus, the war for the Romans; and by how much every City was better stored with wealth, by so much they did their businesse there the more diligently, because the smaller would follow the greater. The Rhodians were esteemed of greatest reckoning for all poynts, because they were able not onelyonly to countenance the war, but to assist it, 40 ships being provided by the authority of Hegesilochus, who was at that time in the chief magistracy, called by them Prytanis. This man even before, as soon as the war to be waged by the Romans with Perseus was known, did with many reasons exhort his Citizens, that they should joyn their hopes with the Romans, That they would want the same provision of shipping which lately they had seen in the war of Antiochus, and formerly in that of Philip. That the Rhodians would be amazed in the providing a Fleet, at that time when it should be to be sent, unlesse they began with their Navy-Confederates; That therefore they were to acquit themselves more industriously; That by the truth of things they might confute the accusations alledged by Eumenes. Hereby being incited, they shewed unto the Embassadors of Rome, upon their coming, a Fleet of 40 sail of ships, built and p. 414rigg'd, that it might appear that exhortation was not expected: and this Embassie was of great influence to engage the mindes of the Cities of Asia, [Idem, ibid. Polyb. Legat. 64.]

Perseus, after conference had with the Romans, comprized all reason of his cause in the form of one Epistle, and what was aledged on either side: so contrived, that he might seem to have the better in the debate: and unto other Cities he sent letters copied out, by Carriers; but unto Rhodes, he commanded Antenor and Philip to go Embassadors: who being come thither, deliver the letters to the Magistrates; and then after a few dayes come into the Senate, request of the Rhodians, that for the present they should not move any thing, but, as from a watch-tower, behold what was done; but if the Romans should undertake against the laws of the league to provoke Perseus and the Macedonians, that they should endeavour to bring them to terms of agreement; for that that should be done, was the common interresse of all, and especially behoofull for the Rhodians; for by how much they should be more intent than others, upon the fair dispensation of law and liberty (as such who were not the conservators and assertors of their own liberty onelyonly, but of the rest of the Grecians) by so much ought they more diligently to observe and provide, to their uttermost endeavours, for themselves against them, whose mind and counsels were contrarily inclined. When the Ambassadors had spoken these things, and more to the same effect, though their speech gave content unto all; yet because their minds were prepossessed with the benevolence of the Romans, and the authority of the better side did prevail; in other poynts they yielded themselves courteous toward the Ambassadors: but in place of an answer, they requested Perseus, not to demand any thing of that nature whereby they might be thought to do any thing against the will of the Romans: which answer Antenor accepted not, but making use of the rest of the civility and courtesie of the Rhodians, he returned into Macedonia. [Polyb. Legat. 65. Livie lib. 42.]

Caius Lucretius the Roman Pretor, whilst the navy stayed about Cephalenia, treated by letters with the Romans, requesting the ships to be sent to him; and he delivered that epistle to Socrates the anointer of the wrestlers to be conveyed. This came to Rhodes at the same time, when Strutocles was president of the Councel, or Prytanis, for the later half year. When a debate was had of that matter, it seemed meet unto Agathagetus, and Rhodophon and Astymedes, and many more, That the Rhodians without any tergiversation or evasion should send the ships, and that they should even from the beginning of the war joyn themselves with the Romans. But Dino and Polycratus; who did not approve of those things, which had before been decreed in favour of the Romans, cavelled that that Epistle was not sent from the Romans, but from Eumenes the enemy of the Rhodians; who was wholy bent upon this, that he might induce them into a war, and engage the people in unnecessary charges and troubles: for it was brought by one obscure person, an anoynter of wrestles unto Rhodes: whereas the Romans use with great care to pick out men of the choycest rank, for such an employment. When Strutocles, the chief officer, or Prytanis, had buckled himself against these men, and had spoken largely against Perseus; but on the contrary liberally commended the Romans, he prevailed with the Rhodians, that a decree of sending the ships should be established: wherefore six Gallies being immediately built, they sent five under the conduct of Timagoras to Chalcis; one to Tenedo…, under the government of the other Timagoras. This man could not take Diophanes himself, whom he found at Tenedos, being sent from Perseus to Tenedos, but he took the ship with all her furniture. [Polyb. Legat. 67.]

The Romans, having heard the Embassies that came from Asia, the state of the Rhodians, and the rest of the Cities being understood, indicted a Senate for the Ambassadors of Perseus. [Id. Legat, 68.] At that time therefore, Solon and Hippias endeavoured to discourse of all affairs, and to deprecate the anger of the fathers. But yet the crime of the trechery contrived against Eumenes was defended with especial industry: howbeit, (for the matter was evident) without any probability at all. When they had finished their speech, the Senate, who had before decreed the war, denounced unto them, that both themselves, and whosoever else had happily then come from the nation of the Macedonians to Rome, should immediatly depart out of the walls of the Roman City, and within thirty dayes out of Italy. [Id. ibid. Diodor. Sicul. Legat. 17. Liv. lib. 42.]

When notice was given unto Eumenes, that he should with his uttermost strength assist the war against Perseus (as we read in Justin, lib. 33. cap. 1.) he came to Chalcis in Baeotia, by sea, with Attalus and Atheneus his brethren; his brother Philetaetus, being left at Pergamus for the safeguard of the kingdom: from thence with Attalus and four thousand Foot, and a thousand Horse, he came into Thessalia, unto Licinius the Consul. Atheneus was left at Chalcis with two thousand Foot: which Marius Lucretius, p. 415coming thither with an army of sea souldiers, consisting of then thousand, took along with him to the siege of Holiartus. [Liv. lib, 42.]

About the same time allmost, there came to Chalcis, ships from their other confederates, two Punick Gallies, of five orders of oars, and two from Heraclea out of Pontus of three orders of oars, four from Chalcedon, and as many from Samos; and moreover five Rhodian Gallies, of four orders of oars, [Id. Ib.] But these C. Leucretius, the Pretor Brother of Marcus, upon his approach, there being no sea-war re-del ver'd unto the confederates. [Id. Ib. cum Polyb. Legat. 67. fin.] But the Pretor himself, together with his brother assaulting Haliartus, when he had taken it by surrender, leveld it the foundation, and without any opposition took Thebes. [Liv. ut. sup.]

Whilest these affairs were transacted in Baeotia, Licinius the Consul, Eumenes and Attalus in Thessalia, encountred with Perseus; the first conflict between them was ended without knowledge who had the better therein: about 38 men were slain of Eumenes his side, amongst whom fell Cassignatus Captain of the Galls: but in the second dispute Perseus got the victory. [Id. ib.] Who notwithstanding, being conqueror, upon his request to Licinius for peace, could not procure it. [Id. Ib. Polyb. Legat. 69. Appian. Legat. 26.]

Perseus the conqueror, sent Antenor to Rhodes for the redemption of the Captives that sailed with Diophanes: in which businesse, there was a long demurre made by them, which governed the Common-wealth, what ought to be done, for it seemed meet unto Philophron and Theae…etus, that the Rhodians should by no means engage themselves in the affairs of Perseus: but Dinon, and Polyaratus liked it; and at last they came to an agreement with Perseus, touching the redemption of the captives, [Polyb. Legat, 70.]

Antiochus, seeing now clearly the Alexandrians preparing themselves to a war far Coelosyria, sent Meleager Ambassador to Rome; who by his command might declare it to the Senate, and alleaging their confederacy might say, that against all right he was invaded by Ptolemei, [Id. Legat. 71.]

When now the war was began by Antiochus and Ptolemei, upon the account of Coelosyria; the Ambassadors of both Kings came to Rome: of Antiochus, Meleager, Sosiphanes, and Heraclides; of Ptolemei, Timotheus and Damon. Meleager came, that he might declare unto the Senate, that Ptolemei did first provoke Antiochus against all justice; and that he would justle him out of the possession of that Country, whereof he was Lord; but Timotheus, to renew friendship; howbeit, especially to observe Meleager his transactions with the Romans. When therefore he had renewed friendship, and received answers agreeable to his demands, he returned to Alexandria, But unto Meleager the Senate answered, That they would imploy Quintus Marcius, to write unto Ptolemei about those matters, as he should see expedient for the interesse of the people of Rome, and his own trust. [Id. Legat. 72. Diodorus. Sicul. Legat. 18.]

Antiochus, engaging in a fight, between Peleusium, and the mountain Casius, with Ptolemeis Commanders, overcame them; but sparing the King a youth, and pretending friendship, he went up to Memphis; and there, according to custom, entring upon the kingdom, and saying, That he would be carefull of the affairs of the land, with a small company of people, he brought all Egypt into subjection unto himself, [Porphyrius, ex Callinco sutorio, apud Hieronym. in Daniel, cap. 11.] at what time also Ptolomei Macron, son of Dorymenes, to whom Philometor had committed the government of Cyprus, seemeth to have gone over to Antiochus side, and delivered unto him the Island, as we read in the [2 of Macchab. 10. 13.] whereupon the care of Cyprus being committed unto Crates, [2 Maccab. 4. 29.] he made Ptolemei Governour of Coelosyria and Phaenicia, [Ib. 8. 8.] and admitted him into the number of his principal friends. [1 Maccab. 3. 38.]

Jubilaeus 26. Year of the World 3834

Perseus, being put to flight by Lycinius the consul, Eumenes, Attalus and Misagenes Duke of the Numidians, when he came to Pella, sent his army into their winter quarters. The Consul, returning to Latissa, having from thence sent home Eumenes and Attalus, disposed Misagenes with his Numidians, and the rest of his army in their winter quarters through Thessaly, [Liv. lib. 42.]

When Sostratus Governour of the Castle of Jerusalem, to whom the exaction of such things as were collected, as customs out of mens estates, belonged, did request and demand the mony, promised unto Antiochus by Menelaus; both of them were summoned by the Knig to Antioch: and Menelaus left Deputy in the administration of the High-Priest-hood, Lysimachus his brother; but Sostratus in his place, Crates, who was Governour of the Cypriotes, [2 Maccab. 4. 27, 28, 29.]

p. 416In Cilicia, they of Tarsus and Mallos, moving sedition because Antiochus had given the Revenue of their Cities to Antiochis his Concubine: The King in all haste came to appease it; leaving at Antioch Andronicus for his Deputy, [2 Maccab. 4. 30, 31.]

Menelaus, taking the opportunity of the Kings absence, (by the assistance of Lysimachus, his Deputy) stole certain vessels of Gold out of the Temple at Jerusalem: whereof some he gave to Andronicus, and some he fold into Tyrus, and the Cities round about: which Onias 3. the Legal High Priest well knowing, he impeached him for sacrilege, and withdrew himself into a sanctuary at Daphne, that lieth by Antioch, [Ibid, 32, 33.] for there was in the middle of the wood a sanctuary, and a place dedicated to Apollo, [Strabo lib. 16. pag. 750.] which most ample Church of Daphneus Appollo, that wrathful and raging King Antiochus erected, [Ammia. Marcellin. lib. 22.]

Andronicus, at the suite of Menelaus, having cunningly drawn forth Onias out of the sanctuary, against his faith pledged and sworn unto him, perfidiously put him to death, [2 Maccab. 4. 34.]

King Antiochus, being returned out of Cilicia into Antioch, the Jewes which were in the City, and many of other Nations, made complaint unto him of the unworthy murder of the most holy old man; who being afflicted at it, and testifying his grief by shedding of tears, he commanded Andronicus, being disrobed of his purple, to be lead about the City, and to be slain in the same place where himself had slain Onias, [Ib. 35. 38.]

Now when many Sacrileges had been committed at Jerusalem by Lysimachus, with the consent of Menelaus; the multitude gathered themselves together against Lysimachus, many golden vessels being carried away: in resistance of whom, he drew forth about three thousand armed men, appointing one Tyrannus for their Leader, a person far gone in years, and no lesse in folly; but of the Rout, some caught stones, some great clubs, some filling their hands with the dust that lay before them, cast them alltogether upon Lysimachus and his souldiers: in that tumult many were wounded, some fell to the ground, the rest put to flight; but the Church-robber himself Lysimachus, was slain near the Treasury, [Ib. 39, 42.]

When Antiochus the King came to Tyre, three men being sent from the Senate at Jerusalem against Menelaus, as a pertaker of the sacrileges and wickednesses of Lysimachus, framed an accusation before him. Howbeit Menelaus being convicted, upon large summes of monies promised to Ptolemei, son of Dorymenes for the pacification of the King, thorough his assistance prevailed, not onelyonly that himself being accquitted, should continue in the High-Priest-hood, but also, that those three innocent persons, who pleaded for the City, and people, and holy vessels, should be condemned to die: Whose condition the Tyrians themselves commiserating, took care that they should be magnificently interred, [Ib. 44. 50.]

About that time, Antiochus prepared his second expedition into Egypt: and it fell out at Jerusalem, that for 40 dayes space together, strange apparitions of armed Horsemen, and of Foot-Companies, encountring one another, were seen in the aire, presages of ensuing evils, [2 Maccab. 5. 1, 4.]

Antiochus, coveting to joyn the kingdom of Egypt to his own, entered it with a numerous company, with Chariots, with Elephants, with Horsemen, and a great Navy, and made war against Ptolemei King of Egypt: who turning himself from his presence, fled away, and many fell down wounded to death. Afterwards the seized upon the fenced Cities in the land, and Antiochus took the spoiles of Egypt, [1 Maccab. 1. 16, 19.]

The false rumor of Antiochus his death being spread abroad, Jason taking with him no lesse than a thousand men, made a sudden assault upon the City of Jerusalem: the City being surprized, Menelaus fled into the Castle; but Jason made slaughter of his own Citizen; not considering, that successe against his own alliances was the greatest infelicity. Neverthelesse he could not recover the Principality; but fleeing away with shame, he returned back into the Country of the Ammonites: where being accused before Aretus, the King of the Arabians, and not daring to make his appearance there, he was forced to flee from one City to another; being hated of all men as a forsaker of the laws, and a publick enemy of his own Country, [2 Maccab. 5. 5, 8.]

Antiochus hearing in Egypt, that upon the spreading of the rumor of his death, the people of Jerusalem were exceeding joyful, and suspecting by the sedition stirred up by Jason, that Judea would revolt, was much enraged in mind, [2 Maccab. 5. 10. Joseph. in l…bello de Mccabaeis,] And returning after that he had smitten Egypt in the 143 year of the Greeks, or Seleucus, he went up against Israel, and Jerusalem, with a great multitude, [1 Maccab. 1. 21. 22.]

Josephus in his 12 book of Antiquities, seventh Chapter, writeth, That in the 143 p. 417year of the Seleucians he took the City: but foreign, without stroke; the men of his own faction opening the Gates unto him: but in the [2 of Maccab. 7.] the City is said to have been foreign, that is, taken by force of armes: and Josephus himself, in his first book, first Chap. of the wars of the Jews, doth not onelyonly say foreign: that he took the City by force; but also addeth, foreign: that he was enraged with the remembrance of those things which he had endured in the siege. Moreover, that they of Jerusalem, whilst Antiochus besieged the City, made a sally out in arme…, and were slain in the dispute; as the same Josephus affirmeth, in the sixth book of the same Works, [pag. 929.]

The City then being taken, and the souldiers commanded to put all that they met to the sword, they cruelly raged against all sorts, of whatsoever Sex or Age: so that in the space of three dayes, there were 80 thousand men missing: whereof 40 thousand were slain, and as many others sold, [2 Maccab. 5. 11, 14.]

Antiochus, not contented herewith, presumed also to go into the Temple, having Menelaus that Traytor to the Laws and his own Country, for his guide; and with wicked hands, to seize upon the holy vessels, and whatsoever else was dedicated by other Kings to the glory and honour of the place, [Ib. 15, 16.] as the golden altar, the candlesticks of light, with all the vessels thereof; the table of the shew-bread, and the pouring vessels, and the vials, and the censers of gold, and the vail, and the crowns, and the golden ornaments that were fastned to the Temple doors: he pulled o… the gold from every thing that was covered with gold, and likewise took the silver, and lovely vessels, and all the hidden treasures which he found, [1 Maccab. 23, 24.]

Polybius Megapolitanus, Strabo Cappadox, Nicolaus Damascenus, Timagenes Castor Chronographus, and Apollodorus, have written, that Antiochus being indigent of monies, brak his league, and assaulted the Jews his confederates and friends, and spoiled the Temple that was full of gold and silver, and found nothing there worthy of decision, [Joseph. contr. Apion. lib. 2.] For paying a great stipend to the Romans, he was almost necessarily compelled himself with great expences to gather monies by pillaging, and to omit no opportunity of spoiling. [Sever. Sulpic. Sacr. Histor. lib. 2.] (Such notwithstanding as are enemies of the Jews) affirm, that many other things were here done by him in hatred of the Nation, and contempt of Religion; in the 34 book of Diodorus his Bibliotheca, and from thence in Photii. Bibliotheca (cod. 244.) thus repeated. Antiochus Epiphanes, having overcome the Jews, entred into the holy Oracle of God, whither the Priests onelyonly might lawfully have accesse: there he found a stone Statue of a man, with a long beard, holding a book in his hand, and sitting upon an Asse; which he thought to have been Moses, who built Jerusalem, and founded the Nation, and established those laws that are hateful unto all Nations. But he desiring to take away the odium of the Nations, endeavoured to abrogate the laws. Therefore he sacrificed a great Sowe to the Statue of the Founder (Moses) and the Altar of God, that stood in the open aire, nnd poured blood upon them: and seething the flesh, commanded the holy bookes that conteined their laws, to be marred and obliterated with the broth: but the immortal taper, as they term it, which alwayes burned in the Temple, he commanded to be put out: and compelled (Menelaus) the Chief Priest, and other Jews, to eat swines flesh. Howbeit we oppose unto all the Calumnies of adversaries, that evident testimony of Strabo the Cappadocian, in the 16 book of his Geographie, where he commendeth the Jews, as just and religious persons. [foreign, pag. 761.]

But that Antiochus, upon the taking of the City, did sacrifice swine upon the Altar, and with the pottage made of their flesh, did sprinkle the Temple, even Josephus witnesseth, [lib. 13. cap. 16.]

Antiochus carrying 1800 talents out of the Temple, speedily repaired to Antioch; leaving Governours to afflict the Nation; at Jerusalem, Philip, by birth a Phrygian, by manners a Barbarian: at Garizim in Samaria, Andronicus. Besides whom, Menelaus more proudly than all the rest, insulted over the Citizens; carrying a most malicious mind against the Jews, [2 Maccab. 5. 21, 21, 23.]

The Embassadors of Asia, were heard in a Senate at Rome: the Milesians remembring that they had done nothing, promised that they were in a readinesse to perform whatsoever the Senate should command them in furthering the war against Perseus. The Alabandenses remembred that they had erected the Temple of the City of Rome, and instituted anniversary Games unto that Godesse: that they brought a golden Crown of 50 pound weight, as a gift unto Jupiter, which they might place in the Capitol, and 300 shields for Horsemen, which they would deliver to whom they would command them. The same also the Lampsaceni, bringing a Crown of 80 pound weight, requested: declaring, how that they departed from Perseus, after the Roman army came into Macedonia, whereas they were under the jurisdiction of Perseus, and before of Philip: in requital whereof, and for that they had yeilded all things to the Roman Commanders, they requested, this onelyonly, that they might be received into the friendship of the Roman people; and if a peace p. 418sshould be concluded with Perseus, that they might be excepted from being reduced into the power of the King. There was a civil answer returned unto the rest of the Legares. Quintus Moenius the Praetor, was commanded to enroll the Lampsaceni after the form of associates. Rewards were given to them all, amounting to the value of two thousand pieces of coin unto each. The Alabandenses were commanded to carry back the shields unto A. Hostilius the Consul, into Macedonia, [Liv. lib. 43.]

When it was appointed by the common consent of the Achaeans, Year of the World 3835 that all the honours of Eumenes which were misbeseeming, and repugnant unto the laws, should be taken away; Sosigenes, and Diopithes, Rhodians, who about that time decided the suites of Law, being upon private causes, offended with Eumenes, destroyed all his honours in the City of Peloponnesus, [Polyb. Legat. 74.]

Whilst A. Hostilius the Proconsul with his forces, The Julian Period. 4545 had his winter quarters in Thessalie, Year before Christ 169 Attalus (who wintered at that time at Elatia) being certainly informed that his brother Eumenes took it most greviously, that by a publick Decree, they had taken away his most splendid honours; after communication of the businesse unto Archon, the Praetor of the Achaei, he sent Embassadors to the common Council of the Nation, who might negotiate with them touching the restoring of the honours unto the King again. Where, upon the perswasion of Polybius (the Historian) a Decree was made; wherein the Magistrates were comanded to renew all things that pertained unto the honour of Eumenes: unlesse there were somewhat amongst them, that did not well suite with the common interesse of the Achaeans, or else were repugnant unto the Laws. Thus therefore Attalus at that time rectified those miscarriages which were rashly committed at Peloponnesus in the businesse of his brother Eumenes his honour, [Id. ib. & in Excerpt. Valesi. pag. 130, 133.]

At the beginning of the Spring, Q. Marcius Philippus, the Consul, was sent against Perseus, [Liv. lib. 44. init.]

A Decree was published by the Achaeans, touching the dispatch of auxiliaries, to their power, unto Marcius the Consul, which was brought unto him by Polybius. There was sent also Theocritus an Embassador, from them unto Attalus, who might bring unto him that Decree, wherein the honours of Eumenes were restored unto him. At the same time when the news was brought unto the Achaeans that the Anacleteria had been celebrated in honour of Ptolemei the King, as it is customary for the Kings of Egypt, when they come to the Legal age of their reign, esteeming it their duty to give intimations of their joy for what was done; they determined to send Embassadors, for the renewing of that friendship which was between the Nation of the Achaeans, and the Kings of Egypt: Whereupon, immediately Alcithus and P…rsidas were chosen, [Id. Legat. 78.]

About that time there was a wicked pranck, and most abhorring from the institutions of the Greeks committed in the Island of Crete: for there being between the Cydoniates and Apolloniates, not onelyonly society, but the common right of friendship, and when all the Laws and Rights of society which are esteemed Sacred amongst men, were common to them both; and when the Tables of that league ratified on each side by oath, being fastned unto the Image of Jupiter Idaeus, were visibly to be looked upon: the Cydoniates notwithstanding, in the time of peace, being received by the Apolloniates as friends, trampling upon the Sacred bond of the league, surprized their City; and having put all the men to the sword, and spoiled their goods, they divided amongst themselves their wives, and children, and all their land, [Polyb. & Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. a Valesio, edit. pag. 133. & 310.]

The Cydoniates, being afraid of the Gortynians (by whom formerly their City was in great danger of being taken, when Nothocrates endeavoured to surprize it) sent Embassadors unto Eumenes, requiring, upon the score of their league, assistance from him. The King chose Leon Captain, whom he dispatched speedily thither with a Band of 300 souldiers. When those forces came, the Cydoniates delivered the keyes of the gates unto Leon, and committed the whole City to his charge, [Id. Legat. 79.]

When by the instigation of Eula…us the Eunuch, there was a new war undertaken by Ptolemei for the recovery of Coelosyria; Antiochus taking his third Expedition into Egypt, reduced it into his power, [Polyb. Legat. 80, 81, 82.] for the Egyptians being dispersed, and driven away, when he could have put them all to the sword, riding about on horseback, he forbad them to be slain, and gave command, that they should be taken alive: for which humanity chiefly, he gained both Peleus…um, and a little while afterward all Egypt, [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesi. pag. 320.]

Whilest the contrary factions at Rhodes increased dayly more and more, after that they had heard that at Rome it was decreed by the Senate, That from thenceforth those things were to be performed, not which their own Magistrates, but the Senate should command; by the perswasion of Philophron, and Theaetetus, at the beginning p. 419of the summer, Hegesilochus, son of Hegesias, and Nicagoras son of Nicander, were sent Ambassadors to Rome; But unto the Consul, Q. Marcius Philippus, and unto C. Marcius Figulus the Admiral of the fleet Agesipolis, Ariston, and Pancrates; all these were commanded to renew amity with the Roman people, and to answer unto the accusations wherewith some endeavoured to lead the City. But Hegesilochus was moreover enjoyned to request liberty of carrying forth corn. Agesipolis overtook Q. Marcius encamping at Heraclea in Macedonia. To whom when he had delivered his commands, the Consul did not onelyonly say that he gave no credit unto such that were detractors of the Rhodians, but also exhorted the Ambassadors not to endure any of those that should dare to tattle any thing of the Romans, and abundantly performed many offices of humanity unto them: he wrote also of the same affairs unto the Roman people. But when Agesipolis was wonderfully taken with the courtesie of the Consul; Marcius taking him aside unto private conference, said, That he admired that the Rhodians did not endeavour to reconcile the Kings that fought for Coelosyria, for it was chiefly conducible unto themselves, Afterwards Agesipolis went unto Caius, the Admiral of the fleet, and being kindly entertained by him, yea, and far more sweetly than he was by Marcius the Consul, he in a short time returned unto Rhodes: where, after that he had given an account of his Ambassage, when as both the Roman Conmanders seemed to contend equally in declaring their courtesie, and humanity with words, and signifying their favour in their answer, all the Rhodians began to be lifted up in their minds, and to be swoln with vain hope; but not all in the same manner: for the more solid party were exceeding joyfull, for the benignity of the Romans: but such as affected novelty, and were ill disposed unto the present state, they concluded in their thoughts, That this wonderfull great and excessive civility of the Romans, was a signe, That they were terrified with the imminent danger, and that affairs did not succeed according unto their mind. But after that it had fallen out, moreover, That Agesipolis had bolted out amongst some, That he was privately commanded by Marcius, to make a proposition in the Senate of the Rhodians, of compounding an agreement between the Kings: then assuredly Dino made no question but the affairs of the Romans were in a most evill condition: therefore there were even Ambassadors sent to Alexandria, to co…clude the war that was commenced between Antiochus, and Ptolemei, [Polyb. Legat. 80.]

Towards the end of the Summer, Hegesilochus and other Ambassadors of the Rhodians comming to Rome, were entertained with all kind of humanity, and courtship. But it was most manifestly known, that the Rhodians were divided with civill dissentions: Whilst Agathagetus, Philophron, Rhodophon, and Theaetetus, placed all their hopes in the Romans; on the contrary, Dino, and Polyaratus in Perseus, and the Macedons: from whence it came frequently to passe, that the matters that came to be debated, being disputed appositely on either side, & with different judgements, such as had a mind to disparrage the City, took from thence an occasion. Howbeit, the Senators pretended that no such matters were known unto them; who notwithstanding well understood all the matters that were transacted by them; however, they granted license unto them for the exportation of an hundred thousand bushels of bread-corn out of Sicilie, [Id. Legat. 64, 73. & 80.]

After that Egypt was possessed by Antiochus, upon the debates of Comanus, and Cineas with King Ptolemei, touching the main matters, it seemed expedient to conclude, That there should a Council be enrolled out of the most principal Captains, by whose sentence all things from thence forward should be dispatched. Upto that Councel it seemed behoofull in the first place, That such forreigners of the Greeks, who should happily be found there, should go Ambassadors to Antiochus, to negotiate with him, concerning a peace, [Id. Legat. 81.]

There were then at that place two Abassadors sent from the nation of the Achaei: one for the renewing of friendship with the King, which was committed unto Alcithus, son to Xenophn of Aege, and Pasiadas: another concerning the contention of the Antagonists: there was sent also from the Athenians an Embassage, touching a certain donation, the principal person wherein was Demaratus. Moreover there were two sacred Embassages from the same men; one touching the feast of Minerva, called Panathenaea, the chief whereof was Callias the Pancratiast, or conquerour at the games, the other touching mysteries, which was discharged by Cleostratus, who upon that argument spake an oration unto the King; there were present from Miletum Eudemus and Icesius, from Clazomenae, Apollonides, and Apollonius. [Ib.]

Together with these, Ptolemei the King sent his own Ambassadors, Tlepolemus, and Ptolemei the Rhetorician: who sayling against stream, came unto Antiochus. He receiving them courteously invited them the first day unto a sumptuous feast; & the next day gave them the liberty of a personall conference, and commanded them to publish their commissions: in the first place therefore, spake the Ambassadors of the Achaeans p. 420unto him, afterwards Demaratus that was sent by the Athenians, and next to him Eudemus of Miletum. Howbeit, all affirmed that the war was commenced through the default of Eulaius the Eunuch; after that alleadging the kinred and age of Ptolemei, they deprecated the rage of the Kings. Antiochus having given consent unto their speeches, and discoursed himself more fully to the same purpose, he began to make mention of his rights, endeavouring with great earnestnesse to prove that the possession of Coelosyria appertained unto the Kings of Syria; and denying those things to be true, which the Ambassadors from Alexandria alleadged, concerning Coelosyria, given for a Dowry with Cleopatra, mother of Philometor then reigning. To which purpose, when he had largely discoursed, and had proved his cause not to himself onelyonly, but to all that were present, he for that season went to Naucratis by shipping, and having at that place also benignly bespoken, and entreated the Citizens, and given amongst the Greeks who remained there, pieces of gold, amounting to sixteen shillings eight pence to each man, he took his journey to Alexandria. He promised to give his answer to the Ambassadors, after that Aristides and Theris should be returned; for he desired that the Greeks should be privy to, and witnesses of, all his actions. [Ibid. Legat. 82.]

Philometor, being educated by Eulaius the Eunuch, in delights, and effeminate imployments, contracted such sloth, that, being withdrawn from all danger, and by great distance divided from the enemy, he parted with a most large and wealthy kingdom, without striking a stroke. [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii. pag. 310. 313,]

The Crown being taken from Philometor, after that he had reigned 11 years, by Antiochus; the Alexandrians committed the sway of affairs unto Euergetes his younger brother. [Porphyr. in Grec. Eusebeian. Scalig. pag. 54. & 225.] whom they themselves notwithstanding afterwards called Cacergetes, or the Malefactor. [Athenae, lib. 4. cap. 24▪ & lib, 12. cap. 27.] Howbeit, from the corpulency of his bulk, and the extension of his paunch, he obtained the surname of Physcon, or the Gor-belly, which joyned together with his name, is read after this sort in his coyn, foreign.

This Ptolemei, by Epiphanius in his small book of weights and measures, for his love of learning, is termed Ptolemaeus Philologus, for he was both one of Aristarchus his scholars, and he wrote historical observations, which are frequently cited by Atheneus. [Athenae. lib. 2. cap. 33.] for unto this second Euergetes do belong those things which we produced out of Athenaeus, and Galen concerning the first, in the year of the World 3761. from whence, seeing that at that time Eumenes son of Attalus reigned in Asia; whom Strabo affirmeth to have furnished Pergamus with libraries, [lib. 13. pag. 614.] I suppose those things to be referred unto this Ptolemei, which are read in Vitruvius his Preface of his seventh Book. The Attalian Kings, being induced thereunto by the wonderfull delights of Philologie, when they had erected for the common delight a famous librarie at Rergamus; then also Ptolemei, being invited with infinite zeal and eagernesse of desire, did not with lesse industry endeavour to procure the like at Alexandria, and in Plinie, [lib. 13. cap. 11.] Through the emulation of the Kings, Ptolemei and Eumenes, about libraries, Varro writeth, That at Pergamus, parchments were found out, Ptolemei suppressing the Egyptian paper.

Ptolemei Philometor, being driven out of his kingdom, he fled unto his younger brother Ptolemei Euergetes, to Alexandria; [Justin lib. 34. cap. 2.] whom the Alexandrians, delivering from the power of Antiochus, made him with his brother partner of the kingdom, numbring with the 12 of the one, the fourth year of the other his reign, [Porphyr. ut sup,] although a while after they cast out Philometor, and banished him. [Polyb. Legat. 84, & 89.]

Antiochus, willingly catching at that occasion, undertook the government of the banished Prince, and made use of the specious pretence of bringing him home again in the defence of his Egyptian war, in receiving Embassages into all the Cities of Asia, and Greece, and in the dispatch of letters. [Livie lib. 44. and 45.]

Antiochus, through the handsome colour of bringing back Ptolemei the elder into his kingdom, managing his war with his younger brother, who at that time possessed Alexandria, got the better of him at a sea fight at Pelusium: and going over the Nile with his army, on a bridge suddenly erected, besieged Alexandria it self: Whereupon that same Ptolomei the younger, and Cleopatra his sister, dispatched Ambassadors to Rome, who might implore the Senate to send assistance unto the kingdom, and such Princes as were friends unto the Empire: for such were the obligations of the people of Rome unto Antiochus, and so great their authorities with all Kings and nations; That if they should but send Ambassadors to declare that it pleased not the Senate, That a war should be made with their confederate Princes, he would forthwith p. 421depart from the walls of Alexandria, and withdraw his army into Syria. [Id. lib. 44.]

The wall of Alexandria having been assaulted to no purpose, Antiochus departed from thence, [Id. lib. 45.] Meleager, Sosiphanes, and Heraclides, being notwithstanding, first sent Embassadors to Rome: who of 150 talents committed to their charge were to bestow fifty upon a Crown, to be delivered to the Romans, and to divide the rest of the sum to certain Cities of Greece. [Polyb. Legat. 83.]

About those dayes the Embassadors of the Rhodians, of whom Ptutio was the chief that were sent to settle a peace, arriving at Alexandria, presently afterward went into the Camp unto the King: These being admitted unto conference with the King, commemorating the conjunction of each kingdom with the other, and the mutual respects of alliance between both the Kings, and what advantages would redound unto each of them upon the concluding of a peace, entered upon a long discourse. But the King interrupting the Embassador in his speech, said, That there was no need of any longer discourse; for the kingdom appertained unto the Elder Ptolemei; and he had long since made a peace with him, and was his friend; and if the Alexandrians would recal him out of banishment, he was contented, [Id. 84.]

Antiochus, leaving Ptolemei the Elder at Memphis, whose kingdom he pretended was fought for by his Forces, and delivering unto him the rest of Egypt, after that he had left a strong Garrison at Pelusium, withdrew his army into Syria; for when he had promised unto himself this issue of the civil war between the brethren, that the Conqueror being wearied in the dispute, would not be equal unto himself: he thought it behooful to keep unto himself the key of Egypt, that he might again at pleasure bring in his army, and assault the brother that had conquered, [Liv. lib. 45.]

King Eumenes, coming from Elaea with 20 covered ships, in the coasts of the Cassandrenses met with Marcius Figulus, the Praetor, Admiral of the Roman Fleet, and five covered ships sent from Prusias the King there, with the Praetor: at the same time, both by sea and land, he in vain assaulted the City Cassandrea; Toron also, and Demetrias being attempted with no better successe: There was a report that by Cydas the Cretian, and Antimachus Governour of Demetrius, conditions of reconcilement were negotiated between Eumenes and Perseus. For that Cydas, who was one of Eumenes his intimate friends, was formerly observed to discourse at Amphipolis with Chimarus, a certain Country-man of his own, and now at Demetrias with Menecrates, a certain Captain of Perseus, and again with Antimachus under the very walls of the City. Eumenes certainly departing from Demetrius, sailed unto Q. Marcius the Consul, and having gratulated his prosperous entrance into Macedonia, departed into his own kingdom to Pergamus. Marcius Figulus the Praetor, part of the Fleet being sent to winter at Sciathum, went with the rest of the ships unto Oreum in Boeotia, [Id. lib. 44.]

Reports are very various touching King Eumenes: Valerius Antias saith, That neither the Praetor was assisted with a Fleet by him after that he had often sent for him by letters: neither that he departed with savour from the Consul into Asia; (being incensed, that it was not permitted unto him to march in the same Camp) That it could not be obtained of him to leave behind, so much as those French-horsemen, which he had brought with him. That Attalus his brother, both remained with the Consul, and that his fidelity was sincere in an equal temper, and his endeavours notable in the whole war, [Ibid.] And indeed Velleius Paterculus writeth, that King Eumenes was of an indifferent mind in that war, and answered not the beginning of his brother, nor his own accustomed fashion, [Histor. lib. 1. cap. 9.]

At Rome, the Embassadors of Pamphylius brought into the Senate a golden Crown made of 20 thousand Philipeans; and upon their request, liberty was granted unto them to repose their gift in the Chappel of Jupiter, and to sacrifice in the Capitol; moreover as to their desire of renewing friendship, they had a gracious answer, and a gift of two thousand pieces of coin sent unto each of them, [Liv. lib. 44.]

At that time, the Embassadors from King Prusias, for making up a peace with King Perseus, received an audience: Prusias professing, both that at that time he stood for the Romans, and that he should stand for them during the war: Neverthelesse, seeing that Embassadors had come to him from Perseus touching the conclusion of the war, and he had promised them to be an intercede… with the Senate, he desired, if they could be perswaded to end their displeasure, that himself might be used by them in the making up of the reconcilement, [Id. ib.]

The Embassie of the Rhodians was more arrogant, concerning the same businesse; for the courtesies which they had done for the Roman people, being proudly related, and almost the greater part of the victory procured over Antiochus, being arrogated to themselves; they added, That when there was peace between the Macedonians and the Romans, then was amity begun between themselves and King Perseus; the p. 422which, they had broken off against their wills, not upon any provocation of his against themselves, but because it pleased the Romans to draw them into the society of the war: That now the third year, they felt many inconveniencies of that war; That upon the blocking up of the sea, their Island was pressed with poverty, their revenues that came by sea, and their victuals being lost: when they could no longer endure this, That they had sent other Embassadors into Macedonia unto Perseus, who might declare unto him, That the Rhodians were contented that he should make up a peace with the Romans, and that themselves were sent, to signify so much to Rome, That the Rhodians should consider, what ought to be done against them, in whom the fault should be found of not concluding the war. Claudius Quadrigarius saith, That there was no answer given unto these persons: onelyonly there was recited a decree of the Senate, wherein the Roman people denounced, That the Carians and Lycians were free, and that letters should immediately be dispatcht unto both nations, that they might understand so much. Which thing being heard, That the principal person of the Embassadors, whose high language the Senate a little before had scarce received, fell down astonished: Others say, that it was answered, That the Roman people even in the beginning of the war, had been assured by no vain authors, That the Rhodians had entertained secret debates with Perseus the King against their Common-wealth; and if it had been doubtful formerly, yet the Legates words a little before, had made it certain; and that fraud for the most part, though it be more wary at the beginning, discovereth it self, that they would consider what was to be done by them; what the Rhodians were about to consider, themselves knew, That assuredly the people of Rome, when Perseus should be overcome, (which they hoped would shortly be) would take care to make condingne requital according to the merits of each City in that war: howbeit, a reward of two thousand pieces of coyn was sent unto each of the Embassadors, which they accepted not. [Id. Ibid.]

But Dion giveth this account of the businesse. King Perseus requested peace from the Romans, and had obtained the same, except the Rhodians, fearing least the Romans should have wanted an adversary, had joyned their Embassadors with the Embassadors of Perseus, for by them (the Legates of the Rhodians) nothing that was moderate, and such as became those to speak as requested a peace, was propounded; and so as if they had not so much requested a peace for Perseus, as given it unto him, they both proudly spake other things, and also at last threatned, That they would, with the rest, assault them by war, by whose fault the peace should not be made. Whereby it came to passe, that, whereas they were not unsuspected by the Romans before, they rendred themselves more hatefull, and hindred Perseus from obtaining a peace, [Dio. Legat. 19. al. 20.]

About the beginning of the Consulship of L. Emilius Paulus, The Julian Period. 4546 and C. Licinius, Year before Christ 168 the Alexandrian Embassadors from Ptolemei and Cleopatra, Princesse, were called into the Senate; being clad with white apparel, and having both long beards and hair, when they had entered into the Senate with Olive-branches, they prostrated themselves: and making lamentation, they entreated the Senate, That they would give their assistance unto a kingdom, and Princesse that were in amity with them. [Liv. lib. 44.]

When the Senate had understood by them, That Antiochus, having seized upon the rest of Egypt, did still remain there, that he might be master of Alexandria also; supposing that the greatnesse of this King did somewhat concern them, they decreed an Embassage, both for the making of a peace, and also for the viewing in generall, what the face of affairs was in that place. [Polyb. Legat. 90.]

Immediatly therefore, the fathers sent C. Popillius Laenas, C. Decimius, and C. Hostilius, Embassadors, to conclude the war between the Kings, they were commanded to go first to Antiochus, then to Ptolemei, and declare, if they abstained not from war, which of them should be the cause thereof, they should not esteem him for a friend or a confederate, [Liv. lib. 44.]

These with the Embassadors from Alexandria, having taken their journey within three dayes, there came Embassadors from Macedonia on the last of the Quinquatria, that is, of the feast of Minarva's birth day: who among other things, related, That Eumenes and his fleet, as ships brought with a tempest, without any cause, both came and departed, neither did the mind of that King seem sufficiently constant, and as they said all things doubtfull of Eumenes, so they declared the extraordinary constant fidelity of Attalus. [Id. ib.]

The time when the Embassadors, sent into Egypt, departed from Rome in an ancient Diary of this year (which Pighius hath inserted into the second Tome of his Annals in the 585 year of the City) is found thus expressed, The third day before the Nones of of April, C. Popillius Laenas, C. Decimius, C. Hostilius are sent Ambassadors to the Kings p. 423of Syria and Egypt, for the taking up the war between them: the Embassadors early in the morning with a troop of their Clients and kinred, sacrificed in the Temple of Castor, unto the houshold gods of P. R. they offered a Bull, and so concluded their sacrifice. Howbeit, the third day, before the Nones of April, as the year at Rome then stood, answered unto the twenty third of our January, according the Julian account: as we gather from the Eclipse of the Moon, which sell out five moneths afterward.

After that Antiochus with his army had returned into Syria, Ptolemei Philometor, prudently considering the danger that hung over his head, by reason of him, left not off sending to Alexandria, unto Cleopatra his sister first, and then to Euergetes his brother, and his friends, untill he had confirmed a peace with them; his sister extraordinarily assisting him, not onelyonly by advise, but also by entreaties. A peace therefore being made with common consent, returning from Memphis, and being received into Alexandria, he reigned together with his brother, not so much as the multitude opposing themselves: which in the war, not onelyonly by the siege, but also after it was raised from their walls, had been brought low through the want of all things, because no supply had been brought to them out of Egypt. [Liv. lib. 45. cum Polyb. Legat. 89.]

Whereas it was meet that Antiochus should have rejoyced hereupon, if he had brought his army into Egypt for his restaurations sake, he was so offended, that he more eagerly and maliciously prepared war against them both, than formerly he had against the one of them: and thereupon presently sent his fleet unto Cyprus, which in a fight overthrew the Egyptian ships there, and the Captains of Ptolemei, [Liv. lib. 45. Polyb. Legat. 92.]

Both Ptoilemei's brethren, having at that time the Crown and Kingly power, forasmuch as they were destitute of all kind of aid, sent Eumenes, and Dionysiodorus, Embassadors, unto the nation of the Achaeans, to request 1000 foot men, and 200 horsemen, and that Lycortas might be Captain of all the auxiliary forces, and his son Polybius of the horse men, they wrote also to Theodoridas the Sicyonian, to hire a thousand mercenary souldiers. [Polyb. Legat. 89. & 91.]

Perseus King of the Macedonians, and Gentius King of the Sclavonians, being united in league together, by giving pledges on either side, decreed, That Embassadors should be sent to Rhodes, hoping that the City, in whose onelyonly power the glory of shipping then was, might by the authority of two Kings be incited unto the war against the Romans. The Embassadors were sent unto Thessalonica, & commanded to be in a readinesse to take ship: at that place was Metrodorus, who came lately from Rhodes, and affirmed that by the authority of Dion, and Polyaratus, principal men of the City, the Rhodians were prepared for war; for as amongst the the Coans, Hippocritus and Diomedon brethreen, so amongst the Romans, Dino and Polyaratus have been bold to speak for the Macedonians, and accuse the Romans, and publickly advise a conjunction with Perseus. This Metrodorus was made the chief person of this confederate Embassie with the Sclavonians. [Polyb. Legat. 85. & in Excerptis, Valesii. pag. 137. Livie lib. 44.]

Perseus, having sent Tetemnastus the Cretian, Embassador to Antiochus, advised him not to let slip the present oppertunity, nor to think that the pride and insolent injunctions of the Romans pertained unto him alone, but rather that he should be assured to run the same hazard of fortune himself also within a short time, except he now afforded his assistance unto him, in the chief place by composing the dissention, and setling a peace, or at least, if that might not be, by contributing his help. [Polyb. Legat. 85. Liv. lib. 44.]

At the same time also, Perseus sent Cryphontes (for so the Collections of Polybius name him, whom the printed Copies of Livie call Eropontes) Embassador unto Eumenes, who had formerly discharged two Embassies unto the same person. [Id. Ibid.] surely by the profer of money he sollicited Eumenes, That he should either take his part, or reconcile him unto the people of Rome, or assist neither side; hoping that he should obtain one of these things, or at least by that sollicitation procure (which indeed he attained) that Eumenes should become suspected unto the Romans. But Eumenes despised the friendship of Perseus, & for the making of a peace demanded 1500 talents, and to remain neutral to both, 1000. Perseus promised to give the sum required for the procurement of a peace, but not before hand; howbeit, he would depose it in the Temple at Samothrace, untill the peace were concluded. [Appian. Macedonic. in Excerpt. Valeisi. p. 562.] But sith that Island was within his own jurisdiction, Eumenes saw that it signified no more than if the mony had been at Pella, and insisted hereupon, That he should bring part of the mony for the present. Which not obtaining, Cryphon, their secret debates being unknown, returned home: that the negotion had been concerning the redemption of captives, both themselves noised abroad and Eumenes, for the avoyding p. 424of suspition, informed the Consul to the same purpose. [Livie, lib. 44.]

The Rhodians disagreeing between themselves, and that party prevailing in their assemblies which was inclined to Perseus, it seemed good that Embassadors should be sent to compound the war between Perseus and the Romans: the chief presidents therefore of their Councels immediatly dispatched Embassadors unto Rome, Agesipolis and Cleombrotus, but to the Consul and Perseus, Damon, Nicostratus, Agesilochus, and Telephus; they sent also Embassadors into Creet, to renew friendship with all the Cretians; and to advise them to have an eye to the condition of the times, and the imminent danger, and that agreeing with the people of Rhodes, they should esteem the same as foe and friend, which they should do: there were sent also unto each City, who might entreat with them touching the same affairs. [Polyb. Legat. 86.]

The Embassadors of the Ptolemeis, the Kings, whilst it was yet Winter, coming into Peloponnesus, after that in an Assembly of the Achaeans celebrated at Corinth they had renewed their ancient friendship, which they signified by many arguments one towards another; and had presented unto their view the afflicted condition of the Kings, requesting aide: the multitude were in a readinesse to give their assistance, not with a part of their Forces, but if need should require, with all their strength. Howbeit, Callicrates, and Diophanes, and Hyperbatonus, opposed this judgement: against whom, Lycottas and Polybius discoursing, exhorted the Achaeans, that being mindful of their engagements and courtesies received, but especially of their oath, they should keep the laws of Confederacy. But when the multitude had again joyntly agreed that assistance should be given; Callicrates frustrated that debate, terrifying the Magistrates, because the laws gave no liberty in such like assemblies, to deliberate of auxiliaries, [Polyb. Legat. 89.]

A little while afterwards, a Council being called in the City of the Sicyonians, in the which, not onelyonly the Magistrates were present, but all that were above 30 years of age; after many debates had passed, a carryer was brought by Callicrates immediately after his arrival directly into the Theatre, bringing forged letters from Q. Marcius the Proconsul; wherein he was feigned to exhort the Achaeans, that complying with the desire of the Romans, they would endeavour to reconcile the Kings together: and thereupon Embassadors were sent from the Achaeans, Archon of Aegi…a, Arcesilaus and Aristo Megapolitanes, to make a peace between Ptolemeis, the Kings, and Antiochus: at which King Polybius being incensed with indignation, withdrew himself from the care, and administration of affairs: and the Embassadors from Alexandria having lost the hope of assistance, returned home, [Id. ibid. & Legat. 91,]

Perseus, having his winter quarters at Bila, drew his Forces into Ionia, whereby he might intercept the bread-corn that was conveyed from thence unto the Romans, [Appian. ut. sup. pag. 565.] Antenor and Callippus the Admirals of the Navy, with 40 small boates and five larger vessels called Pristes (from the likenesse of the fish so named, which they do resemble) he sent unto Tenedos: that being from thence dispersed by the Cycladas, Islands, they might secure the ships that came with bread-corn into Macedonia: the ships being brought to Cassandrea, after that they had first arrived at the havens which lie under the Mountain Athos, and from thence with a calme sea, at Tenedos; sent away the Rodians open vessels, and Eudemus their President without violation, nay even civily entreated. But being afterwards informed that 50 burdenships of their friends were shut in by the beaked ships of Eumenes under the conduct of Damius, at the very mouth of the haven at Mount Athos, having dispersed their enemies, they brought them forth and sent them with the conduct of ten small vessels into Macedonia, [Liv. lib. 44.]

Those small vessels on the ninth day afterwards, returned unto the Fleet lying at Sigaeum: which from thence sailed to Subota (an Island lying between Elaea, and Athos) howbeit the next day after that they came thither, 35 ships which they call Hippagogi, or vessels for the conveyance of horses, Ferry-boats coming from Elaea with French Horsemen, and horses (sent from Eumenes to Attalus) were bound for Phanes, a Promontory of the Chians, from whence they might put over into Macedonia. Antenor, having loosed from Subota, between the Promontory of Erythrae, and that of Chios where the sea is most straight, suddenly light upon these: and when there was no hope of resisting, part of them which were near unto the shoat of the Continent swum into Erythraea: part, hoysing up sail, threw their ships upon Chios, and leaving their horses behind them, posted a main unto the City. But when the small vessels had disburthened their armed men nearer unto the City, and at a more convenient place of landing, the Macedonians having gotten the Frenchmen into their power, slew some of them as they fled in the way, and others being intercepted before the gate. There were slain of the Galls well nigh 800 (or 700 as Gruters edition hath it) and 200 taken alive. The horses were partly (the ships being broken) consumed in the p. 425sea, and partly houghed by the Macedonians on the shoar. Antenor commanded the same ten vessels which he had sent before, to convoy 20 of the stateliest horses with the captives unto. Thessalonica, and as soon as they possibly could, to return to the Fleet; he would expect them at Phanae. The Navy lay almost three dayes before the City, from thence they went unto Phanae; and being carryed over in the 10 vessels (returned before they were expected) they passed thorough the Aegean Sea unto Delos, [Id. ibid.]

Whilst these things were doing, the Roman Embassadors, C. Popillius, C. Decimius, and C. Hostilius, having come from Chalcis, after that they had arrived at Delos with three Gallies of five ranks of oares; found there 40 ships of the Macedonians; and five Gallies of King Eumenes with five ranks of oares. The sanctity of the Temple, and the Island, gave security unto all persons. The Romans therefore and the Macedonians being mingled together, and the sea-confederates of Eumenes, the religion of that place making a Truce, were conversant in the Temple, [Id. ibid.]

Antenor, Perseus his Admiral, when there was intimation from the watch-towers, that ships of carriage were discovered at sea; pursuing himself with part of the shipping, the other part being disposed about the Cyclades, either sunk or spoiled all the ships, except such as were bound for Macedonia. Popillius, or the Navy of Eumenes, succoured as many as they could; and being conveyed by night in two or three vessels for the most part, deceived the Macedonians, [Id. ibid.]

About that time, the Embassadors of Gentius, King of the Sclavonians, Parmenio and Morcus, and together with these, Metrodorus (Embassador) of Perseus, came to Rhodes: whose authority was encreased, not onelyonly by the approach of the Frigots which passed up and down by the Cyclades, and the Aegean Sea, and by the multitude of the Horsemen which were slain; but also by the very conjunction of Perseus and Gentius, and the rumor of the Galatians, Horse and Foot, coming with a great number. These things indeed gave courage unto Dinon and Polyaratus, who were for Perseus his interesse; but, on the contrary, dejected Theaetetus. It was decreed therefore by the Rhodians, to give a friendly answer unto both the Kings; and to signifie unto them: That they had resolved by the interposition of their authority, to put a period to the war; and consequently to admonish them, to be inclinable to a peace. Moreover the Embassadors of Gentius were entreated with much civility in their publick place of Assembly, [Id. ibid. Polyb. Legat.]

At the beginning of the Spring, Antiochus with his army, marching for Egypt, came into Coelosyria, about Rhinocolura, unto the Embassadors of Ptolemei, Philometor rendring thanks unto him, for that by his means he had received his paternal kingdom, and requesting, That he would maintain his own right, and rather speak what he would have done, than, changing from a confederate to an enemy, proceed by violence, and armes; he gave this answer: That he would upon no other terms revoke his Fleet, and reduce his army, unlesse he would surrender unto him all Cyprus, and Pelusium, and the field that was adjacent unto that mouth of the Nile, called Pelusiack; and he fixed a day within which he might receive an answer, [Livie, lib. 45.]

Antiochus dispatched Apollonius Overseer for the Collection of his Tribute (called by Josephus foreign in the 12 book of his Antiquities, cap. 7. foreign in the 2 of the Maccab. 5. 24.) with an army of 22 thousand into the Cities of Judea; two compleat years after that he had spoiled the Temple at Jerusalem, commanding them to put to death all the young men that were come to years of maturity and in full strength, but to sell the women and younger sort, [1 Maccab. 1. 30. 2 Maccab. 5. 24.]

After that Apollonius was come to Hierusalem, without any shew of hostility, he restrained himself until the Sabbath Day; on which he destroyed all that came to discharge religious duties, and, marching with his Forces about the City, he put to death a great multitude: and taking the spoiles of the City, he set it on fire, and pulled down the houses, and the walls round about: They led away also captive the women and children, and seized on the cattel, [1 Maccab. 1. 31, 34. 2 Maccab. 5. 25, 26.] Josephus, [in the 12 book of his Antiquities and the seventh chap.] ascribing unto Antiochus himself, those things that were done by his ministers, affirmeth him; After the sacking of the whole City, partly to have slain the inhabitants, and partly to have led them away captive, together with their children and wives, to the number of ten thousand.

Judas Maccabaeus also, departing with nine others, spent his life in the mountains after the manner of wild beasts together with his companions, who continued to feed on herbs, least they should be pertakers of the pollution, [2 Maccab. 5. 27.] or of the prohibited meates, or of the idolatry, or of the contamination also, and the desolation of the Sanctuary which insued thereupon; [1 Maccab. 1. 39, 41.] which was three years and six moneths before the restitution and purification thereof, made afterwards p. 426by the same Judas Maccabaeus, [1 Maccab. 4. 43, 54.] For which space of time Josephus intimates the City of Jerusalem to have been oppressed by Antiochus in the Preface of his books concerning the Jewish war, and the service of the daily sacrifice to have ceased in the first book, and first chap. and the Sanctuary to have been desolate in the sixth book of the same Work (pag. 929.) the same author sheweth; who declareth also that last point, touching the time of the desolation of the Sanctuary, as Hippolytus affirmeth, [Caten. Graec. in Daniel, chap 8.]

Afterwards they built in the City of David, or Sion, a great wall, fenced with strong Towers, which was unto them in the place of a Ciladel; and a Garrison of wicked persons being placed therein, they reposed there the spoiles of Jerusalem: and forasmuch as there were plots there contrived against such as frequented the Temple, and innocent blood was shed and the Sanctuary defiled; the inhabitants of Jerusalem fled and the City became an habitation of strangers, and strange to her own Natives, her children forsaking her, [1 Maccab. 1. 35, 40.]

The Embassadors of the Rhodians came into the Camp of the Romans, with the same instructions, touching peace, which at Rome highly incensed the fathers, they were heard with much more discontent by the Councel of war: Howbeit, when some would have had them violently forced out of the Camp, the Councell declared, That it would give them answer after fifteen dayes: in the mean time, that it might appear at what rate the authority of the Rhodians interceding for peace was esteemed, they began to debate of the means how to manage the war, [Livie lib. 44.]

The day before Perseus was overcome, C. Sulpicius Gallus tribune of the souldiers of the second Legion, by the permission of L. Emilius Paulus the Consul, calling the souldiers together, declared unto them, that the ensuing night, left any should be astonished at the strangenesse thereof, the Moon should suffer an eclipse from two of the clock in the night, untill four; which being a thing that by the course of nature comes to passe at set times, it might be known before, he said, and likewise foretold; and therefore ought not to be look't upon as a prodigy, [Id. Ib.] which a while afterward, as Pliny writes, he taught in a treatise composed thereupon, [lib. 2. cap. 12.] where he reporteth this man to be the first of the Roman nation, who published unto the world, the reason of the Sun and Moon's Eclipses, of whom Cato in Ciceros book, of old age, thus speaketh: We did behold Scipio, Gallus, the intimate acquaintance of your father (Emilius Paulus) even to macerate himself unto death in his endeavours of measuring almost the Heavens and the Earth: how often did the morning surprise him, when he began to delineate any thing at night? and how oft did the night come upon him, when he began in the morning? how was he delighted when he fore-told unto us the Eclipses of the Sun and Moon, a great while before they came to passe?

The night which did precede the day before the Nones of September, when the Moon was eclipsed at the appointed hour, it seemed unto the Roman souldiers to be allmost a divine thing: but it affected the Macedonians as a sad Omen portending the full of their kingdom, and the mischief of their nation. [Liv. lib. 44. cum Justin. lib. 33. cap. 1. Valer. Maxim. lib. 8. cap. 11. Jul. Frontin. Stragemat. lib. 1. cap. 12.] The Astronomical account sheweth, That the total darknesse of the Moon, fell out upon the 21 day day of June, according to the Julian account, the eight hour after noon, this year, in Macedonia: when the souldiers would have given their bodies unto sleep, and rest in the night, as Plutarch hath it in his Paulus Emilius. Whence it is inserted, That the Id…es of March, on this year, whereon Paulus entered upon his second Consulship, fell out upon the fourth day of January, according to the Julian reckoning.

The day following, Perseus being overthrown, [1 Macchabees 8. 5.] the kingdome of the Macedonians determined: when from Caranus it had stood for the space of 626. years. Howbeit, the reliques of the Macedonian Empire, while the Roman was rising, did yet survive in the Seleucus's of Syria, and the Ptolemei's of Egypt.

The third day after the fight, Perseus, with about five hundred Cretians, came by flight unto Amphipolis in Thracia; but, being not admitted by the Amphipolitans, when their money, both gold and silver, was brought unto the ships which abode in Strymon; he also himself came unto the river. Unto the Cretians, that were drawn the hope of mony, out of his peculiar treasury, he delivered Cups, and goblets, with other gold and silver vessels, amounting to the value of 50 talents, which, being placed on the bank, he left to be catched up by them, from this scrambling, whilst they tumultuosly went a ship-board, they sank one of the vessels, loaden with a multitude of people, in the very mouth of the river. On that day he came unto Galipsus, or Alepsus, on the morrow unto the Island Samothrace, with two thousand talents; and humbly betook himself unto the Temple of Castor and Pollux. [Livie. lib. 44. cum Plutarcho, in Paulo Emilio.]

p. 427When the fame of the Roman victory had come into Asia, Antenor, who with a Fleet of Frigots waited at the Phanae, sailed from thence into Cassandria, [Livie lib. 45.]

C. Popillius, who lay at Delos for a safeguard unto the ships that were bound for Macedonia; after that he had heard of the successe in Macedonia, and the removal of the enemies Frigots out of their Station, he also himself, having dismissed the Attick ships, proceeded to sail for Egypt, that he might discharge the Embassie which he had undertaken: to the end that he might first meet with Antiochus, before he came to the walls of Alexandria. After that the Embassadors had passed Asia, and were come into Loryma, which is an Haven above 20 miles distant from Rhodes, directly opposite against the City, the principal persons of the Rhodians (for even thither also had the rumor of the victory been brought) met them, entreating them to put in at Rhodes; for they said, That it concerned the honour, and safety of the City, that they should understand all things which had before been transacted and were then in agitation at Rhodes, and declare at Rome, what was known to themselves, not what was bruited by fame: though they refused a great while, yet at length they forced them to suffer a short interruption of their voyage for the safety of a confederate City: and after they were arrived at Rhodes, the same persons by their entreaties drew them into their publick Assembly, [Id. ib.]

The coming of the Legates rather encreased than diminished the fear of the Citizens; for Popillius repeated all things, which all and every of them had spoken, or done in a hostile manner, during the time of the war; and being a man of a soure disposition, he aggravated the grievousnesse of the things that had been spoken with a sterne countenance and criminating voice; so that, whereas there was no ground of his private displeasure against the City, they might guesse by the bitternesse of one single Roman Senator, how the whole Senate stood affected toward them. The speech of C. Decimius more mild, who in most of the things alledged by Popillius, said, That the fault was not the peoples, but such stickling mens that stirred them up: that those kind of persons, setting their tongue to sale, had framed decrees full of Court-flattery, and had dispatched such Embassages, whereof the Rhodians were no lesse ashamed, than penitent for: all which, had the people power in their own hands, would fall upon the heads of the guilty. He was heard with great approbation, no lesse because he charged the fault upon the authors, than that he extenuated the crime of the people. When therefore the principal persons replyed unto the Romans, their speech was in no wise acceptable, who endeavoured to purge the crimes objected by Popillius, as theirs, who agreed with Popillius in exposing the authors unto punishment for the expiation of the crime: and thereupon those Rhodians, who before carried such high minds, as if they had conquered, as well Philip, as Antiochus, and were Superior in strength to the Romans themselves, were brought into such terror, that even in the presence of the Embassadors, there was a Decree suddenly made, That whosoever should be convinced to have spoken or done any thing in the behalf of Perseus, against the Romans, should be condemned to death. Some upon the approach of the Romans withdrew themselves out of the City, others laid violent hands upon themselves: the Embassadors staying not above five dayes at Rhodes, went unto Alexandria. Neither were the judgements grounded upon the Decree made before them, lesse slowly put in execution; which resolution in performing that businesse, the Clemency of Decimius did procure, [Id. ibid. cum Dione, Legat. 20. al. 21.]

After that the news of Perseus his flight had been brought unto Rome, it seemed good unto the Senate that the Rhodian Embassadors, who came to make up a peace with Perseus, should be called before their Assembly: the Embassadors, of whom Agesipolis was the chief, having entered into the Senate, said, That they were sent to make an end of the war, which would be grievous and incommodious unto all Greece, costly and hurtful unto the Romans themselves. Now, seeing it was concluded, in such sort as the Rhodians alwayes desired; they did congratulate it unto them. When Agesipolis had briefly spoken these words, he departed out of the Assembly. The Senate, making use of that occasion, seeing that they purposed to disgrace openly the Rhodians, and make them an example, made this reply. That the Rhodians dispatched that Embassie, neither in regard of the advantages of Greece, nor of the expences of the Roman people, but in the behalf of Perseus; for if their care had been such as was pretended, Embassadors would then have been sent, when Perseus having drawn his army into Thessalie, for the space of two years, partly besieged, and partly, by denouncing war, terrified the Cities of Greece. At that time there was no mention of peace made by the Rhodians: but after that they had heard, that the Woodes were got over, and that the Romans had passed into Macedonia, and that Perseus was closely environed, the Rhodians sent their Embassage; to no other end, but that they might deliver Perseus out of his imminent danger: wherefore the fathers judgement was, p. 428That they ought not to bestow the accustomed rewards, or any benefit, no nor a courteous answer unto the Embassadors, [Polyb. Legat. 88. Liv. lib. 45.]