The Annals of the World, History 2 · 6 (continued) (9 of 15)

The Annals of the World · History 2 · 6 (continued) (9 of 15)

p. 555Upon frequent massacres in Judea, of the old friends of Alexander (Jannaeus) which were effected by the subtilty of the Phatians, Queen Alexandra dissembling the businesse; the chief of them with Alexandraes younger sonne p. 556Aristobulus, made their addresses to the Court and beseeched the Queen, that they might either be all slain there, or else that they might be dispersed severally into Castles, where they might passe the remainder of their lives in some security from their enemies treacheries. Whereupon she (for want of better counsel at that time) entrusted them with the command of all the Castles: Excepting Hircania, Alexandrium. and Machaerus, in which places she had treasured up whatsoever things were of highest estimation with her, [Joseph. lib. 13. Antiq. cap. 24.]

Cotta, lying still at the leagure before Heraclea, had not as yet made an assault against it with his whole army; but had onelyonly brought up against the Town some few of his Romans, placing the Bythinians in the front. When he saw many of them were wounded and slain, he betook himself to his Engins: none of them terrified the besieged so much, as that which they called their Testudo (which was an Engin fenced with boards and raw hides, under the shelter whereof they might safely scale the walls) hereupon Cotta draws up his whole Body out of the Camp, and led them up against a Tower, which they had great hopes to make a breach upon. But seeing that the Tower had not onelyonly endured one or two batteries without any hurt at all, contrary to all their judgements, but the Ram also was broken off from the Engin: the Heracleans began to chear up, Cotta contrariwise to despair of ever taking the Town. The day following they plyed their Engin again, but to as little purpose as before: So that Cotta burnt the Engin, and cut off the Carpenters head which made it. And then leaving a sufficient guard at the walls of the City, with the residue of his army, he encamped in the Lycaean Champain; in regard it afforded plenty of provision: whereby he reduced the City to a great exigence, all the country about Heraclea being utterly destroyed. Whereupon they forthwith dispatched an Embassie to the Sythians the inhabitants of Chersonesus, and to the Theodosians, and to the Princes about Bosphorus, about an association: which took effect accordingly, [Memnon, cap. 51.]

Whilst the enemies plyed the City from without, they were almost as badly plagued by broiles amongst themselves within the Town: For Mithridates his Garrison-souldiers, were not onelyonly not content to feed upon what the Townsmen themselves lived on; but scourged the Citizens, and enjoyned them to provide them such things, which at that time could not be easily procured. The Governour Connacorix himself was more urgent than his souldiers; for he did not restrain their insolence, but freely permitted them to do what they did, [Id. ibid.]

Lucullus subdued the Chaldeans, Year of the World 3934 and the Tibarenians, [Plutarch.] He gained also Armenia the lesse, which before Mithridates was Master of [Id. & Eutrop. lib. 6.] And after he had gone over all Pontus, and setled the Province, he came up with his Fleet to the Cities thereof, which lie upon the sea coast, [Appian.]

Amisus was still besieged: Callimarchus the Governour having quite tired out the Romans, with his Engin-devices and his plots, [Plutarch] Lucullus came to the Leagure himself, and exhorted them fairly to resign; but seeing he could not prevaile, he removed the siege to Eupatoria; seeming as if he had been very carelesse in the assaulting it. Those that kept the Garrison, encouraged by the like example of carelesnesse, continued still in their security. Whereupon Lucullus commanded his souldiers in all haste to apply the scaling-ladders to the walls: And so Eupatoria was taken, and immediately pulled down to the ground, [Memnon, cap. 47.]

Not long after Amisus was taken, The Julian Period. 4644 which (as Plutarch confirms out of Salust, Year before Christ 70) had held out another winters siege. For at the same hour of the day on which Callimachus was wont to draw off his souldiers, to refresh themselves: on the same did Lucullus with his ladders scale the walls, [Id. ibid. & Plutarch.] A little part of the walls being taken by the enemy, Callimachus, either out of his envy that the Romans should have so great a booty, or else contriving thereby a way to escape, (for no body did hinder any that would hoyst sail and away) left the City and set it on fire. As soon as the flame caught hold of the walls, the souldiers flew presently upon the spoile: But Lucullus, out of pity to the perishing City, would have stopt the fire from without the walls, and exhorted his souldiers also to help to quench it: But none of them regarded him, but shouted and clattred their armes. So that Lucullus was forced to give the plunder to the souldier, that he might save the City from being burnt to the ground. But they did clean contrary; for when, as all places already began to be chapped and gape with the fire, and the flame peep out of every corner, the souldiers themselves set fire on some houses. Whilst the City was taking, the fire was quenched by a storm which fell miraculously. Lucullus repaired many places before he departed thence, [Plutarch,] and staving off the souldiers from any farther slaughter of the Citizens, he gave both the City and the Country to those that survived, [Memnon, cap. 47.]

At the same time was Tyrannio the Grammarian was taken prisoner, whom because Lucullus would not willingly have made a slave, Muraena received in gift and manumitted p. 557him, using the gift nothing ingenuously. He was an Amisen by birth, as Strabo who was one of his auditors, shews in his 12 book, [pag. 548.]

Selene the Queen, (otherwise called Cleopatra, who after the death of her husband Antiochus Pius, raigned joyntly with her sons in that part of Syria which Tigranes King of Armenia had not seized upon) sollicited the Syrians to drive out Tigranes. And some Cities of Phoenicia she did draw off from their allegiance to him. Tigranes hereupon entred Syria with a vast army to quell the rebellion, [Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 24. compared with Plutarch in Lucullo.] In which Expedition, it is probable, that Tigranes recovered those 70 Valleys of Armenia fortified about with hills and mountains, which when he was an hostage he gave to the Parthians as a gratuity: and wasted the Countries of the Parthians which lies about Ninus and Arbela, [Strabo, lib. 11. pag. 532.] For this undoubtedly is that late war of Tigranes against the Parthians, mention whereof is made in Mithridates his letter to Arsaces the year following (in lib. 4. histor. Salust.) in which also Dio affirmes (in his 35. book of histories) That a certain country, about which there was a dispute, was taken from the Parthians.

In the ninth year of Alexandria, Queen of the Jewes, to Matthias Curtus the Priests son, Josephus was born: he was Grandfather to Josephus the Historian; as he himself shews in the beginning of the book of his Life.

Alexander sent his son Aristobulus with an army to Damascus against Ptolemei Mennaeus, who had been a very troublesome neighbour to that City: But he marched back again without any remarkable action, [Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 24,]

About this same time it was noised about that Tigranes was entred Syria with an army of 500000 men, and that he would suddenly come into Judaea: the bruite thereof, and that not without cause, put the Queen, and the whole Nation into a fright: whereupon they dispatched Embassadours unto him with rich Presents lying at the Leagure of Ptolemais, which City he took soon after. The Embassadours, having found him there, intreated that he would be confident he should receive no other than fair and square dealing from their Queen, and the whole Nation of the Jews. He on the otherside, commended them for their coming so long a journey to do their homage to him, and bid them hope all well from him, [Id. ibid.] For although Appian writes how that Tigranes over-ran all the Nations of the Syrians on this side Euphrates as far as Egypt, [In Syriac. pag. 118.] and Lucullus saith expressely, in Plutarch that he got Palestine, yet, That he marched not towards Egypt beyond Phaenicia is evident out of the sixth book of Eutropius, who saies that Tigranes was master but of part of Phaenicia onelyonly.

Lucullus sent Appius Claudius (his wifes brother) Ambassadour to Tigranes, to demand the delivery of Mithridates unto him. [Memnon. cap. 48. & Plutarch.] The Kings Captain brought him through the upper Countries, a way which they needed not to have gone, winding and turning, and far about; untill such time as one of his own free men, a Syrian born, shewed him the right way. Having him for their guide, in five dayes they retched Euphrates, and came to Antioch, which was called Epidaphne. Having received orders to tarry there for Tigranes. (who was gone from thence to subdue some other Cities of Phaenicia, which were not yet reduced under his power) he made many of the Princes in those parts who did not obey the Armenian heartily, to side with the Romans. Amongst whom Zarbienus King of the Gordians was one. [Plutarch.]

Appius, besides, promised Lucullus his assistance to many other Cities (brought under Tigranes power) which had covertly sent Ambassadors to him; but charged them for the present to lit still, and not make any commotion. For the Armenians did so Lord it over the Graecians, as was grievous and intollerable. The King himself above the rest, grew so arrogant, and high flowen upon his good successe, that whatever mortal men wish to themselves and admire, he thought was not onelyonly at his disposal, but purposely created for himself: many Kings waited upon him as his Servitours. But four he had in his retinue, as his attendants and guard, who in their liveries ran on foot by his horses side. And when he sat upon his throne, and gave answers to the nations that applyed themselves to him, they stood with their hands clasped together, and their fingers folded one within another; which posture above all others, was accounted an acknowledgment of their vassalage. [Id.]

L. Metellus, appointed to succeed Verres in the Praetorship of Sicilia, [Ascanius in Divinat.] going against the Pirates in Sicilia, (not Cilici, as false in Livies Epitome) came off with honour. [Liv. lib. 98. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 3.] Upon the Sicilians impeaching Verres of extortion, Cicero, (who was designed the Edil) on their behalf fell into a contest with Ho…ensius, who was designed Consul. [Cicero in Bruto.] In which Q. Cecillus Niger endeavoured what he could, but all in vain, that himself, and not Cicero, might have the managing of the impeachment of Verres. This Q. Cecilius Neger was Verres his Quaestor in that Isle. He was a Sicilian indeed by descent, p. 558(as Pedianus hath observed, in Divinatione adversus Caecilium) but a free man by condition, and a Jew by Religion. Plutarch writes in the life of Cicero, where also he relates the jest which Cicero put upon Caecilius for being a Jew, Quid Judaeo cum verre?

That passage of Cicero in his fifth book against Verres, contributes somewhat towards the discovery of the state, in which things were at present. Notwithstanding all this, let him come if he please, let him engage with the Cretians in a battle; let him free the Byzantians, let him call Ptolemei King; let him speak and think whatsoever Hortensius would have him. To which agrees another passage in an Epistle which Mithridates wrote the year following to Arsaces, Salust. lib. 4. histor. The Cretians were at that instant the onelyonly people which retained their freedom, and King Ptolemei: And a little after, Ptolemei puts off the day of battle being hired thereunto. The Cretians have been now once assaulted, and are resolved not to make an end, but in their utter extinguishment. By comparing of which two places together, any man may gather, how that the Romans did turn that right which Antiochus (Asiaticus) made use of amongst them for the recovery of the kingdom of Egypt, to their own advantage: that they deemed it convenient that Ptolemei Alexander should be called King, so long as he would purchase the quiet possession of that kingdom by paying a constant salary: and that they fully resolved to commence afresh the first Cretick war, which happened to be interrupted by the fall of M. Antonius; which was performed accordingly, as we shall see in the History of the year following.

Lucullus being marched into Asia, which as yet was in arreares a fourth part of the fruits upon the account of a fine, in which Sylla had amerced it, imposed a tribute proportioned to their houses and number of servants, [Appian.] For the Collectors and Usurers had made such havock of the Cities of Asia, and had treated them so slavishly, that they were not only compelled privately to sell their sons and their daughters, but to put to publick sale their ornaments, pictures, images, and the upshot of all was, that they became slaves to their creditours.

Lucullus took such a course with those pestilent fellows, that within four years time, all obligations were satisfied, and possessions restored free again to their owners to inherit. This publick debt was twenty thousand talents, which Sylla had laid upon Asia: The creditours were allowed onelyonly double the sum, which by their usuries had amounted to 120 thousand talents. The creditours thought this something too hard measure, whereupon they traduced Lucullus at Rome, and wrought some of the Grandees there to be against him. But Lucullus was not onelyonly beloved of those Nations to which he had done those good services, but also was mightily endeared to all the other Provinces, who esteemed those people very happy, whose fortune it should be to have such a Governour as he was, appointed over them, [Plutarch.]

Lucullus, after he had fully setled Asia with many excellent laws, and an universal peace, did not omit Pleasures and Festivities. For residing at Athens, he delighted the Cities with Shewes, Triumphal Feasts, Wrestling, and Fencings. The Cities kept these Lucullia by course in honour of him, with which notwithstanding he was not so much taken, as he was with the intimation of the cordial affection they bore unto him, [Idem.]

Tigranes killed Cleopatra, surnamed Selena, having a while kept her close prisoner in the Castle at Seleucia, [Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 749.] whereby it happened that Antiochus Asiaticus, who had some hopes of recovering the kingdom of Egypt in right of his mother, was dispossessed also of that part of Syria which she held.

No sooner was Tigranes returned to Antioch, but Appius the Legate declared openly, that he was come to fetch away Mithridates, as belonging to Lucullus his Triumphs, and upon his refusal to surrender him, to proclaim war against Tigranes. Tigranes was somewhat troubled at the Legates peremptorinesse; but held his countenance to see what he had more to say. In almost 25 years time he had not heard a free voice until now: for so many years he had raigned, or rather played the part of a forrager. To Appius he replyed: That he knew well enough that Mithridates was a very naughty man, yet he must have a respect to the affiance which was betwixt them: And that all the World might well cry out on him, if he should resign up his wives father into the hands of his enemies. He was therefore resolved not to desert Mithridates, and if the Romans would bring in a war, he could return them as good as they brought. He was much offended at Lucullus, because in his letter he had saluted him King onelyonly, and not King of kings: and therefore to be quit, writing back to him, he would not vouchsafe him the title of General. Appius returned with all speed to the General, having amongst many other Presents, accepted onelyonly of one cup of Gold, lest happily the King might have taken distaste, if obstinately refused them all, [Id. compared with Memnon, cap. 48.]

p. 559Zarbienus, King of the Gordyans, together with his wife and children, was put to death by Tigranes, upon discovery that he had covertly stroke hands with Lucullus, [Plutarch, in Lucullo.]

As soon as Appius was returned, and the war intended with Tigranes appeared on foot: Lucullus paid his holy vows to his gods at Ephesus, as if the work had been done already. And then marched back again into Pontus; and encamped before Sinope, or rather besieged the Kings party of Cilicians which were garrisoned therein, [Id. compared with Appian. pag. 228.] For as the City was assaulted from without the walls by the Romans, so was it within the walls by the Commander which King Mithridates had appointee to keep the Town: viz. Cleochares, as Orosius, or Bacchis, as Strabo calls him: For he, fearing some piece of treachery ere long, and thereupon committing several massacres amongst the Cuizens, brought things to that passe, that the Citizens had neither heart couragiously to resist the enemy, nor yet were they in a capacity to treate upon articles of surrender, [Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 546,] Which Tragedy we have delivered more at large by Memnon, thus

Leonippus, to whom with Cleochares, the care and defence of the City was entrusted by the King, perceiving things in something a forlorne condition, sends to Lucullus about delivering up the City. But Cleochares and Seleucus the Arch-pirate (for even he was Mithridates his Legate, and was in equall authority with the rest) having sented out the plot, called a Council, and accused Leonippus: but the Citizens would by no means lissen an eare to the accusation, being highly opinionated of the mans integrity; whereupon Cleochares his faction, being afraid of his interest among the Commons, slew him treacherously by night. The Commons indeed laid the accident deeply to heart: but Cleochares and his party bore all the sway, and did what they list themselves: supposing that by their carrying things with such an high hand, they might happily escape calling to an account for the massacre of Leonippus, [Memnon, cap. 55.]

Mean while Censorinus, Admiral of the Roman Fleet, sailing with 15 Gallies, carrying three oares a bank, which were fraught with provision, from Bosphorus for the Roman Camp, arrives neer Sinope. Cleochares and Seleucus their Sinopian Gallies under the command of Seleucus, put to sea, and fought with Censorinus: the Italians were worsted, and their ships with their provision brought away as prize. Cleochares and his Collegue, elevated with this successe, deport themselves more tyrannically than before; for they hale the Townsmen to execution without any legal processes, and cruelly abuse them sundry other wayes. But it chanced that Cleochares and Seleucus fell at oddes, whilst Cleochares deemed it best to continue the war, but Seleucus would have all the Sinopians put to the sword, and the City to be delivered up to the Romans as a gallant gratuity: But seeing they could not agree about the businesse, they put all they had into ships, and sent them away to Machares, Mithridates his son, who at that instant was resident at Colchis, [Id. ibid.]

About the same time, Lucullus drew up closer to the City, and made a most furious storm: But Machares Mithridates his son, dispatched an Embassie unto Lucullus, whereby he petitioned that there might be a League of frienship and association betwixt them. The petition he courteously received, and told him, that there should be a firm League betwixt them, provided that henceforward he should not send any supplies of provision to any of the Sinopians. Who not onelyonly observed what was enjoyned him, but whatsoever was designed for the relief of Mithridates his Party, he took order to have it conveyed to Lucullus, [Id. cap. 56.] Upon this Machares King of Bosphorus, having presented Lucullus with a Coronet of a thousand crowns in estimation, was admitted an allye and confederate of the people of Rome, [Liv. lib. 98. compared with Plutarch, & Appian.]

Cleochares and Seleucus, observing how things went, thought themselves but in a desperate condition: Whereupon they fell foule upon the Citizens, and massacred many of them, carryed abundance of wealth on ship-board, gave the Town first to the souldiers to plunder, and afterwards set it on fire. Thus done, they burnt their greater ships, and in the lighter they sailed away by night to the inner parts of Pontus, inhabited by the Saneg…ans and the Lazians. Lucullus perceiving by the blaze of the flame what was done, commanded his souldiers to scale the walls: And as soon as he was entred the Town, he put to the sword 8000 of the Kings Party who remained behind: but took pitty on the rest, and made what speed he could to quench the fire, and restored unto the Citizens their goods. Thus was this miserable City by the counterchange of friends and foes, ruined by them that came to defend it, and preserved by them that came to ruine it, [Memnon, cap. 56. Plutarch Appian. Orosins lib. 6. cap. 3.]

The reason why Lucullus took such a care of preserving Sinope, and afterwards of his enfranchizing it, is bruited to be some admonition which he received in a dream. p. 560For in his sleep one appeared at his bed side, speaking these words; Go a little forwards Lucullus, for Autolychus is coming to meet thee. When he was awake he could not possibly imagine, what this should mean: yet that same day he took the City, and in his pursuite of the Cilicians, (who made what haste they could to ship themselves and away) he espyed a Statue lying upon the shoar side: The Cilicians purposed to have made it their companion in their escape, and to that end wrapped it up in cloaths, and bound it up with cords; but they had not time enough to bring it a ship-board. When they had unfolded it, Lucullus saw, that it was like him who had appeared unto him in the night, and learned afterwards that it was the Statue of Autolychus, who was the founder of the City of Sinope: Upon the hearing this, there instantly came into his minde Sylla's injunctions, who in his Commentaries gives this item; how that nothing is to be accounted so sure and certain, as that which is exhibited in dreams, [Plutarch, & Appian.] This Statue of Autolychus, which was Sthenides his handywork, and Billarus his Sphere he took along with him; but left all other ornaments of the City behinde him, [Strabo, lib. 12.]

After he had done at Sinope, he restored Amisus also to its inhabitants, who in like manner had all conveyed themselves away by shipping: and to the City he granted the exercise of their own lawes and their freedom, [Appian.] He peopled Cities for other Grecians also, even for as many as would but desire that favour of him: adding withal to each City 120 furlongs of land. Moreover, of the Athenians, who in the time of Sylla had escaped thither to dwell because of Aristions tyranny, as many as he found surviving, he clad decently, gave to each of them 200 drachmes, and sent them back into their Country, [Plutarch.]

Amasea (Strabo the Geographers country) as yet stood it out in armes, but it was not long ere it also did fealty to the Romans, [Memnon, cap. 56.]

Cotta, having destroyed all about Heraclea, once more attempted the walls, but perceiving his souldiers somewhat slack and coole in the charge, gave it over; and sent for Triarius, ordering him with all speed to block up the way, and intercept the Townsmens receiving supplies by sea, [Id. cap. 51.]

Triarius accordingly took along with him all the ships he had of his own, and 20 Rhodian, which altogether made 43. and with this Fleet sailed away into Pontus: upon timely notice given to Cotta of his coming, Cotta drew up his army to the walls of the City, and Triarius discovered himself at sea. Hereupon the Heracleans, somewhat troubled at Triarius his sudden approach with his Fleet, put to sea with 30 ships, indeed, but they were not so well manned as was requisite: all the other were imployed in making good the City against the enemies assaults. The Rhodians gave the first onset on the Heraclean ships, in an instant there were sunk three of the Rhodians ships, and five of the Heracleans. Hereupon the Romans came into the fight, who although they were soundly shattered in the scuffle, yet they did more hurt to, than they received from, the enemy; and in the close, routed the Heracleans, and forced them to retreat back to the City, with the losse of 14 of their ships. The conquering fleet rode into the great Port, and Cotta also drew off his foot from storming the Town. [Id. cap. 52.]

Triarius his men every day made their sallies out of the port, to hinder the bringing in of provision to the besieged; whereupon there ensued such a scarcity of victuals in the Town, that a pottle of corn was risen to 80 Atticks: and amongst other perplexities, the pestilence brake in amongst them, occasioned either by some distemper of the air, or an unusual course of dyet. It ended them not all alike, but some after this manner, some on that, as if their maladies had been different. Amongst whom, Lamachus himself was one, whose pangs of death were more violent and tedious, than any of the others. This contagion raged most amongst the Souldiers of the Garrison, in so much, That of three thousand, there dyed one thousand. [Id. ibid.]

Conacorix, Year of the World 3935 now even ready to faint under this heavy pressure of so many aflictions, resolved to betray the City to the Romans, and to purchase his own security, though he made the Heracleans pay for it. Damopheles, an Heraclean, was assistant to bring about the plot, one who stood in great emulation with Lamachus, in all consultations, who also, after Lamachus his decease, was appointed over the Garrison. Conacorix, provididing for himself, not daring to trust Cotta overmuch, who was but a slippery fellow, and not much to be relyed upon, imparted the matter to Triarius; neither did Damopheles shew himself a slug in bringing the businesse to a head: so that having struck up so fair a bargain for the surrender, as that they thought themselves in a good condition, they applyed themselves close to their works. But it happened that the conspiratours transactions came to be blazoned amongst the common people: whereupon they flocked altogether, and called for the Governour of the City, and then Brithagoras, a person of eminent authority amongst his Country men, earnestly p. 561requested Conacorix, that he would give way to a treaty with Triarius, concerning the general safety of them all; but he was very obstinate against any such pacification; yet did he very chrastily draw the Heracleans with his fair words, into a wile. [Id. cap. 53.]

Hereupon Conacorix, in the dead of the night, shipped all his men, and quitted the Town, for that was the tenour of the covenant made with Triarius, That they should march away quietly, with all their bag and baggage: as for Damopheles, he opened the gates, and let in the Roman army, and Triarius: some of them came rushing in at the gate, others clambred up the walls. And now the Heracleans saw they were betrayed, some of them yielded up themselves, and the rest were slain: their houshold-stuffe, and whatsoever things they had laid aside, in hopes to secure, were plundered; indeed, the enemy proceeded with a great deal of cruelty against the Citizens, for the Romans remembred, what great losses they had received in the late sea fight, and what great troubles they were put to, in assaulting the Town: In revenge whereof they did not so much as forbear those who had escaped for sanctuary to the consecrated places, but slew them near the Altars and the Temples, though earnestly crying for quarter. Their condition seemed so desperate, that many escaped over the walls, and dispersed themselves about the Country, whilest others were forced to flye to Cotta. [Id. ibid.]

Cotta, being certainly informed by these that came in to him, how that the City was taken, many men slain, and the Town plundered, was all a fire at the news, and in great indignation marched as fast as he could to the City. His army also was very deeply discontented, not only that hereby they had lost the glory of their valiant atchievements, but were also in a manner cheated of all their prizes and booties: whereupon, they fell most bitterly upon their Country men, and had undone one another, by killing each other, had not Triarius, hearing of the combustion, interposed, and put an end to the civil war, by pacifying Cotta, with a parcel of good words, and promising faithfully an equal distribution of all they had taken in the Town. [Ibid.]

Cotta, having received intelligence, how that Conacorix was seized of Teium and Amastus, immediately dispatched away Triarius to recover their Cities again out of his hands, whilst he himself abode at Heraclea, where, taking into his custody, those that submitted themselves, and the prisoners, he proceeded to other matters; in all his administrations, expressing the height of cruelty. For searching up and down in every corner for the wealth of the City, he kept not his fingers off from consecrated things. He took down the statues and images, very fair ones, and good store of them; yea, he carryed Hercules out of the market place, and plucked off his ornament from the pyramide, and sundry other things out of the Temple and Cities every whit as rare and beautiful as they, and put them a shipboard. And for his farewell, he commanded his Souldiers to bring fire, and burnt the City in many places. Thus was Heraclea taken and subdued, having stood out two years siege. [Id. cap. 54.]

Triarius, arriving at the Cities assigned him by Cotta, recovered them upon articles, having engaged Conaorcix (who thought to palliate his delivering up Heraclea by seizing on other Cities) for his failing away without let or molestation. [Id. ibid.]

Cotta (having dispatched things after that manner as hath been said) delivered up all his forces, both Foot and Horse, to Lucullus, and dismissed the Auxisiares which he had of the Allies respectively into their Countries, and so sailed away himself with his fleet. But it happened that part of the Fleet which carryed the spoiles of Heraclea, being over heavily fraughted, sunk under water, not far from shoar, and the other moity, was by a contrary North wind dashed against the sands, which caused the ships to discharge much of their loading. [Ibid.]

Lucullus, leaving Sornatius behind him, with 6000 souldiers, to order the Province, took along with him 12 thousand Foot, and lesse than 3000 Horse (two Legion, and five hundred Horse, saith Appian) and entred Cappadocia; where, having Ariobarzanes his friend, he marched very long marches to the River Euphrates, where Cappadocia is severed from Armenia. [Salust. Histor. lib. 4. apud Nonium, in voc. Naves codicariae. Memnon, cap. 58. Plut. Appian.]

Euphrates at that instant, was by reason of the winter swelled high, and rough: but about evening, the water began to abate, and by break of day, the river was reduced within the bounds of its own banks. Whereupon the inhabitants fell down in adoration of Lucullus, in regard the waters did not asswage, as we say hab nab before, but as it were on purpose in the very nick to affoard him a ready passage. No sooner had he wafted over his army, but a pleasant prodigy presented it self to him. One of the Oxen consecrated to the Perian Diana (whom the Barbarians beyond Ephrates worship p. 562with high reverence) though those beasts are not usually taken, but with much adoe, came of its own accord, and offered it self for a sacrifice to Lucullus. Lucullus also himselfe sacrificed a bull to Euphrates, for his so fortunate passage over: All that day he encamped there. [Plutarch.]

The next day, and some dayes after, he marched through Sophenes; he offered not the least injury to the inhabitants, they having both resigned themselves up to him, and chearfully entertained his army, [Idem.] onelyonly he demanded some monies from them; for the inhabitants of those Countries have a kind of a natural antipathy against all fighting; insomuch, that they would not vouchsafe to interpose themselves when Tigranes and Lucullus were so hard at it. [Appian.]

In those parts there was a Castle, wherein a great deale of Treasure was conceived to be reposited; the Souldiers had a great minde to have a bout with it: But Lucullus, pointing at Taurus, which might be seen aloof off, Let us, said he, rather set upon yonder strong hold; what is here stored up, is only reserved to reward the conquerours, and so marching onwards, he passed Tigres, and entred Armenia. [Plutarch.]

Upon this instant of Lucullus his invading Armenia; Alexandra, Queen of the Jews, fell dangerously sick. Whereupon Aristobulus her young sonne, affecting the kingdome, stole out in the night, taking along with him only one servant, and repaired those Castles, which his fathers friends had the command of: his wife was onelyonly privy to the designe, whom he left at home with his children. The first place he came to was Agaba, where Galaestes was one of those in command, He received Aristobulus very readily. [Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 24. compared with lib. 1. Belli. cap. 4.]

The day following, the Queen took notice of Aristobulus his absence, yet had no thoughts of his being gone about innovation in the State. But when as messenger after messenger came and brought the news of this Castle, then of that Castle being seized on by her sonne: then both the Queen her self, and the whole Nation were in a maze and confusion, fearing that if he should chance to get the kingdom into his hands, he would call them to a strict account for their hard usage of his intimate friends. It was therefore thought fit to secure his wife and children in the Fort which was near the Temple. In the mean time, there was great confluence of men to Aristobulus, hoping to get something by this innovation in the State, so that now there was not wanting either the noise, or the guarb of a King. Aristobulus gleaned up an army out of mount Libanus, Trachonitis, and the neighbouring Provinces, [Id. ibid. lib. 13. cap. 24.]

Whereupon Hircanus the High Priests, and the Elders of the Jews, make their addresse to the Queen, desiring her speedy advise in these state emergences, she bid them do whatsoever they in their judgements thought most conducible to the publick interrest, and to employ the present strength and treasure of the kingdom to that behoof. For her own particular, she was at present in such a weak condition, both in body and mind, that she could not be lessure for those publick administrations. Thus said, she not long after dyed. [Ibid,]

After her succeeded Hircanus, her eldest son, in the third year of the 177 Olympiade. Q. Hortensius, and Q. Metellus (afterwards surnamed Creticus) being Consuls. [Id. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 1.] His mother in his life time had passed over the kingdom to him, but Aristobulus, though younger brother, did exceed both in strength and authority. [Id. lib. 1. cap. 4.]

Upon the Consuls casting lots for their Provinces, the managing of war designed against the Cretians, fell upon Hortensius: but he, taking more delight in the City and the Forum, (in which he had the first place after Cicero) freely granted this expedition to his Collegue Metellus. [Xiphilin. ex Dione.]

Upon the Senates decree of going to war against the Cretians, The Julian Period. 4645 the most grave and sage ones amongst them, Year before Christ 69 deemed it most convenient to dispatch Ambassadors to Rome, to clear all allegations, and to pacifie the Senate with fair words, and bag their reconciliation. This motion was entertained; whereupon they sent thirty of their most eminent men, upon this Embassy to Rome; hoping that they should not onelyonly obtain a new ratification of their former contracts, but also looked to be thanked for the favour they had shewed to their Quaestor and Souldiers, which they had taken prisoners in the late engagement with M. Antonius. The Ambassadors by giviug private visits to the Senatours, at their several Houses, had so wrought them to their fide, that when they were brought into the Senate, and had given discreet satisfaction to the charges that were against them, and exactly recited the good offices they had done, and their association of War under the Roman Generall. It was resolved, That the Cretians impeachments should p. 563be taken off, and that henceforward they should be reputed amongst the Friends and Allyes of the people of Rome: but Lentu…s, (surnamed Spinther) got this decree reversed: whereupon this particular businesse was severall times taken to debate by the Senate; and in the upshot, it was concluded, That the Cretians, in regard that they had sided with the Pirates at sea, and had been sharers in the prizes taken, should sent to Rome all their Pirate-ships, even to very boats of four oars, and whatsoever ships they had in their possession, which they had taken from the Romans. Demand also was made, for the resigning up all Prisoners, Runnagadoes, the 300 famous hostages. Lasthenes also, who had fought with Antonius, and Panares, and besides these, 4000 talents of silver. [Diod. Legat. 35. Appian. Legat. 30. Dio. Legat. 37. al. 38.]

The Romans did not wait for a reply from the Cretians, which were at home, to these particulars; but presently sent one of the Consuls, to receive what was demanded, and if in case they refused to part with them, to wage war with them. And certain it was, they would not part with them: For was it imaginable? that those, who, at the beginning, ere any such things were exacted from them, or before they had obtained a victory, would by no means be brought to acknowledge any misdeameanour committed by them, should now, after they had been flushed with a victory, tamely submit to so many, and such high demands. The Romans knowing full well what would be the result of all, and suspecting the Legates would be tampering with some, by greasing them in the first, to obstruct the wars, made a decree in the Senate, prohibiting any person whatsoever, to lend them any thing. [Dio. ibid.]

The Cretians, debating the commands of the Senate, the most politick of them were of opinion, That every particular was to be observed; but those of Lasthenes his faction being somewhat obnoxious, and fearing they should be sent to Rome, and there smart for what they had done, animated the people, exhorting them earnestly to contend for their liberty. [Diodor. Legat. 35.]

Cotta being now returned to Rome, was highly honoured by the Senate, and ennobled with the surname of Ponticus, because he had taken Heraclea. [Memnon. cap. 61.]

Mithridates had been resident in the parts of Armenia, a year and eight moneths, and as yet had not been admitted to the sight of Tigranes his son in law. But being at last overcome by his importunity, to present himself, he met him with a gallant train, and received his father in law with a Princely magnificence. Neverthelesse, three dayes passed without any conference betwixt them, but afterwards, by the sumpteousnesse of the entertainments, he gave sufficient intimation of his affection towards him. [Memnon, cap. 57.] Then in the conference, which was held very private at Court, they abated the suspition of Metrodorus Sceptius, and other friends on both sides, on whom they fathered the cause of all, and so Mithridates was sent back again into Pontus, being furnished with ten thousand Horse. [Memnon.]

Lucullus drew up a company against the City, wherein he was informed that Tigranes had secured his Curtezans, and most of those things which he held most deare, and were had in greatest estimation by him. [Idem. cap. 58.]

Tigranes having hanged up a fellow, who brought the first news of Lucullus his being upon his march, as a mover of the people; no body ever after brought him any tidings. But at last, finding it to be so indeed; he sent out Mithrobarzanes against Lucullus, with two (as Appian) or three (as Plutarch hath it) thousand Horse, and a vast number of Foot, with orders to take Lucullus alive, and bring him to him, that thereby others might be deterred from that or the like enterprise. [Plutarch and Appian.]

A moiety of Lucullus his Forces were encamped, the remainder, were upon their march, when the Scouts brought news of the enemies approach. Whereupon Lucullus fearing lest the enemy should fall upon his men, finding them in a distraction and in no posture: he made an halt, and applied himself to fortifie his Camp: But sent Sextilius the Legate with 1600 Horse and almost as many foot, with orders to stop when he was come up to the enemy, and not to stir till word was brought him that the Camp was thoroughly fortified. Yet Mithrobarzanes came so furiously upon him, that he was necessitated to fight: Mithrobarzanes himself was slain in this engagement, all the rest, excepting a very few, took themselves to their heeles, and were slain in the pursuite, [Plutarch.]

p. 564Tigranes removed from Tigranocerta, and committing the custody of the City to Mancaeus his trust. went about the country to levie an army, and retreating to Taurus, made that place the general Rendezvouz, [Id. compared with Appian.] But Lucullus plyed him so close, that he could not draw into a Body: For he sent Muraena to suppresse and take all companies he found marching to Tigranes: Sextilius also was sent another way, to meet with a great band of Arabians, and to hinder their joyning with the King, [Plutarch.]

Sextilius, coming upon the Arabians ere they were aware, as they were encamping, took the greatest part of them: Muraena marching after Tigranes, overtook him with a very great company in an uneven and narrow dale, who having gotten some advantage of the place, he engaged him: but Tigranes, leaving behind him all his carriages, made away as fast as he could. Many of the Armenians died in the fight, but far many more were taken prisoners, [Id.]

Sextilius, having forced Mancaeus to retreate into Tigranocerta, fell to plunder the Kings Palace which was situate without the walls: and to draw a trench about the City and the Castle, to place the batteries, and undermine the walls, [Appian.] At last Lucullus himself came in to them, and layed close siege to the City: supposing that Tigranes would not suffer him to sit still before the Town, but in a rage would come down and fight him, [Plutarch.] But the Barbarians did him a great deale of mischief, not solely by their darts, but with their Naphtha, or fire-pitch which they shot out of their Engins. This Naphtha, is a kind of a pitchy substance, so scalding, that it burns up all it cleaves to, neither will any moisture quench it, but with a great deale of difficulty, [Xiphilin. ex. Dione.]

Mithridates by Embassadours and by letters, (as Plutarch, not in person, and then first meeting with Tigranes, as Appian hath it:) was very instant with him, by no means to fight the Romans, but by declining all engagement, to rove about the country with his Cavalry, and to waste all about, if possible thereby to bring the enemy to a distresse of victuals. Just as Lucullus had not long since before Cyzicum, made him mouldre away an army without fighting a stroak.

The Armenians and the Gordians joyned with Tigranes: To these, every man of the Medes and Adiabaus were brought by their Kings. The Arabians also came flocking in from the Babylonian sea, many Albans from the Caspian sea, and the Iberians their neighbours, and not a few of those free people which inhabite near Araxes, [Plutarch.] Of these, some came out of meer affection to the King, others being sollicited thereto by gifts: as Plutarch, and others out of very fear, as Cicero hath observed, in Oratione Maniliana. For a strong and vehement opinion had wholy possessed the minds of those barbarous people, that the Roman army was drawn into those quarters, upon no other design, but to ransack their Regions and wealthy Temple. And upon this very account▪ many Nations, and those very considerable ones, rose up in armes against Lucullus.

Upon the general Rendezvouz of all these Forces, Tigranes his eating-tables, and council-tables sounding nothing but Victoria, Victoria, and how roughly they would handle the enemy, if they once got them under their clutches. Taxiles himself, who was Mithridates his Legate, and of his assistance, was in danger of losing his head: because in a Council of War, he was altogether against fighting with the Romans; saying, that the Roman armes were things utterly unvanquishable: and in regard Mithridates himself seemed out of envy to put Tigranes by the glory of that Victory, he would not waite until he came, lest he might share with him in the glory of the day, [Plutarch.] whereas but just before he had dispatched some in all haste to call him back to him, [Memnon, cap. 58.]

Tigranes ordered about sixe thousand souldiers to go and defend the City in which his Curtezans were kept: who there charging thorough the Roman Brigades, got into the Town; and finding their return intercepted by a valley of archers, sent away the Kings Concubines, and the Treasures safe by night unto Tigranes: But upon break of day, the Romans and the Thracians fighting with those Armenians, slew a very great many of them; neither was the number of the prisoners taken inferiour to those they slew in the battle, [Memnon, cap. 58. and Appian. whose account is rectified out of Memnon.]

Tigranes marched against Lucullus with the residue of his army; very much troubled (as they say) that he was now to conflict onelyonly with one of the Roman Generals; viz. Lucullus, and not with the whole herd of them. For he had in his army, of Archers and Slingers 20000. of Horse 55000. of Foot armed Cap a pe, digested partly into Regiments, partly into Squadrons, 150000. of those who were designed for barracadoing passages, and such like services 35000, [Plutarch.]

As soon as Tigranes appeared with all his host upon Taurus, and from the top of the hill, took a view of the Roman army, beleaguring Tigranocerta: the Barbarous p. 565rabble in the City, welcomed the Kings arriving with howlings and acclamations, and menacing the Romans from the top of the walls, pointed them to the Armenians on the hill. [Plutarch.]

Lucullus, leaving Muraena with six thousand Foot, to continue the siege of Tigranocerta, marched himself against Tigranes, having in his band 24 Regiments of Foot, (amongst whom there were not above 10000) all his Horse, Slingers and Archers, being about 1000, and encamped near a river, in a great spacious field. [Id.] No sooner had Tigranes a sight of the Romans Camp, but he presently disdained the thinnesse of them, and reproached them, saying: If these men be come as Ambassadors, there are abundance of them indeed, but if as enemies, there is but a forty company of them. [Memnon. cap. 59. Plutarch, Appian, & Xiphilin. ex Dion….]

As Lucullus was waiting his army over the river, some of his Commanders advised him to have a care of what he did that day, in reguard it stood in the Kalendar amongst the unlucky (they call them the black) dayes: For on that very day, the Cimbrians defeated the army under the conduct of Cepion. Lucullus replyed, It behooves us therefore to sight the more stoutly now, if happily we may render this so dismal and black day, a day of jollity and graulat… to the Romans. That day was the day before the Nones of October. [Plutarch in Lucullo. & Camill.. & Apotheg….] as the year indeed then went with the Romans: but falling in according to the Julian computation, with the fifth monethmonth, or July, upon the beginning of the fourth year of the 177 Olympiade, to which this fight is truly referred by Phlegon.

Lucullus, perceiving his Souldiers somewhat fea… of those which were armed cap a pee, bid them be of good courage, there being greater trouble in stripping than in overcoming them: and he first charging them upon the hill, and perceiving the Barbarians to give ground, cryed out, We have overcome them, fellow Souldiers. [Plurarch in Apothegm.] No sooner was Tigranes his right wing forced to flye, but the left also began to shrink, and in conclusion, they all turned their backs, and so the Armenians fled confusedly, and in a hurty, and the slaughter was answerable to the number of men. [Memnon. cap. 59.] The Romans continuing the execution for 120 furlongs, trampled all the way upon bracelets and chaines, till night came upon them. Being forced thereupon to give over the chase, they fell to stripping the dead bodies, which Lucullus by proclamation had prohibited, until such time they had done sufficient execution on the enemy. [Appian.]

Phlegon gives up the tally of the number slain of Tigranes forces, to be 5000, and more taken prisoners, besides a rabble route: Orosius saith, [lib. 16. cap. 3.] That 30000 men were reported slain in that battle; of Foot above 100000, saith Plutarch, fell that day, and very few of the Horse escaped. Of the Roman army there were but 100 wounded, and five slain. Antiochus the Philosopher, in his Commentary, De Diis, mentioning this fight, avows the Sun never to have beheld the like. Strabo [in lib. histor.] relates, How that the Romans themselves were ashamed of what they had done, and jeered themselves, for putting on their arms against such cowardly s…ves. Livy saith, That the Romans never in all their lives, fought at such a disadvantage for number; the Conquerors, not equalizing the twentieth part of the Conquered; nay, not so much. [Plutarch.]

Suppose, we say with Eutropius, Sextus Rufus, and Jornandes, that Lucullus had 18000 men in his army; that number multiplyed by twenty, will make 360000. now ascribe to Tigranes, not 150 (as Plutarch) but 250 (as Appian) thousand Foot, or Horse not 50, (as Appian) but 55 thousand as Plutarch: to these add with Plutarch 20000 Archers, and 35000 Pages: the result will be, the aforesaid 360 thousand; which if to be admitted for exact, then neither Phlegons, nor Memnous account, came not near the truth, as too low the one assigning Tigranes … have in his army 40000 Foot, and 30000 Horse: the other allowing him but 80 thousand Foot and Horse together. As their account is under rated, so Eutropius is as much extravagant in over rating. The King (saith he) came with 600 thousand Clibanarii, and 100 Archers and armed men: The Clibanarii were Horse armed cap a pe in armour of proof, as they are described by Salust. (lib. histor. 4. cited by Nonius in voc. Cataphracti,) now Plutarch intimates, That Lucullus himself writ to the Senate, that Trigranes had in his army only 17 thousand of those Clibanarii, so that there is no doubt, but Eutropius was extreamly mistaken in giving up that monstrous sum of 600 thousand. In Sextus Rufus his Breviary, there are not reckoned above 7500 of those Clibanarii: but of Archers 120 (al. 130.) thousand.

Tigranes, in the very beginning of the engagement, quitted the field, running as fast as he could to one of his Castles, having scarce 150 Horse in his company; where, finding his son in as forlone a condition as himself, he pluckt off the Diadem and Turbant from his head, and resigned them up to him, bidding him, not without tears in his eyes, to shift for himself, if he could devise any possible means, which had p. 566not as yet been essayed. The young Prince dared not carry those Ensignes Royal, up and down with him, but committed them to a most trusty friend, to preserve for him; who soon after had the ill fortune to be taken prisoner, and brought to Lucullus; and the Souldiers at the same time also seized upon the Turbant and the Diadem, and gave them to Lucullus, [Memnon. cap. 59. & Plutarch. compared with Oros. lib. 6. cap. 3. and Xiphilin. in Epitome Dionis.] as for Lucullus, he marched back to Tigranocerta, and plyed the siege more closely than ever before. [Memnon. ibid.]

Mithridates made no great haste to the fight, supposing that Lucullus would manage this war with the same caution, and delay as formerly he was want to do: and upon that account, being sent for by Tigranes he played the trewant in his marches. But soon after, lighting by chance upon the way with some few Armenians amazed and ready to drop down for fear, he thought all went not right on Tigranes side: But soon after meeting with other companies stript and wounded, from whom he received an exact narrative of the defeate; he made what haste he could to find out Tigranes. And finding him both desolate and disconsolate, he insulted not over him, as he had served him formerly; but dismounted from his horse, and (after a mutual bemoaning each others sad misfortune) resigned up to him his own princely Retinue which attended him, and bid him courage for the future, [Plut.] Having somewhat cheared him up, he furnished him with royal Robes, as rich as any he was wont to weare. He made also some proposals concerning levying new Forces, (being himself already provided with a considerable army) making no question but another field would repair all the former losses. But Tigranes, ascribing more prowesse and discretion to Mithridates, and thinking him fitter to deal with the Romans in a war than himself, left all to his managing and arbitrament, [Memnon, cap. 59.]

Mancaeus, taking from the walls of Tigranocerta a sad view of his friends defeated, fell to disarming all the Grecian Mercenaries, suspecting they would …rove false to him: who fearing they should be laid hold on, provided themselves with good cudgels, and drew themselves up into a body, and so kept together day and night. And seeing Mancaeus coming and marching against them with his armed Barbarians, wrapping their garments about their armes instead of bucklers, they bravely charged them: and as fast as they slew them, presently divided their armes amongst themselves: And supposing they were now sufficiently provided with armes for the present, after they had seized upon some Forts upon the walls, they called in the Romans that beleagured them, and received them into the Town. So Appian and Plutarch, who dissents in no one particular from him. Dio in his 35 book relates, that the most part of the Inhabitants were Cilicians, and that they, upon some difference which happened betwixt them and the Armenians, let the Romans into the Town by night, who plundered all, but what the Cilicians were owners of. But Memnon delivers out, how that Mithridates, or rather Tigranes his Commanders, seeing how desperately things went on their side; having procured articles for themselves, delivered up the Town to Lucullus, [Memnon, cap. 59.]

Lucullus, having won Tigranocerta, and taken the Kings Treasures which were there, he gave up the City to the plunder of his souldiers, in which (besides other riches (there were found 8000 talents of coyned money: Moreover he gave out of the spoile 800 drachmas to every souldier; and finding many players which Tigranes (being about to dedicate the Theater he had built) had gathered together from all parts, he made use of them for his interluds and Triumphs, [Plutarch.] Many wives of the chief Officers which were taken, he preserved from injury, and by that means drew their husbands to his side, [Dio. lib. 35.] The Grecians he furnisht for their journey and sent back into their Country: The Cappadocians, Cilicians, and other Barbarians that were forc'd thither, he suffered also to return. And so it happened, that by the ruine of one City (for the Works being but half finished, Lucullus had demolished them, and left onelyonly a small village) many, having received back their Citizens, were repaired, by whom, as he deserved, he was afterwards esteemed as their Founder, [Plut. cum Strabone, in fine lib. 11. pag. 532. & lib. 12. pag. 539.]

Then came there Embassadors almost from all the East begging his friendship, [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 3.] and the Nations of the Sophenians, joyned themselves to him: Antiochus King of the Commagens (which is a Country of Syria situate by the river Euphrates and Taurus) Alchaudonius a petty Prince of Arabia and some others having sued for peace by their Embassadors were received, he joyned also a great part of Armenia to himself. [Plutar. & Dio. lib. 35.]

Q. Metellus advancing with three Legions to the Cretian war, and having overcome Lasthenes neer the City of Cydonia, was called Emperour, and destroyed the whole Island with fire and sword: forcing the Cretians into their Castles and Cities, [Florus lib. 3. cap. 7. Phlegon Olymp. 174. an. 4. apud Photium. Appian legat. 30.] making no reckoning of their friendship when it was offered to him.

p. 567Cleopatra the Daughter of Ptolemy was borne at Auletta, being the last Queen of Egypt of the Macedonian race, she lived 39 yeares as Plutarch witnesseth in Antonio.

Tigranes, and Mithridates, going about the severall Countries, raised another army the Command of which Mithridates was intrusted with. [Plutarch & Appian.]

Magadates, who in the behalf of Tigranes had with his army commanded all Syria by the space of fourteen yeares, brought it away to the assistance of his King: by which meanes Antiochus, the sonne of Antiochus (the holy) & Silena, who had obteined the name of Asiaticus, because he had had his Education therein, wrought himself into the Kingdome by the connivance of the Syrians. Nor did Lucullus that had newly beat out Tigranes from the lands he had gotten, invey him his ancient possession [Appian in Syriac. pag. 118. 119. 133.] but Strabo about the end of his eleaventh book writes that Lucullus beat out Tigranes, out of Syria and Phoenice, and that by the same Lucullus after he had overcome Tigranes, Antiochus the sonne of Cyzicenus, (or rather his Grandchild by his sonne) was called King of Syria untill that Pompey took that away which Lucullus had conferred, but we read in libr. 40. cap. 2.] of Justin that there were foure yeares space betwixt the time he received it and the time it was taken away.

Tigranes and Mithridates sent Embassadors to beg aid, both of their Neighbours, and of Arsaces the Parthian King, traducing the Romans to him, and suggesting that as soon as by their being destitute, and forsaken by others, they had conquered them, they would turne their armes upon him. [Dio. lib. 35.]

This Arsaces was called so being the common appellation of the Kings of Parthia, his proper name was Pacorus from Xiphilinus, but he was called Phradates from Memnon: and it is delivered by Phlegon Trallian [in Photii Bibliotheca cod. 97] that in the year before which was in the third year of 177 Olympiade that Phraates succeeded Sinatrucus, the deceased King of the Parthians, but Dio more lately reports Phraates to have succeeded Arsacus, yet Appianus saies he succeeded Sintricus, which we shall see in its proper place, and that this Arsaces had enjoyment of the Empire six years before the third war of Mithridates was begun, these words mentioned in an epistole he writ to the same man (of which more hereafter) do sufficiently show. Thou being remooved a far offand all others being obnoxious I again renewed the war; from whence wee conclude his proper name was either Sintricus or Sinatrux.

This Arsaces was offended with Tigranes for stirring up a new war, about a certaine Country that was in controversy betwixt them, which Country Tigranes had new yeilded up to him againe, Moreover the Parthian look't to have the great Vallyes Mesopotamia and Adiabene should have bin delivered into his possession, as the reward of his Confederacy, but Lucullus being certified of the Embassages, Tigranes and Mithridates had sent to Arsaces, he also sent some of his with threates if he assisted them, and promises if he would take part with the Romans, And being urged by Lucullus's Embassadors that he would either assist him, or at least stand Neuter he promising friendship privately to both, performed it to neither, [Memnon cap. 60. Plutar. & Appian & Dio. 35.]

Amongst the reliques of the fourth book of Salusts History there remains the intire letter of Mithridates, to Arsaces about this very affaire in which he seemed to turn the indignation he had conceived against Tigranes for waging the late war into his advantage, for he (saies he) being guilty shal receive what alliance you please, and extenuates the great victory the Romans had obteined against him by saying, that by constraining the Multitude into so narrow places that they could not fight he lost the field, and they attributed their victory to their owne vertue, which indeed was but his imprudence: and afterwaods stirrs him up against the Romans in this manner. But you (saies he) to whom Seleucia the greatest Citie, the Kingdome of Persia, and very great riches do belong, what can ye look for but deceit for the present, and war for the time to come? the Romans have war every where, but it is most violent where the victory of their adversaries affords the richest spoile, they Invade, they Cozen, but of one war they pick occasion for another, and by those meanes (being made great) they either suppresse the designes, or destroy the Authors, which is not difficult, if you in Mesopotamia, and in Armenia inviron their armies whilst they are without victuals, and releif, &c. and thou shalt hrve the reputation to have assisted great Kings, and to have supprest great Robbers. Which I do desire and exhort you to do, vnlesse you had rather by our ruine enlarge one Empire then by our friendship become a Conquereur your self.

As soon as the unwelcome tidings of the affaires M. Cotta had managed at Heraclea, arrived at Rome, he was in publick disgrace, and his great riches augmented their envy; to avoid which he brought back most of the spoiles into the treasury, which yet could not make the Romans the more moderate in as much as they suspected he restored a few things out of that great abundance he had got, having learned also that the prisoners at Heraclea were suddainly to be dismist by a publick decree. [Memnon cap. 61.]

p. 568Moreover Thrasymedes an Heraclensian, before on Assembly, did publickly accuse Cotta, and commemorated the benevolence of his City to the Romans, and shewed, that if they had any way transgrest, it was not done by the consent of the City; but by the fraud of their Magistrates, and the power of their adversaries: with great lamentation he laid before them the burning of the City, and forgot not with teares to remember how Cotta had converted all to his private profit. There came also a multitude of captives men and women with their little ones clothed in mourning weeds, and kneeling, with great lamentation held up their hands. The Roman Nobility inclining to commiserate their case, Cotta came forth, and after he had pleaded a little in his own tongue, he returned; when Carbo arising replies: We O Cotta gave you Commission to take, not to destroy the City. And after him some others arose, and with like crimination exprest their indignation against him. To many therefore he seemed worthy of banishment, but with more moderation, they onelyonly took away his Dignity. And restored their lands, sea, and harbours, to the Heracleans: with this proviso, that none of them should be made slaves, [Id. ibid.]

Thrasymedes, these things being past, sent back the people into their Country, but stayed himself with Brithagora, and Propylo the son of Brithagora for some years at Rome, performing those things which the custom of the Country required, [Id. cap. 62.]

Lucullus was condemned not of strangers onelyonly, but his own Citizens, that he would not pursue Tigranes, but give him leisure to escape, whom he might easily have subdued, had he not aimed at the continuance of his own command; and therefore the Government of Asia (properly so called) which was committed to him before, was assigned to the Praetors, [Dio, lib. 35.]

Lucullus went then to the Gordyens, and clebrated the Obsequies of their King Zarbienus whom Tigranes had killed, forasmuch as he had secretly entred into League with him, and put fire himself to the pile of wood that was garnished with Royal Robes, and Gold, and the spoiles had been taken from Tigranes, pouring on the sacrifice with his friends and kindred, and pronouncing him his friend, and a Confederate of the people of Rome. To these he commanded a sumptuous Monument to be made out of the Kings Treasury, and dedicated to him: by which means the Gordyens were so devoted to Lucullus, they would have left their habitations and have followed him with their wives and children, [Plutarch.]

In the Courts of Zarbienus, there was found much Silver and Gold, and in his Granaries, there was laid up ten times three hundred thousand medimni, which is about 5 bushells. So the souldiery was supplied, and it was a great honour to Lucullus that he had taken nothing out of the Treasury, but kept up the war with the spoiles of the war, [Id.]

Here met him Embassadours from Arsaces King of the Parthians, desiring his friendship and aliance; which being not unwelcome to Lucullus, he on the other side sent Sicilius, or rather Sextilius to him; but Arsaces suspecting from his Eminence in matters of war, that he had sent rather in relation to the discovery of his Country and strength, than to the treaty they were about, yeilded no supply to the Romans; yet he carryed himself so, as that he attempted nothing against them, but kept himself as a neuter betwixt both parties, [Id, cum Dione, lib. 35.]

When Lucullus had learnt that he was wavering in his counsels, Year of the World 3936 and that he desired privately of Tigranes Mesopotamia, as the reward of his friendship; he resolved to passe by Tigranes and Mithridates as enemies already conquered, and by hastening his march against the Parthians to try their valour and strength. He sent therefore into Pontus to Sernatius his Embassadour there, and to several others, that they would bring the forces they had there to him, as if he had been to advance from the Country of the Gordyens against the Parthians; but the souldiers were refractory and would be won neither with fair means nor foule, declaring, that if they were left there without relief, they would depart to Pontus. The report of these things being brought to Lucullus, corrupted even those souldiers he had with him, by reason of their riches and luxury, hankering after ease, and hating the severity of war: But as soon as they understood the fury of the Ponticks, they cryed them up as persons fit to be imitated and esteemed; professing they had already by their many atcheivements merited their rest and discharge. And so Lucullus was forced to lay aside his Expedition into Parthia, [Plutarch.]

Furthermore the Island of Delus is seated in the Aegean Sea, The Julian Period. 4646 to which place they flocked with their Merchandize from all parts. Year before Christ 68 It is full of riches, small and without a wall, yet secure and feared nothing (as Cicero speaks in his Oration, pro lege Manilia) The Pirate Athenodorus took it, and carryed the inhabitants captive, destroying the images of their gods: but Caius Triarius repaired the ruines and built a wall about it; as Trallianus Phlegon hath observed in his fifth book of his Chronicles, in p. 569the fourth year of the 177 Olympiade, [In Bibliotheca, Phocii, …od. 97.]

Mithridates made armes in every Town, and calling a muster, took account of almost all the Armenians; out of which selecting 70000 Foot, and half as many Horse, he dismissed the rest; which, after he had digested into companies and troups, according to the Italian Discipline, he delivered over to the Ponticks to be trained, [Appian.]

In that year wherein Q. Marcius the King did alone execute the office of Consul, Lucullus in the midst of Summer (for by reason of the cold he was not able to invade them sooner) he advanced with his army against Tigranes. After he had passed the mountain Taurus, and discovered the green fields, he was astonished; that the season was there so backward by reason of the cold. Neverthelesse, he came down into the plains, and after two or three battles, in which the Armenians assaulted him, he routed and disperst them. [Plut. cum. Dione, lib. 35.] And whilst Mithridates remained upon a hill with the Foot, and part of the Horse; Tigranes, fal…ing with the remainder upon the Roman forragers, was overcome; by which means, they fetch their provisions with more security afterwards, and nearer Mithridates, and removed their Tents nearer also, [Appian.] and intercepting the supplies were carrying to Tigranes, they brought (which they greatly feared) a great scarcity upon their enemies. [Plutarch.]

Lucullus destroyed one part of the Country, supposing the Barbarians might have been provoked to have fought in its defence; but when he found that would not do, he marched out against them, and his Horse being very much prest by the Cavalry of the enemy, (there being no conflict at all with the Foot) he coming in with his Targets to their relief, put them presently to flight, yet they received no great losse themselves, but casting their arrows back upon those that pursued, they killed many outright, and wounded many, which wounds, were very grievous, and hard to be cured for the arrows had a double point, and so placed, that they were presently mortal, whether they were pulled out or left in. [Dio.]

In Creet, when Lasthenes the Governour of Cydonia, was besieged therein by C. Metellus the Proconsul, and had fled from thence to Gnosus, Panares, another Governour of the City, making his peace, delivered it to Metellus; who afterward laying siege to Gnosus, Lasthenes put all his wealth into a house, and set it on fire, and then fled from Gnossus. [Appian. Legat. 30.] Gnosus, Lyctus, and Erithraea, with many other Cities, were taken by Metellus, [Livy, lib. 99. Florus. lib. 3. cap. 7. Appian Legat. 30.] but the Cretians being long besieged by Metellus, and brought to great extremity, were constrained to quench their thirst with their own urin;s, and their Cattles. [Valer. Max. lib. 7. cap. 6.]

Lucullus brought his army against Artaxata, Tigranes's Court, where his wife and children were; which he not enduring, raised his Camp, and after four dayes march, came and sat down by the Romans, having the river Arsamia betwixt them, which the Romans must of necessity passe to attach Artaxata. [Plutarch.]

Lucullus, having performed his sacrifice to his gods, drew forth his army, as if he had been certain of victory; and placing 12 Cohorts in the front, he disposed the rest into reserves, least they might be encompast by the enemy, in whose army there were placed a great and select body of Horse; before whose colours there stood the Mardian and Iberian Lanceers, that used arrows also on horse-back, in which Tigranes did principally trust, as the most valiant amongst his strangers, yet they performed nothing remarkable, onelyonly skirmishing for a while with the Romans, but not able to endure the force of the Legions; they ran away themselves, and drew the Horse after them [Id.]

As soon as they were disperst, and he beheld Tigranes Horse advance, suspecting their splendour and multitude, he remanded his own from the persu…t; in the mean time with those nobles and officers he had about him, marched up against them that came towards him; who, being affrighted, fled before they came to a charge. Of the three Kings, that were then in the field, Mithridates, King of Pontus, ran away most shamefully, not so much as enduring the shour of the Romans. The Romans having them in chase, so long a space as a whole night, were not only weary of killing, but taking prisoners, and were tired with taking and carrying away their very mony and prizes. Livy reports, that in the former battle, there were more, but in this, the nobler and more considerable of the enemies, taken and slain. [Id.]

The Pirates were at this time grown to that height, that having overspread the whole sea, they did not onelyonly intercept provisions, intended for the fleet, but would land and destroy both Provinces and Islands; so that the Romans, that had conquered the whole World, were only unsecure at sea. [Plutarch in Pompeio. Appian. in Mahri. Dio lib. 36. Eutrop. lib. 6. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 4.] which the next year, Cicero in his Oration p. 570for the Manilian law recalled thus to their Memories, what country for: these yeares, have you secured from Robbers? what stipend or contribution to your selves? what Confederate have you defended? or who is it was protected by your ships? how many Islands think you are deserted? how many Cities either forsaken for feare, or taken by Pyrates from your freinds? it was anciently the property of the Romans to war far from home, and rather exercised their forces in the defence of their freinds fortunes, than of their own: shal I say for these many years your s…as have bin shut up to your freinds, and though our Army was at Brundusium they durst not send but in the midst of winter? why should I complain they were taken that came to us from abroad, when the very Embassadors of the people of Rome are redeemed, shal I say the sea is not safe for our Merchants: when twelve of our guard (there being two Praetors Sextilius and Bellino taken as Plutarch reports) fell into the hands of the Pyrates? why should I remember you of Colophon and Samos two noble Cities, or of many more that have bin taken, when you know your own harbours, and those very parts you inhabite your selves, have bin taken by those enimies, was there then this Government, when the Roman Embassadors, Praetors, and Questors were intercepted, when publick and private Commerce out of all provinces was forbidden us? when the seas were so shut up that we could have no trading either in private or in common? this (as all things else) he exprest most Elegantly.

The common receptacle of these Pyrates, was Cilicia the rough and the principall seat of the war: they had in every place Castles, Towers and desert Islands, and secret creeks for their ships, but more especially they came forth out of this part of Cilicia called the rough, which was without harbours and rising with exceeding high rocks, from whence by all people they were called by the common name of Cilicians; because that evill which began in Cilicia, drew the Syrians, Cyprians, Pamphilians, Ponticks, and all the Easterne Countryes into a combination, who by reason of the tediousnesse of Mithridates's war, being more inclineable to do mischeif then to endure it, they changed the land for the sea, so that in a short time there became many thousands of them. [Appian pag. 234.]

They had above a thousand Pickeroones, and 400 Cities that they had taken, and the Temples at Clarius, Didaemaeus, and Samothrace that were inviolate and untoucht before, they pillaged and dispoyled that which was dedicated to Tellus at Hermion, to Aesculapius at Epidaurus, to Neptune in Isthmus, Taenarus and Calau…ia, Apollo in Actium and Leucade, Ju…o in Samos Argis and Lucanium, they performed some rites of Strangers in Olympus; some secret Mysteries of which those which had their denomination from the Sun remained, being at first showen by them: after a worser manner they insulted over the Romans, for if any of their prisoners called himself a Roman, they presently counterfeiting feare knock't their knees together, and falling down at his feet, humbly implored his pardon, and whilst he imagined them reall and sincere, some of them furnished him with shooes, others with garments least he should be otherwise any longer unknowne, and when at this rate they had long mock't and deluded the man, putting down a ladder into the Sea they bad him go down in safety, if he would not they tumbled him downe headlong, and drowned him. [Plutarch in Pompeio.]

About the Autumnall Equinox great tempests unexpectedly infested Lucullus his Army, Year of the World 3397 it snow'd for the most part, and froze when it was clear, and the ice was troublesome, by which meanes it fell out the rivers afforded but little water for the Horses, and if they brake the ice, the peices hurt their legs and made it difficult to passe: the Country being woody they were daily dabled with the fall of snow from the trees and constrained to rest incommodiously in the wet: first therefore they petitioned Lucullus by their Tribunes, afterwards growing tumultuous they in the night cryed out to their armes, Lucullus begged earnestly but in vaine, beseeching they would only cheer up so long til they had destroyed the work of the greatest Enemy of the Armenians, since Carthage was taken, for it is reported (as abovesaid in 4526 year of the Julian Period) that Arxata was built by the advice of Hannibal the Carthaginian, but prevailing nothing he retreated [Id. in Lucullo.] which retreat of the Roman Army, Cicero endeavours to excuse in his Oration for the Law Manilia after this sort. Although our Army had taken a City in Tigranes Kingdome called Tigranacerta, and had fought several Battails with good successe, yet were they moved with the tediousnesse of their march. I will not say any more here, the vpshot was it was complained, our Souldiers return out of those places was more suddaine than their march was long.

Lucullus, returning thorough Armenia into Mesopotamia, past Taurus in another place, and descended into the Country of Migdonia, a Country very warm and fruitfull; in which there was a City large and populous called by the Barbarians Nisibis, by the Grecians Antiochia Migdonica. [id. ibid. cum Orosio lib. 6. cap. 3.]

That City was built by the Macedonians [Joseph. lib. 20. cap. 2.] but Tigranes had taken that and all Mesopotamia from the Parthians and placed his treasure, and many other considerable things therein, it was encompassed with a double brick wall of a p. 571great thicknesse, and a ditch so deep and broad, that the wall could neither be shaken, nor underminrd. [Dio. lib. 35.] Guras, Tigranes brother, commanded in chief, under him Callimachus, (he that had performed noble exploits at Amisus) commanded as a person of great knowledge in fortifications, and of great experience in war. [Plutarch.]

Lucullus, having formed his leagure, all manner of Engins were provided for a storm, [Id.] But in the beginning of the Winter when the Barbarians thought themselves certain of victory, and the Romans already departing, they began to be carelesse. And Lucullus having gotten the opportunity of a night in which the Moon being not to be seen, and a great tempest with thunder was risen, so as the Barbarians could neither see nor hear, and for that reason leaving a few there onelyonly, they had almost deserted the outward wall, and the ditch between, and by his Workes he gat easily over the wall: and killing without much adoe those few Sentinels he found, and with earth that he threw in (for they had before this thrown down their bridges) he filled up a part of the ditch, and when the Enemy could not hurt them with their arrows nor fire, by reason of the rain, he wan the ditch, and possessed himself immediately of the City, their iuward walls being not made so strong, because they built more confidence upon that without, [Dio.]

Those that fled into the Castle, he received upon rerms, [Id.] Guras the brother of Tigranes surrendring himself, he intreated civilly. Callimachus he would by no means hear, though he promised to discover great sums of money that were hid: but because he had burnt Amisus, robbing him of his glory, and dispoiling that thing which should have declared his bounty to the Grecians, he reserved him in chaines to be punished, [Plutarch.] Much money being afterwards taken, Lucullus wintered at Nisibis, [Dio.]

In the mean time, those which bare the sway in the Assembly, out of envy charged Lucullus, that out of covetousnesse and desire of command, he protracted the war. One said Cilicia, Asia, Bithynia, Paphlagonia, Galatia, Pontus, Armenia, and all the Provinces as far as Phasis, were already conquered, and that now he was onelyonly forraging in Tigrane's Countries, as if he had been sent rather to plunder Princes, than to vanquish them: this (as 'tis reported) Lucius Quintius one of the Praetors did speak, by whom the people of Rome being perswaded, gave orders for the sending others to succeed him, and disbanded many of those souldiers that had served faithfully under him, [Plutarch.]

In his Camp, P. Clodius, a man of great iusolence and dissolutnesse, brought great disturbance to his affairs; he was brother to Lucullus his wife, with whom (she being a lascivious woman) he was reported to be nought: he degenerating by reason of his manners, was turned from the command Lucullus had first given him: for which cause he stirred up the Fimbrians, (or Valerians) against him; those I mean which he had brought ou… of Fimbria, to destroy L. Val. Flaccus the Consul, and should have taken him for their Commander. These men, being seduced by Clodius, would neither follow him against Tigranes nor Mithridates, but under pretence of w…nter, protracted the time at Gordyene, expecting some other Governour to come and succeed Lucullus, [Id.]

Tigranes (when Lucullus was before Nisibis) conceiving it invincible, moved not towards its relief, but sending Mithridate into his own Country, he marched himself into Armenia, where for a while he besieged Lucius Fannius, till Lucullus, hearing his condition, marched to his rescue, [Dio. lib. 35.]

Mithridates, marching into Pontus, the onelyonly kingdom that was left him, there followed him four thousand of his own men, and as many that he received from Tigranes, [Appian.] with which, invading one of the Armenian's and other Countries, he assaulted many stragling Romans unawares, and destroyed them, others he fought fairly and vanquished, and recovered many places with great expedition; for because he was of that Country himself, and his father had ruled there before, those men were very inclinable to Mithridates, and took up an indignation against the Romans, for that they were strangers, and some of their Governours Tyrants, and by that means came freely to Mithridates, [Dio.] To which that place in Tullies Oration for the Manilian law is to be referred. Mithridates (sayes he) had now confirmed his own souldiers, and those which had joyned themselves to him out of his kingdom, and with great supplies both from forraign Countries and Kings, he was re-inforced, which we have heard indeed doth frequently happen, that Princes calamities do easily procure compassion from most men, especially if they be either Kings themselves, or do live under government; because the name of a King is very reverend and sacred, and by that means he effected more by being overcome, than if he had been safe he durst ever have hoped for.

Mithridates overcame M. Fabius, whom Lucullus had left Governour of those parts; but it was by the assistance of the Thracians who were then at hostility with p. 572Fabius, although they had received pay under him formerly, nor were the slaves in the Roman Camp a little conducive to it, [Id. cum Appiano.]

For first of all, Fabius having sent out some of the Thracian scouts and they returning with uncertain intelligence, he advanced carelessely, and fell before he was aware upon Mithridates, which time the Thracians revolting, assailed the Romans, and put them to flight; in which conflict, there were five hundred slain. After that, Fabius fearing all the slaves that followed his Camp, fought him for a while doubtfully, when Mithridates promising liberty also to the slaves, they also fell off to his side, and had doubtlessely destroyed all the Fabians, had not Mithridates been hurt with a stone in the knee, by reason of which, and another wound under his eye with a dart, he was sudainly carryed off the field. And whilest the Barbarians were solicitous of the health of their King, they gave Fabius opportunity of a safe retreat, with the remainder of his men. The Agari, a people of Scythia, well skilled in confections of the poyson of Serpents (and for that reason they were alwayes near his person) had then the care of the King. [Iid. inter se collati.]

Fabius, after this being shut up and besieged in Cabiris, was relieved by C. Triarius; for he, marching that way out of Asia to Lucullus, and understanding his successe, he got together as great a body as he could, of those that were present, and terrified Mithridates so much, that (imaging them the whole army of the Romans) before ever he saw them, he removed his Camp. Upon which Triarius taking courage, persuing them into the Country of the Comagens, (or rather Comans, in Cappadocia, of which hear Dio hereafter) he fought and overcame them. Mithridates had incamped on the one side of a river, and the Romans came down on the other, and in hopes he might find them weary, and tired with their march, he advanced immediately himself, and commands the rest should (over another bridge) assault them whilst they were engaged. After they had fought a long time, and with various fortune; the bridge (opprest with the number of men that were passing) brake, and so hindered Mithridates supplies, and was the occasion of his defeat. It was winter now, and both of them, after this battle, betook themselves to their quarters, and rest. [Dio. cap. 35.]

Aulus Gabinius, as tribune, prevailed with the people, that an Emperour might be chosen out of those which had been Consuls, with full and absolute power against the Pirates in General; and that his command might last for three years, and he furnished with very large supplies, and many Legates: it is not certain, whether he was put upon this by Pompey (whom notwithstanding he did not name) or carryed by a designe onelyonly of ingratiating himself; however, he did it not for the advantage of the Republick, being a most wicked man, [Id. lib. 36.] Of whom Cicero in his Oration, after his returne to the Senate: Who, had he not been protected by his being Tribune he could neither have avoided the power of the Praetor, the number of his creditours, nor the proscription of his goods; at which time, had he not got that order concerning war with the Pirates, necessity and wickednesse would have constrained him to turn Pirate himself; but with lesse danger and detriment to the Common-wealth, for as much as their adversary had been within their walls.

This order of the people, which the Senate (though against their wills, as Dio affirms in his 36. book) confirmed. Velleius Paterculus, in his second book, and 31. chapter, gives an account of; How that when in the manner of a war, not of thieving, they had frighted the whole World with their ships, and not by any suddain or secret expedition; and had moreover destroyed some Cities in Italy: Cnaeus Pompeius was sent to suppresse them, and had an equall command in all places, within fifty miles of the sea, with the Proconsuls; by which decree of the Senate, the Government of the whole World, almost was devolved upon one man: yet the same thing was decreed two years before in the Praetorship of M. Antonius, as Velleius reports; yet it seems to me, that it should rather be six years before, than two since. it appears that M. Antonius died three years before in the Cretian war; and that Marcus Antonius dying in the Cretian war, departed this life two years before, and that the great care of all the sea coasts, within the Roman Empire, was committed to him in the Consulship of Lucullus, and Cotta, Asconius Pedianus, in his Oration of Verres Praetorship in Sicily, has taught us, as is demonstrated before in the year of the World, 3930, and 3933.

By this Gabinian law, Pompey had for three years the command given him, not onelyonly of the Navy, but (as Plutarch saies) over all men, as well within the Provinces within 400 furlongs of the sea, as in all the Mediterranean, in which compasse, he had power to command all Kings, Governours and Cities, to his aide and assistance: so Appian [pag. 235.] calls it, 50 miles; which Velleius and Plutarch interpret 400 furlongs, attributing to every mile, eight furlongs: Xiphilinus, out of the sixth book of Dion, calling it 400 furlongs, out of the 35 book, three dayes journy from the sea, p. 573comparing every dayes journy at one hundred thirty three furlongs, which is sixteen miles.

By the same law also, Pompey had power to chuse fifteen Deputies out of the Senate, to whom he might commit the charge of several Provinces, that he might take also from the Treasury and the Officers, for receipt of monies, as much thereof as he thought good; and 200 ships, and leavy what forces he pleased. And calling a Convent of the people, he prevailed for many things more of theirs, and doubled his preparation. He manned out 500 ships, though Appian saith …e had but 270, the smaller vessels reckoned and all, of Foot he used 120000, of Horse five, or with Appian, four thousand: Captains, and those which were in command, he chose out of the Senate, four and twenty, or as Appian sayes, five and twenty, and made them delegates under him. He had two Quaestors allowed him, and six thousand Attick talents; so considerable a thing it did appear, to pursue so many Navies in so great a sea; and where there were so many lurching places, by reason of which, they could easily escape when assaulted, and assaile when they were unexpected. [Appian.]

Pompey, The Julian Period. 4647 being very well supplyed both with ships of his own, Year before Christ 67 and his confederates, from Rhodes; he possessed both sides of the Ocean, with Deputies and Commanders of his own, and by that means, in every Port, Bay, Creek, Recesse, Promontory, Frith, or Island, shut up as it were, what ever belonged to the Pirates, in a net. [Florus, lib. 3. cap. 6.] To those Officers he had chosen out of the Senate, things being setled at sea, he gave Ships, Horse and Foot, and pretorian Standards to every one, so that every one had absolute authority in that place that was committed to his charge, and those of the Pirates that were taken by some party, were delivered to others, least any should be drawn to too long a pursuit, or by sailing too far, might protract the war [Appian.]

The Gaditane straits were given to Tiberius Nero, the Balearic sea, to Manlius Torquatus, to both of them was committed the care of Spain; Cratilius blocked up the Ligustick sea, M. Pomponius, the French, and the sons of Pompey, (the Emperour) the Adriatique, Sardinia, Corsica, and the adjacent Islands, Publ. Attilius possest; the Libyan Lentulus; the Egyptian, Marcellinus Lu. Gellius had the command of the Tuscan sea, and the coasts of Italy, C. Lentulus of all betwixt Sicily and Epirus: the Ionian sea was given to Plothus Varo, and Terentius Varo, (the most learned of the Togati) of whom Pliny speaking in his [third book, chap. 11. and seventh book and 30. chap. and 16. book, and fourth chap.] that he was in this war presented with a Naval Crown by Pompey. L. Cinna had the oversight of Peloponnesus, Attica, Eubaea, Thessaly, Macedonia, and Baeotia; L. Cullius of all the Aegean sea, and the Hellespont, (although Florus gives the Asiatic to Caepio) Metellus Nepos of Lycia, Pamphylia, Cyprus, and Phaenicia. P. Piso of Bithynia, and Thracia, and Porcius: Cato lay so close upon the straights of it with his ships, that he blocked up the Propontis, as it had been a gate. [Florus, lib. 3. cap. 6. & Appian. pag. 236.] Pompey himself, l…ke a King of Kings, overlooked all, requiring every body to keep their Station, least whilest he perceived the Pirates, before he could accomplish his victory in one place, he should be distrest in another; and ordering that whilest all were ready to relieve one another, they should not suffer the enemy to escape, by roving up and down. [Appian. ibid.]

His forces being dispersed in this manner thorough the whole sea, Pompey beginning from the lower part, they encompassed the enemies Navy, and dragged as with a net into their Harbours; those which escaped, fled into Cilicia to hide themselves, like Bees to a hive. [Plutarch in Pompeio.] And having thus in fourty dayes time, by his own industry, and his Officers, cleared the Tuscan, African Sardoan, Corsican, and Sicilian seas, returning to Rome, he performed what he desired, [Id. ibid. cum Livio: lib. 99. & Appian. pag. 236.]

Pompey, loosing from Brundusium, he advances (in the beginning of the Cilician war) with 60 very good ships; the enemy prepares to fight him, yet not out of any hope, but that being opprest, they would seem to venture, but they did no more than give one charge; for immediately finding themselves incompast, they threw away their arms and oars, and with a general shout (with the signe of their submission) they begged their lives. [Florus, lib. 3. cap. 6. cum Plutarch & Appian.] Cicero affirms in his Manilian Oration, that in one and fifty dayes after, he set saile from Brundusium, he had brought all Cicily to subjection to the people of Rome, which story, of the recovering all Cilicia in so short a time, is to be looked upon, but as an Oratorical expression in the praise of Pompey, [Vid. ann. per. Julian, 4651.]

After it was told that Mithridates, having beaten Fabius, was marcht against Sornatius and Triarius: the Fimbrian (or Valerian) Souldiers being moved with shame, followed Lucullus when he went to their relief. Mithridates in the mean time (Manius p. 574Acilius Glabro, and Cai. Piso, being Consuls) having encamped over against Triarius near Gaziursa, he seekes to drill and provoke him to fight, by training and exercising his men in sight of the Romans, that by engaging him before Lucullus came, and prevailing (as he did hope) he might recover the remainder of the kingdom; but not able to draw him forth, he sends part of his men to Dadasa to besiege a Castle in which the Romans had left their train; to the end, that the Romans coming to its relief, might fall into his hands. Nor did his designe deceive him; for Triarius fearing the multitude of Mithrida…s, and expecting Lucullus (whom he had sent for) would come, kept himself close in his Camp: but hearing Dadasa was besieged, his souldiers were afraid of the goods they had there, and in a tumultuous manner threatned, that unlesse he would draw them out, they would go to defend them without his leave; by which means he marched out against his will, [Dio. lib. 35.]