The Annals of the World, History 2 · 6 (continued) (8 of 15)
Mithridares, upon an expresse from Sylla, restored all Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes; and thereupon dispatched away Embassies to Rome to get the Articles of the Peace to be enrolled, [Appian. pag. 216.]
M. Lepidus, and Q. Catulus Cossi: Sylla died, [Liv. lib. 90. Appian, lib. 1. Bell. Civil. pag. 416.] He made an end of the 22 book of his Commentaries, two dayes before his death: he said, That the Chaldeans had foretold him, how, that after he had lived very splendidly for a while, he should dye in the flower of his felicity. [Plutarch in Sylla.] He bequeathed in his Will those his Commentaries to Lucullus, whom moreover, he nominated upon his death-bed, as Guardian to his son; passing by Pompey: which one thing, was thought to be the very source from whence sprang all that grudge and emulation which ensued betwixt those two, both of them being youths, and their bloods boyling with a desire of glory, [Id. in Lucullo.]
M. Cicero, after he had been six months at Athens with Antiochus Ascalonita, a most Renowned and most Sage Philosopher of the ancient Academies, and with Demetrius Syrus, a well experienced, and no mean Oratour, hearing of Sylla his death, sailed into Asia: and travelling cleane thorough that Country, exercised his faculty with the choicest Oratours in those parts. The chief of them were, Menippus a Stratonician (surnamed Catocas, of Caria) Dionysius Magnes, Aelchylus a Cnidian, and Xenocles an Adramyttean, [Cicero in Bruto, & Plutarch in Cicerone: compared with Strabo lib. 13. pag. 614. & lib. 14. pag. 660. and with Diogenes Laertius in Menippo.]
At the same time also, a certain woman of Miletum was sentenced to death, for that she had caused an abortion to her self by potions; being hired thereunto for a piece of money by those which were the second heirs; neither had she more than she deserved: who had by that one fact of hers destroyed, the hope of a parent, the memory of a name, the support of a kindred, the heir of a family, and in all likelihood, a Citizen of the Common-wealth, [Cicero pro Aulo Cluentio.]
P. Servilius Proconsul, subdued Cilicia: He so disordered the Pirats light and flying Barks with his heavy men of War, that he got a bloody victory over them, [Liv. lib. 90. Flor. lib. 3. cap. 6. Eutrop. lib. 6.] He set upon Cilicia and Pamphylia with that violence, that he almost utterly ruined them, being desirous onelyonly to bring them under, [Oros. lib. 5. cap. 23.]
Julius Caesar, upon the bruite of Syll's death, left Cilicia, and returned in all haste to Rome, [Sueton in Julio, cap. 3.]
In regard that Mithridates (Sylla being now dead) could hear nothing from the Magistrates at Rome, concerning his Embassie to the Senate: the King suborned Tigranes his son in law, to make an invasion upon Cappadocia, yet was not the plot carryed so covertly, but the Romans had an inckling of it, [Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 216] Amongst whom, Salust (in lib. 1 histor.) brings in L. Philippus, (in an Oration of his at that time before the Senate against Lepidus) speaking in this manner. Mithridates in latere vectigalium nostrorum quibus, &c. idest: Mithridates lies upon the borders of our revenues, which we yet enjoy, watching an opportunity to make war upon us.
Tigranes, Year of the World 3927 having encompassed Cappadocia round as it were with a net, that no one could escape him, brought away with him from thence about 300000 men, and carryed them into Armenia, assigning them places with others to inhabit: where he first put the Crown of the kingdom of Armenia upon his head, and called the place Tigranocerta, that is, the City of Tigranes. [Id. ibid.] He built the City betwixt Iberia and Zugma, which lies near Euphrates, and peopled it, with those men he brought out of the twelve Cities of Greece, which he had wasted. [Strabo, lib. 11. pag. 532.] In that City there were abundance of Greeks, driven out of Cilicia, many Barbarians running the same fortune with them Greeks, Adiabenians, Assyrians, Gordyens, Cappadocians, all whom he brought thither, having ruined their several Countries, and forced them to replant there. [Plutarch in Lucullo.] At this very time also, at which he wasted Cappadocia thus with his incursions, he drove the Mazacenians out from their habitations, and carryed them into Mesopotamia, and stocked the greater part of Tigranacerta with those inhabitants. [Strabo, lib. 12. cap. 539.]
Geminus, an excellent Mathematician, wrote his book of Astronomy, out of which Proclus his Sphaere is taken) 120 years after that the Egyptians Isia fell on Eudoxus his winter Solstice, or the 28 of December; as he himself shews in [cap. 6. Vid. ann. Mundi 3807. a.]
M. Cicero being come to Rhodes, The Julian Period. 4637 applyed himself to the same Molon, Year before Christ 77 whom he had formerly heard at Rome; he was both an excellent pleader in true causes, and a good writer, and also very discreet in taxing and noting of faults, and wise in instructing, and in teaching, he did the best he could to keep Cicero within the Channel, and to represse him in regard that he did, by a kind of youthful licentiousnesse, commonly over doe, and as it were, overflow. [Cicero in Bruto.]
At the same time Apollonius, a great master of Oratory, grew in great esteem; whom Strabo surnames foreign, or the Soft, and others Molo: which is the reason that some (amongst whom Quintilian is one, lib. 12. cap. 6.) confound him with the other Molon. They were both of them Alabandians of Caria, Schollers of Menecles the Alabandian, and both coming out of his School, professed the same art at Rhodes; although Molon came thither later than the other: which was the ground of Apollonius his applying that of Homer to him, foreign. [Strabo, lib. 14. pag. 655, 660, 661.] Cicero alwayes calls one of them Molon; the other in lib. 1. de oratore, he calls Apollonius the Alabandian: where M. Antonius is brought in thus speaking of him. For this one thing I alwayes liked that famous teacher, Apollonius the Alabandian; who although he taught for money, yet did he not suffer any whom he thought incapable of being made an Oratour, to loose their labour with him, but sent them home again; and that his custome was to exhort and perswade every one to buckle himself to that art, he in his judgement thought him most fit and inclinable unto.
It is reported of this Apollonius, that in regard he was not through paced in the Roman tongue, he desired Cicero to declame in Greek: Cicero was well enough contented with the motion, supposing that Apollonius could the better correct him in case he should do any thing amisse, whilest others stood in a maze admiring him, and others strived to eutvye one another in applauding him, Apollonius was observed neither to look cheerfully any time of that while he was speaking, and after he had done, to sit a good time, as it were musing, and pensive. But at last, perceiving Cicero took some regret at this his carriage, he said thus: Truly Cicero I commend and admire thee; yet I cannot but pitty Greece her condition: when I see the two onelyonly ornaments which were left us, Learning and Eloquence: that they also should be by thee carryed away to the Romans. [Plutarch in Cicernoe.]
Cicero heard Posidonius the Philosopher at Rhodes, as Plutarch affirms, and Cicero himself reckons him in the list of those which instructed him; [in lib. 1. de natura Deorum, & lib. de fato.] As for this Posidonius, Philosopher of the Stoick Sect, he was indeed born at Apamea in Syria; but being in processe of time made a Citizen of Rhodes: he was called a Rhodian, as appears by Strabo, [lib. 14. pag. 654.] and out of Athenaeus, [lib. 6. cap. 6.] where this also is to be noted by the By: that, whereas Josephus writes, how that Posidonius and Apollonius of Malon, or Molon (as it is writ elsewhere) afforded to Apion the Grammarian, matter for those his fables, concerning the Jews and their Temple, [lib. 2. contra Apion, pag. 1065.] by the name of the first he means this Posidonius the Apamenian, Cicero's Master in the Stoick Philosophy; out of the books of whose Histories, we have quoted so many passages above: but by the name of the later, that Apollonius we last spoke of, or rather that Molon his equal, who (as above said) is reckoned by Cicero [in his Bruto] amongst the Writers, and by some deemed to be one and the same person with that Apollonius.
P. Servilius, Proconsul in Cilicia, subdued the Isaur's, and wan some Cities of the Pyrates. [Liv. lib. 93.] He demolished the City Isaura it self, and dismantled many forts which the Pyrates held along the sea coast. [Strabo;] who saith, that he had seen Servilius, [lib. 12. pag. 568, 569. & lib. 14. pag. 665.] He took Lycia also, and the Cities of note therein, having besieged them, & forced them to resign. Besides, he roved all over the mountain Olympus, and levelled to the ground three great Cities: Olympus, Phaselis, and Corycum. He was the first of any Romans that led an army through Taurus, he made it the bound of his march, and having taken a strict view of the side of the mountains which incline towards Cilicia, he brought the Isauri, quite worne out with the wars, under the power of the Romans. [Oros. lib. 5. cap. 23. compared with Florus, lib. 3. cap. 6. with Salust. lib. 1. Histor. apud Priscianum lib. 15. with Asconius Pedianus, in 3. Verrinam. and with Eutropius. lib. 6.] Cicero in his first and second Agraria, confirms, how that the Countries of the Attalians, Phaselians, Olympians, and the Country of the Agarenses, Orindians, and Gedusians were brought in to the people of Rome, by Servilius his victory. Cicero also [in 40 contra Verrem lib.] adds this passage particularly concerning Phaselis. That Phaselis which P. Servilius took, was not at first a City of Cilicians and Thieves; Lycians, who were Grecians, inhabited it: But in regard it was situated in such a place, and lay so high and strong, that the free booters which came out of Cicily, necessarily had recourse thither: the Pyrates associated with that Town, first by commerce, and after by allyance.
L. Magius, Year of the World 3928 and L. Fannius, both runnagados out of Fimbria's army, joyned themselves with Mithridates, and perswaded them to enter into an association of wars with Sertorius, who at that time was up in arms in Spaine against the Romans, Mithridates sent these two as his Ambassadors with letters to Sertorius, promising him a supply of mony and ships for the war, and requiring of him in lieu thereof his confirmation of all Asia unto him, which he had resigned up to the people of Rome, upon the articles of peace betwixt him and Sylla.
The Ambassadors being come into Italy in that bark which the Mindians bought of Verres: and from thence hasting away to get to Sertonius: The Senate noted them enemies to the State, and ordered to attach them: yet, for all that they could doe, they got safe to Sertorius: who, having called together an assembly of his own friends about him, which he called his Senate; he would by no means allow of those conditions, although all the rest were generally for them: For he denyed that he would ever give way that the Province of Asia, which he had unjustly taken from the people of Rome, and which, after Fimbria had wrested it from him again by force of arms, he had returned back upon articles with Sylla, should ever relapse into Mithridates his power again. But as for Bithynia and Cappadocia, which had ever been under his command, and did not at all belong to the people of Rome, he did not envy him these; yet, upon these terms, the leage was concluded betwixt them, and confirmed by mutual oaths; That Mithridates should supply Sertorius with 3000 talents, and forty ships; and that Sertorius on the other side should make him a grant of Cappadocia and Bithynia (to which two Appian addes, not onelyonly Paphlagonia, and Galatia, but Asia it self also) and that he should send him a Generall and Souldiers accordingly. Mithridates dispatched into Asia the Generall which was sent him; M. Marius, (Appian calls him, Varius) one of the Senatours which were banished; and joyned with him the two Lu…i…, Magius and Fannius, to be as his Counsellors, who, loosing from Dianium, a sea town of Spain, arrived at Sinope of Pontus, where Mithridates then was; upon their telling the King how that Sertorius had denyed him Asia: the King said to his friends, What will Sertorius sitting in his Palace injoyne hereafter, who, though as far distant from us as the Atlantick Ocean, takes upon him already to prescribe bounds to our kingdom; and to denounce war against us, in case we should attempt any thing upon Asia? For all this, Marcus Marius concluded a league with him to Sylla's content. The King kept Marius with himself, and in a very short time preferred him a General into Archelaus his place, who had deserted him, and turned to Sylla. [Cicero, pro lege Manilia. & pro Murena, item. act. in Verrem, lib. 1. compared with Asconius Pedianus in eundem. Livie lib. 93. Plutarch in Sertorio. Appian in Mithridatic. pag. 216, 217. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.]
After the Capitol was rebuilt (together with which (some seaven years before) the books of Sybilla were burnt) C. Curio the Consul motions the Senate, That some Ambassadors should be sent to Erythrae, who were to take care to get the Sybills verses again, and bring them to Rome. P. Gabinius, M. Otacillius, and L. Valerius were sent upon that errand, who got those verses transcribed by private hands, and brought them to Rome: and Curio and Octavius, the Consuls, laid them up in the Capitol, which then was repaired again by Q. Catulus. [Fenestella, quoted by Lactantius, lib. 1. institut. cap. 6. & lib. de ira Dei cap. 22.] Upon which grounds Varro sayes that Etythraea was believed to have writ those books of the Sybils, which the Romans have recourse unto; because those Verses were found in the Island Erythaea, after the firing of Apollos Temple, in which those books were laid up: if we may credit Servius, [in Ae…oid. 6.] For the Temple which was burnt was not Apollos, but Jupiter Capitolinus his: and although after the Temple was repaired, Embassadours were sent by order of the Senate to Erythrae in Asia, to get those Verses transcribed: yet those books which were afterward extant and brought to Rome, were not got out of Erythrae onelyonly, but procured from other Cities besides, both Italian and Grecian; and out of private mens Libraries also, under what name soever of the Sybills those books went: in which also many things are found to be suppositions, as appears by the difference of those which they call Acrostickes. As we find out of Varroes own books of divine things: to be related by Dionysius Halicarnasseus, [lib. 4. antiquit. Roman.] and by Lactantius Firmianus, [lib. 1. in Instit. cap. 6.] and Tacitus also in [lib. 6. Annal.] hath declared how, That the Verses of Sybilla, whether one or more, were sought for in Samos, Troy, Erythrae; and thorough all Africa also, and Sicily, and the Italian Colonies: and that the Priests had in charge, with all the care that mortal men could take, to discover the true from the false.
Pliny in the 2 book of his natural History, cap. 35. reports, how that in the time of Cn. Octavius, and Cn. Scribonius Curio Cossi: Licinius Syllanus Proconsul, and his company saw a spark fall from a Star, which increased in bulk as it came nearer the earth; and being grown to the bignesse of the Moon, gave as much light as if it had been some cloudy day: and when it withdrew up towards heaven again, it grew into the fashion of a lamp. But seeing that Syllanus is no where found amongst the Roman surnames, Pighius is of opinion, that instead of Licinius Syllanus in Pliny; it should be L. Junius Syllanus: So that Junius (who about this time was sent with the Proconsuls authority into Asia in the room of Cn. Nero) might seem with his company to have been an eye-witnesse of this Prodigie.
Nicomedes King of Bithynia dying without issue, Year of the World 3929 made the people of Rome his heire by testament: whereupon his kingdom was reduced unto the form of a Province, [Liv. lib. 93. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 4. & 39. Appian. lib. 1. Bell. civil. pag. 420. & Mithridatic. pag. 175. & 218.] To this relates Mithridates his complaint of the Romans in an Epistle of his to Arsaces, [lib. 4. Salust. histor.] After Nicomedes was dead, they rifled all Bithynia: notwithstanding his son Musa, whom he nominated King, was without all question then born.
In the same year also (with which ended the CLXXVI Olympiade) the people of Rome had their bounds widened by the accesse of the Province of Cyrene unto them: Ptolemei Apion the King thereof, of the Family of Lagidarus, having bequeathed it as a Legacy to them; as Appian writes [in his 1. lib. Bell. civil. pag. 420.] adding moreover in the end of the Mithridaticks; that this King was a bastard of the Family of the Lagi: which character of Appian, shews that he was the same person with him whom Justin related in lib. 39. cap. 5. to be the sonne of a Curtezan, and who passed over the inheritance of the Crown of Cyrene to the Romans: where notwithstanding he addes, That that part of Lybia was made a Province: whereas we have heard before out of Livie (at the yeare of the World 3908.) how that after Ptolemei Apions decease, the Senate of Rome enfranchized all the Cities of the kingdom of the Cyreneans: So that, at that time they might seem to have received their grant of freedom, but now to be reduced into the form of a Province. And that then Ptolemei King of Cyrene upon his death…bed, did make the Romans his heirs in his last testament, in the first year of the CLXXI. Olympiad: and that afterwards Lybia was left to the Romans as a Legacy by King Apion in the fourth year of the CLXXVIII. Olympiad Hierom hath noted [in Chronico Eusebiano:] placing this later almost eleven years later than Appions accounts here require, Eutropius hath related this very thing nine years later, viz. To that Caecilius Metellus's Cretian triumph. At which time (as sayeth he in the sixth of his Breviary) Lybia also was annexed to the Roman Empire by the last will of Apion, who was King thereof: in which Berenice, Ptolemais, and Cyrene, were the Cities of greatest note. Jornandes, [in lib. de regn. & tempor. succes.] hath thus written concerning this matter. Lybia, that is to say, all Pentapolis, was granted under its liberty to the Romans by that first Ptolemei: and afterwards rebelling, Apions decree subdued it to the people of Rome. And before him Sixtus Rufus in his Breviary. We were beholden to Ptolemei the elder his bounty for Cyrene, and the other Cities of Lybia Pentapolis: Lybia came to be ours by King Apions last will and testament, And Ammianus Marcellinus followed him. The dryer Lybia we got into our hands by King Appians last Will: Syrene and the other Cities of Lybia Pentapolis, by Ptolemeis liberality. See the learned Valerius his notes upon the place, who so explains this History, that he denies that there were two Ptolemei Apions. besides, Cicero [in 2 Agrarias] mentions the Cyrenian lands which were Apions: as Cornelius Tacitus [in 14 annal. lib.] does the land which were once King Apions and by him bequeathed to the people of Rome, together with his kingdom.
The remainder of this Summer, and the whole Winter following, Mithridates spent in preparation of wars against the Romans: in felling of Timber, building ships, and making arms. [Appian in Mithridatic. pag. 217.] He contracted his forces to a right and meet scantling; for he dismissed the tabble multitudes, the hidious Barbarians, took away the provision of such arms as were guilt, and set with pretious stones: instead of these, he made swords after the Roman fashion, composed good substantial Shields, and made a muster rather of well managed and experienced horses, than of those which were neat and hansome. Moreover, he provided ships that were not adorned with Cabbins guilt over, or baths for Curtezans, or delicate Chambers to keep his women in, but such as were strowed with arms, darts, and mony. [Plutarch in Lucullo.] he carryed to sea 200 Myriades of Medimna's of corn. He had supplies ready at hand, besides his old forces, Chalibians, Armenians, Scythians, Taurians, Acheians, Heniochians, Leucosyrians, and those that inhabit about the river Thermodoon, commonly called the land of the Amazons. There came in to him in Asia his old forces. He had supplies also beyond sea out of Europe, Sarmatians, Basilians, Jazygians, Corallians, Thracians, and all the nations which inhabit about the river Ister, and the mountains Rhodope and Aemus, and the Basternians also, who were the gallantest men and stontest of them all, [Appian ut supra.]
Julius Caesar, The Julian Period. 4639 a very youth, Year before Christ 75 (about 25 years of age) resolved to withdraw to Rhodes; with an intention, at his leisure to apply himself to Apollonius Molon, the most eminent teacher of Oratory at that time: as he was sailing hither in the winter quarter, the Pyrates (who now were so well furnished with ships, that they pestered the sea) took him prisoner about the Island Pharmacusa, (which lies near the Asiatick shoar above Miletum.) When the Pyrates demanded of him 20 talents for his ransom Caesar laughed at them, as being ignorant who it was that was their prisoner, and promised that he would give them 50 talents; and sent forthwith his companions and servants to the Cities of Asia, to procure the mony for his release; keeping onelyonly with him one Physitian, and two others to attend him in his Chamber. Being left with these three for 38 dayes together amongst a company of Cilicians, the most savage people in the World, he behaved himself after that manner, that he struck both a terrour and a reverence into them: neither would he all that time suffer his shoos to be pluckt off, or ungirt himself; that, in case there should happen some extraordinary alteration, he might not be suspected by them, who had clapped no other guard upon him, but that of their eyes: wheresoever he went to repose himself, and take his rest, he sent one to them to be hush, and keep no din: and he would familiarly play and exercise with them, as if they had been of his retinue, and not he their prisoner. he wrote verses also and orations, which he pronounced in the midst of them. If any of them did not admire and applaud them, he would call them openly dull fellows, Barbarians; and often in a merriment would threaten to hang them. They were very well pleased with his humour, ascribing that freenesse of his tongue to his simplicity and years. [Vellei Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 41. S…eton in Julio. cap. 4. Plutarch in Caio. Caesare.] It is reported, that whilst he was in hold, he cryed out, O Crassus, how wilt thou be tickled at the heart, when thou shalt receive tidings of my captivity. [Plutarch in Maneo Crasso.]
The monies of all the Cities was brought from Miletum to Caesar, but Caesar would by no meanes pay down the 50 talents, until he had forced the Pyrate, to deliver up hostages to the Cities: After this, being set on shore, the night following he gets a fleet, such as he could scramble together of the suddain, and with it, loosing out of the port of the Milesians, he made towards the Island, before which the Pyrates as yet lay at anchor: part of their fleet he forced to hoyst and away, others of them he sank, and the residue of the ships he boarded, and became master both of them and the men that were in them. Overjoyd with the triumph of the nights expedition, he returned to his company: the Pyrates money he seized upon, as his own booty, and the Pyrates themselves he committed to prison at Pergamus. When he had done that, he went to Junius the Proconsul of Asia, into Bithynia (for he at that time had the command both of Asia and Bithynia, lately reduced into a Province) demanding justice might be done upon the Captives, and crucified them; as in mertiment he had often in the Island foretold them he would do. [Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 42. Sweton. & Plut. ut supr.] But because, before their yielding themselves up, he swore he would crucifie them: he first commanded their throats to be cut, and then to be fastened to the Crosse. [Sueton. cap. 74.]
The Spring coming onwards, the third Mithridatick war was commenced; which after it had continued for eleven years and an half, was at last ended, by the death of Mithridates himself. Mithridates, having now called in all his fleets together, sacrificed (as his custom was) foreign, or to Jupiter, powerful in battle, and drowned his Chariot and Horsos in the Sea, as a sacrifice to Neptune; and thus done, made what hast he could into Paphlagonia: with Taxiles and Hermocrates, Generals of his army, [Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 217, 218.] He had in his army 120. (or 140. as Appian hath it) thousand Foot, trained up after the Roman model, 16. thousand Horse, besides a hundred Chariots with Sithes: There followed also the Camp, another great company of such as were to guard the wayes, carry burdens, and of such as did traffique also, [Id. ibid. in Lucullo.]
Mithridates, as soon as he was arrived at Paphlagonia, made a high vaunting speech to the souldiery; and when he saw he had sufficiently stirred them to a detestation of the Romans, he made an invasion upon Bithynia, which had lately been bequeathed to them by Nicomedes his testament, [Appian. pag. 218.] Livie sayes, that Mithridates got it all into his hands, [lib. 93.] and Plutarch in Lucullo, that he was very willingly entertained by all the Cities of Bithynia.
Asia also, by reason it was most intollerably oppressed by the hard usages of creditours and publicans, lapsed to Mithridates, [Plutarch ibid.] He with M. Marius, or Varius, (whom Sertonius had sent to him out of Spain to be his General) took some Cities thereof: and when they entred the Cities, the King put Marius formost with the rods and axes, as if he were the supream Magistrate, and then the King followed, as one of his Officers. Some of the Cities he enfranchized upon his own score; To others of them, what immunities he granted, he said they came not from him, but were Sertorius his acts of grace. Thus Asia, which before was plagued with the Publicans, and opressed by the coveteousnesse and abuses of the garrisoned souldiers, begins to pirck up again, and did heartily wish, that alteration of Government which was expected, might take effect, [Id. in Sertorio.]
Julius Caesar, observing what havock Mithridates made in the adjacent countries, being ashamed to sit still with his hands in his pockets, when the Allyes were in that distresse: left Rhodes, whither he was gone, and passed over into Asia: where, getting together what supplies he could, he drave the Kings Lieutenant clean out of the Province, and by that means kept the Cities, which before were wavering and ready to revolt, constant in their loyalty, [Sueton, in Julio, cap. 4.] although he (Junius) whom the people of Rome had appointed their chief Magistrate in Asia, did out of cowardlinesse put some remora to his undertakings, [Vellei Patercul, lib. 2. cap. 42.]
Eutropius and Orosius (out of Livie, as their manner is) relate, how that P. Servilius ended the war in Cilicia and Pamphylia within three years, and thereupon was called Isauricus. In Cicero lib. 3. in Verrem (which Oration is called Oratio Frumentaria) he is said to have commanded the army seven years. Whereupon we have referred his first going into the Province to the year before this fifth year, in which also he was Consul. Cicero in lib. 5. contra. Verem, affirms, that this one man took more of the robbers Commanders alive, than all they had done, which had been before him: and how amongst the rest, he recovered one Nico, a famous Pirate, who had broken his chaines and escaped, with the same gallantry that he first took him prisoner. Ammianus Marcellinus [in lib. 14. Historiar.] writes, how that Cilicia and Isauria mutually engaged in a war of pyracy, and having some troups of land robbers, were by Servilius the Proconsul made to passe sub jugum, and after that made tributary. Jornandes in lib. de regnorum ac temporum successione, writes, how that he overcame Pamphylia, Lycia, (or rather Cilicia, and Pisidia) and reduced them all into Provinces: And that Octavius this yeares Consul, was sent into the Province Cilicia, we gather from Plutarch in Lucullo.
Which way soever Servilius marched, it was a very pretty sight to see the several prisoners and captives he carryed along with him: People came flocking unto him from all parts, not onelyonly out of those Towns thorough which they marched, but from all the places adjacent, purposely to see: which made the people of Rome take more delight, and to be more pleased with this triumph, than with any that ever had been before, [Cicero, in Verrem, lib. 5.] In this triumph also the several images, and ornaments, which he brought away from the City Olympus after he had taken it, were carried on Chargers in State before him that rod in Triumph: all which he afterwards caused to be entred into the common tables, and brought into the Treasury: wherein the number of those images were not onelyonly specified and described, but the bulk, figure, and condition, of each one in particular, [Id. in eundem, lib. 1. & Ascon. Pedianus ibid.] Valerius Maximus mentions this Triumph of Servilius, [lib. 8. cap. 5.] Eutropius, Sextus Rusus; and Claudian the Poet, [in lib. 1. in Eutropium,] thus speaks of him:
Indomitos curru Servilius egit Isauros.
Servilius Charioted th'untam'd Isaures.
M. Antonius (father to M. Antonius the Triumvir.) having by the favour of Cotta the Consul, The Julian Period. 4640 and Cethegus his faction, Year before Christ 74 obtained of the Senate, an unlimited commission for guarding of all the sea coasts, wheresoever the people of Rome had any command; and being a most vile person himself, had his companions sorted accordingly, wasted Sicily, and all the Provinces. [Cicero, act. 2. in Verrem. lib. 2. Lactant. Institut. lib. 1. cap. 11. Ascon. Pedianus in Divinationem, and and upon the forecited place of Cicero, contra Verrem.]
The Province of Gallia Cisalpina, fell to L. Lucullus the Consul, but Octavius, dying, who held Cilicia. Lucullus having by the means of Praecia, a common strumpet, made Cathegus his friend, who at that time bore all the sway at Rome, got the Province Cilicia assigned to him; and in regard that Cappadocia lay near to Cilicia, they generally voted that Lecullus should undertake the Mithridatick war. Yet M. Cotta his Collegue in the Consulship, after much importunity, prevailed with the Senate, that he might be sent with a fleet to guard the Propontis, and defend Bithynia. [Plutarch in Lucullo.] And so both the Consuls were sent to this war: the one was to make good Bithinia, the other to follow Mithridates in Asia. [Cicero pro Muraena, Memnon cap. 39. Eutrop. lib. 6.] For that Lucullus the Consul had not onelyonly Cilicia, but Asia also, (properly so called) allotted unto him, and that he had the command of it for the space of seaven years, is evident out of Velleius Paterculus. [lib. 2. cap. 33.]
Lucullus, having listed a Legion in Italy, passed over with it into Asia; where he takes to him the Fimbrian Legions, and two others besides; which, to a man of them, were long since corrupted through luxury and covetousnesse. The Fimbrians, in regard they had lived a long while, as it were, masterlesse, and uncontroled, were the more intractable, and malapert; yet very warlike, and both skilful and patient in military labours and undertakings. But Lucullus reformed the one, and calmed the fiercenesse of the other. [Plutarch ut supra. compared with Appian in Mithridatic. pag. 219.] He did the best he could also by inflicting punishments upon the Userers, and the Roman Publicans, by whose exactions the Asians were brought to revolt, to make them more moderate in their dealings: and he quelled all insurrections of severall people, when as there was scarce a nation but was up in arms. [Plutarch ibid.]
Mithridates, having both another numerous army upon the march, and also 400 ships of 30 oars, besides a great company of lesser ships, which they commonly called Penteconteri and Cercurae, sent away Diophantus Matharus, with a considerable force into Cappadocia, to thrust in Garrisons into the Cities; and if Lucullus intended to enter Pontus, to interpose and stop his passage. As for Mithridates himself, he kept with him 150 thousand Foot under colours, and 12 thousand horse, and 120 Chariots with Sithes, which followed the Horse: and good store of all sorts of warlike Engines. Thus provided, he making a flying march through Timonitis, Cappadocia and Galatia: within nine dayes he reached Bithynia. Lucullus in the mean while commanded Cotta to stay with all his fleet in a Port of the Chalcedonians. [Mem. cap. 39.]
Mithridates his fleet staying by Heraclea in Pontus, were denyed admittance, yet the Citizens gratified them so far in their requests, as to afford them the freedom of their market: where after some truckings, and chaffering betwixt them, as are usual in those places, two of the most eminent persons of Heraclea, Silenus and Satyrus were carryed away prisoners by them: they could not get off again, but upon this condition, That they should assist Mithridates in this war against the Romans, with five Frigots. This made the Romans fall out with the Heracleans: For whereas the Romans had appointed in the other Cities publick sale to be made of the Citizens goods. They exposed Heraclea also to sale. Upon the coming in of these which were commissionated for that businesse, and their exacting monies, contrary to the customs of the Common-wealth; the Citizens grew much perplexed, who looked upon this action as a hansel of that slavery which would shortly ensue. Whereupon (when as their condition was such, that it required rather an Embassy to be dispatched to the Roman Senate, to beg their favour, and to put a stop to the sale of their goods) they, by the perswasion of a bold desperate fellow in the City, murdered the Publicans, and that with such secrecy, that there was not any one body which had the least intimation of their death. [Id. cap. 40.]
M. Cotta, upon the bruite of Lucullus his coming, and that he was already encamped in Phrygia, making account that he was now cocksure of the victory, made what hast he could to fight Mithridates, before Lucullus was come in to him; that Lucullus might not share with him in the glory of the victory. [Plutorch.] Marius (or Varius) and Eumachus, Mithridates his Generals against Lucullus, having in a short time drawn together a great army, engaged with P. Rutilius (M. Cotta his Liutenant) at Chalcedon, in which battle Rutilius was slain, and the best part of his army. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.] the Basternians having routed the Italian foot, and done great execution upon them. [Memnon. cap. 41.]
Mithridates marching up to Chalcedon, whither the Romans flocked from all parts to Cotta: Cotta being but a raw Souldier, came not out against him: But Nudus, the Admiral of his fleet, with a brigade of the army, took the field, on that part which was best fortified; but being beaten off thence, made back to the gate of Chalcedon, over hedge and ditch. When they came to the gate, there was such a crowding of them to get in, that those that had them in pursuit, could not throw a dart, which was not sure to hit. But as soon as they let down the Port-cullis for fear of the enemy, they drew Nudus and some other Commanders into them with ropes; all the rest were slain in the midst of their friends and enemies, they all the while holding up their hands to both, but to no purpose. [Appian.]
Mithridates, thinking that it was best for him to make use of his late good fortune on the same day moves with his Fleet toward the haven: where having broke down, the iron chaine which was in the entrance of the haven, fired four of the enemies ships; and carried away the other 60, tying them to one anothers sternes: Neither Nudus, not Cotta, making any resistance, but keeping close all the while within the walls. The Romans in the engagement, lost about three thousand men, amongst whom Lucius Manlius a Senatour was one. Mithridates lost 20 of the Basternians, who were the first that attempted the haven, [Idem.] Plutarch tells us, that Cotta lost upon land 4000. foot besides those 60 ships with their men. Memnon sayes, that in one day the land and sea were most shamefully filled with the carkases of the Romans: eight thousand of them being slain out right in the sea-fight, and 4500 taken prisoners: and of the army of Foot which consisted of Italians, 5300. were cut off; whereas Mithridates on his side, lost onelyonly about 30 Basternians, and 700 others, out of his whole company.
And this was that battle near Chalcedon, in which M. Aurelius Cotta the Consul was defeated, [Liv. l…b. 93.] of which Mithridates in an Epistle of his to Arsaces, (lib. 4. Histor. Salust.) thus writes. I totaly routed Marcus Cotta the Roman General near Chalcedon on land, and have deprived him of a most gallant fleet at sea. The sad calamitous condition Cotta was now in both at sea and land, mightily advanced both the Kings wealth, and his name, [Cicero, pro Muraena.] For by this successe of Mithridates, all mens spirits began shamefully to flag. But Lucullus who lay encamped along the river Sangarius, hearing of this greater overthrow, and observing his souldiers courage somewhat dampt thereat, quickned them up again with a parcel of good words. [Memnon, cap. 41.]
When as Archelaus (formerly one of Mithridates his Commanders, but now turned to take part with the Romans) would have made Lucullus believe that he might with his bare look obtain the whole kingdom of Pontus, (Mithridates being now with his army in Bithynia) he replyed, That he would not be deemed a greater coward than the common Huntsmen are, that not daring to adventure upon the wild beasts themselves, he should go to their empty dens; Tus said, he marched against Mithridates, having in his company 30 thousand Foot, and 2500 Horse. When he came first to the view of the enemy, he was astonished to see such a numerous body, and therefore desired to wave an engagement, and to gain time: but recollecting, how that Marius (whom Sertorius had sent out of Spain to be Mithridates his General) was marched up against him, and did provoke him to fight, he drew up into battalia. Just as the army were set to engaging, (upon no evident change, but the Heaven cleaving asunder of the sudden) there seemed to fall betwixt both armies, a great flaming body resembling a hogshed in shape, and silver fire hot: this strange apparition so frighted both parties, that it staved them off from fighting. They say this prodigy happened in Phrygia, about Otryae. [Plutarch.]
L. Lucullus the Consul, with his Horse had some skirmishes with Mithridates his Horse, and came off with good successe: He made also some expeditions, and was fortunate in them; which so flushed his Souldiers, and made them so eager upon fighting, that he had much adoe to keep them from mutiny. [Livie lib. 94.]
Mithridates, looking upon the City Cyzicum as a gate to let him in into Asia, which, if he could but once break open, and pluck up, the whole Province would lye open to him: resolved to remove thither the hot brunt and violence of the war. [Cicero pro Murena.] For it was the most famous City of all Asia, and a faithful friend to the people of Rome. [Id. pro lege Manilia.] and which in the late overthrow at Chalcedon, had lost 3000 Citizens, and 10 ships. Hereupon the King, meaning to give Lucullus the slip. As soon as he had supped, having the oppertunity of a thick and misty night, removed his Camp, and by break of day, gets to the top of the mountain Adrastia (otherwise called Dindymus) which was situated opposite to the City. [Plutarch.] Strabo writes how that Mithridates with 150 thousand Foot, and a great body of Horse, made an invasion upon the Cyzicenians, and took the mountain Adrastia, and the Suburbs. [lib. 12. pag. 757.] Appian relates how that Lucullus, having in all but 30000 Foot, and 1600, Horse, encamped over against Mithridates about Cyzieum; and that he learned from the runnagadoes, that Mithridates had about 300000 men, Nay it is reported that he lost in the siege of Cyzicum. above 300000 men, by famine and sicknesse; as we read in Orosius. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.] Moreover it is given out (as we find in Plutarch) That of the whole rabble of Scullions, and Souldiers Lucullus slew no lesse than 300000 men. Whereas Eutropius in the sixth book of his Breviary hath writ far more modestly. The following Winter and Summer, Lucullus slew of the Kings party very near an hundred thousund men.
Mithridates, having begirthed the Cizicenians with ten brigades, assaulted them also by sea with a fleet of 400 ships. [Strabo pag. 757, 576. compared with Plutarch.] And seeing the Cyzicenians, knew not what was become of Lucullus: The Mithridatians gave out that those his tents which were pitched before their eyes, were supplies of Armenians and Medes, which Tigranes had sent to Mithridates. Demonax, sent from Archelaus into the City, was the first that informed them of Lucullus his being nigh at hand: but they gave no credit to him at all, supposing what he said was a meer forgery, whereby to alleviate their present sufferings: untill a boy, who had been taken prisoner by the enemy, and made an escape, pointed out to them with his finger the place where the Romans lay encamped. [Plutarch.] Lucullus sent a messenger to them, one of his souldieus, who had the command of his tongue, to bid them be of a good courage; this Souldier bearing himself up above water with two bottles.
Lucullus, Year of the World 3931 falling upon Mithridates his reare, defeated the Ponticks, and got a glorious victory, in which he slew something more than 10 thousand of them in the fight, and took 13000 prisoners. [Memnon. cap. 42.]
Lucullus espyed a mountain very covenient to pitch his Tents in; which if he could but once get into his hand: he was sure to get provision enough for his army, but to starve the enemy: There was but one passage to come to it, and that a very narrow one; which also Mithridates had clapped a guard upon to secure it, being thereunto advised by Taxiles and some other of his Commanders. L. Manius or Magius, the Umpire of the league betwixt Mithridates and Sertorius, sent privately a messenger to Lucullus and then perswaded Mithridates to permit the Romans to passe by, and to encamp where they thought best themselves; buzzing him in the ear, that the Fimbrian Legions, which formerly had served Sertorius in the wars, would leave their colours and turn away to him; and this they would do within a day or two: and that that might spare the expence of sweat and blood, when they were sure of a victory without striking a blow. Mithridates, suspecting nothing was so unwise as to lissen to his counsel, and thereupon suffered the Romans quietly to enter the passage, and to fortifie the mountain against him; by which reason the Romans might have a plentiful supply of provision from all those parts which lay behind them, when as Mithridates on the contrary being shut out by a lake, mountain and river, was debarred from all importation by land, aad therefore could expect but slender incomes to his Camp. Seeing that there was no way for him to get out, neither could he by force of arms make Lucullus retreat, meerly because he neglected the passage. The winter quarter also drawing onwards, was likely to hinder all importations to him by sea. [Appian.]
Plutarch writes, that Lucullus encamped about Thracia, which they called, Comes; as deeming it the most fit place to obstruct all wayes and quarters from whence Mithridates could hope for a supply of provisions. As for that party which Mithridates sent to bring in the Fimbrian Legions to him, who made shew as if they intended to turn to his side, Memnon tells us, that they were all put to the sword by the same Legion.
Nicomedes, The Julian Period. 4641 a Thessalian, Year before Christ 73 had framed notable Engines to batter the City, [Plutarch.] amongst which the Helepolis, as they called it, about a hundred cubits high, was the most remarkable one. Upon this another Tower was erected, planted with Engines, to sling out stones, and several sorts of weapons: But before they planted the Engines, Mithridates gave order that three thousand of the Cizicenians, whom he had taken prisoners, should be brought in the ships to the walls of the City: if happily the City, out of pity to them, and relenting at their cries, would give up. But seeing that essay was to no purpose, (there being by the command of Lysistratus their General, a Cryer appointed, who from the walls exhorted them, That seeing that it was their hard fortune to fall under the power of a stranger, to bear it out as well as they could) Mithridates used all the strength he could both by sea and land, to reduce the City: the Townsmen all the while within being as industrious to defend it: yet, do what they could, they could not perfect their walls entire, but that part of them being fired, fell down about evening: but the heat of the fire was so scorching, that the enemy was not able to enter. The Cyzicenians themselves by night repaired the breach. [Appian.]
At last Lucullus found a way in the night to send into the City some Auxiliaries. [Strabo.] For finding that in the lake Dascylite, there were pretty big boats: he took away one of the biggest of them, and carryed it in a Wagon to the sea side, and put as many Souldiers in it, as it could well hold; who privily by night got into the City, the enemy knowing nothing thereof. [Plutarch.]
Now was the time of Proserpina's festival, in which the Cyzicenians were wont to offer a black Hei…er. Tshey being unprovided with such an one at this time, made one of dough, and brought it to the Altar. The Hei…er which was designed for Proserpines festival, was feeding with the rest of the Cyzicenians Herds on the other side the sea. Upon the day of the Festival, she left the other Herds, and swimmed over alone to Cyzicum, passing all the way through the enemies fleet, and by diving under water, got through the bars which are at the mouth of the harbour, and so passing through the midst of the City, came to the Temple of Proserpina, and presented her self before the Altar. The Cyzcicenians sacrificed her, and upon this grevv mightily enlivened in their hopes. [Jul. Obsequens de prodigiis, Plutarch, & Appian.]
It is reported that Prosepina appeared by night in a vision to Aristagoras (who was the chief Magistrate, as saith Julius O…sequens) for Plutarch gives him no other title, but that of his being the peoples tutor; and told him, that she had provide a piper against the pipers: or, as Plutarch renders it, that she forthwith sent a Libyan piper against the Pontick trumpeter. The Cyzicenian wondering with themselves what this voice should be, about break of day it began to be foule weather at sea, as if it had been a tempestuous winde. The Kings engins which were now drawn up to the walls, by their creaking and crashing first discovered what was ready to insue: Presently after there arose an extream violent South wind, which in the moment of an hour did so shatter the rest of the Kings engins, that they were made utterly unserviceable; and did so shake the wodden tower which was erected upon the Engin, that it overturned it on the ground, [Id.]
It is Chronicled also, that at Troy Minerva appeared to many in their sleep, dropping with swet, and shewing how that part of her vaile was cut off: telling them, that she came from the relief of the Cyzicenians. The Trojans were wont to shew the pillars whereon the decrees and letters concerning this accident were engraven, [Plutarch.]
Mithridates was advised by his friends to loose with his Fleet from before the City: but he not one whit dismayed at what had happened, got up to the mountain Dindymus, and from thence cast up a bank all along to the walls of the City; upon which he erected Towers. He caused also Mines to be made under the very walls, [Appian.] The Cyzicenians notwithstanding all this, held out so stoutly, that they had very near taken Mithridates alive in one of the Mines, which he himself had digged, by counterm…ning him: but he got away safe, having espyed the danger he was in, [Strabo. pag. 576.]
The Winter being come, Mithridates was cut short also of victual by sea; if so be he had any at all. The army therefore being in great distresse for necessary provision, many of them died by famine, some were glad to feed on mans flesh, others using herbs for their constant food, fell into diseases, and the dead carkases lying all the while unburied, ushered in the plague to boote, [Memnon, cap. 42. Strabo, pag. 576. Flor. lib. 3. cap. 5. Plutar. Appian. Orosius, lib. 6. cap. 2.]
Whilst Lucullus was gone to gain some castle or other, Mithridates strives to make some use of this opportunity: Hereupon, commanding part of his Forces to march home with their armes; but with this item, That they should be sure not to come in sight of the enemy, he sent almost all his Horse, those also which were for burden, and of his Foot; such as were lesse serviceable, unto Bithynia: for the horses were now grown weak for want of provender, and starke lame by reason their hoofes were beaten and worn away for want of shoos. Lucullus hearing of this, hasted to the Camp, again by night as fast as he could; and by break a day, made after them with 10 companies of Foot, and all his Horse. Although at that instant there fell such a violent storme, that many of the souldiers, what with the Snow, and other inconveniencies, for very cold were forced to lie down, not being able to follow: with the rest he overtook the enemy at the passage of the River Rhyndacus, where he did such execution on them, that the women of Apollonia came out and plundred the carriages, and stripped the slain. There were taken at this fight 6000 Horse, and an infinite number of beasts for burdens, 15 thousand men: all which Lucullus carryed away with him, besides the pillage of the enemies Camp. Lucullus at this bout killed more than 15000 men; if we may credit Orosius. Salust is of opinion, that this was the first time the Romans ever saw any Camels: as if those, who under Scipio their General defeated Antiochus, and those who fought with Archelaus at Orchomenon and Cheronea, had not known well enough what kind of beasts Camels were, [Plutarch, Appian. Oros.]
Fannius, who clapt in with Mithridates, and Metrophantes the Kings Pretor, haveing received a blow from Mamercus, escaped with two thousand Horse into Moesia: and removing from thence unto Moeonia, fell upon the dry and parched hills and champian of Inarime: where being weldred for a long while, at last they got out, and arrived at the Kings Camp, without any notice taken of them, [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.]
Eumachus the general, and other of Mithridates his Colonels, up in armes in Phrygia, killed many Romans, with their wives & children. They subdued the Pisidians also, the Isauri, and Cilicia, until Dejotatus, one of the Tetrarchs of Gallograecia, lighting upon them as they were roving about, killed them and many of their souldiers, and so gave a stop to proceedings, [Liv. lib. 94. Appian. pag. 222. Oros. ut supr.]
Jubilie the XXVIII. Year of the World 3932
The Cyzicenians having undermined those mounts which the King had cast up all along from Dindymus to the City, and fired his Engins, and knowing well enough that the enemy was much weakened by famine, did so pester them with often sallyes, that Mithridates was resolved to draw off and be gone, [Appian.] Of which he himself in a letter of his to Arsaces, [Salust. lib. 4. histor.] thus: At my laying siege to Cyzicum with a great army, I wanted provision, and in regard I could get none from all the parts about, and that the winter also had blocked up the sea that none could be expected that way; I was forced (not by any compulsion of the enemies) to march back into mine own kingdom. For Plutarch tells us out of Salust, how that Lucullus, first at Cyzicum, and afterwards at Amisus, lay encamped with his souldiers two whole Winters. Concerning the raising of the siege of Cyzicum, see Cicero [in orat. pro lege Manilia, pro Muraena, & pro Archia poeta.]
Mithridates resolving suddenly to be gone, that he might keep off Lucullus from following too fast upon his reare: sent Aristonicus a Grecian Admiral of his Fleet to sea: but Lucullus by some foule play, took him prisoner just as he was putting off from shoar; and withal seized upon 10000 crowns which he carryed along with him to inveagle part of the Roman army, [Plutarch.]
The King left his land Forces with the General to march with them away to Lampsacus: Hermaeus and Marius (the Generals which Sertonius sent) conducted thither 30000 men. But Lucullus following hard upon the reare, at last overtook them unawares as they were passing the River Aesepus, whose waters at that time were higher than ordinarily they were wont to be. He took very many of them prisoners, and killed 20000 of them outright (above 11000 of which were reported to have been Marius his souldiers) so that the two Rivers, Granicus and Aesepu…, were all ove… coloured with blood. But one of Mithridates his Nobles, knowing how mightily the Romans were addicted to coveteousnesse, commanded the souldiers to scatter their snapsacks and money about, purposely to retard the pursuers in their march, [Memnon, cap. 42. Polybaeus stratagem. lib. 7. Flor. lib. 3. cap. 5. Plutarch, Appian. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.]
As for Mithridates himself, he, purposing to return by sea, sailed by night to Parium, [Appian.] whilest his souldiers intending to put off with him crowded on every side so thick into the ships, whereof some were already filled, others were to be filled presently after, that it happened, that, by reason of the multitude striving to get a ship-board, some of the ships were sunk, and others overturned. The Cyzicenians observing this, assaulted the enemies Camp, where they cut the throats of the sick that were left behind, and carryed away whatsoever they found there, [Memnon, cap. 42.]
Lucullus entring Cyzicum, was received with a great jollity, and magnificence, [Plutarch.] In honour of whom they afterwards instituted some playes which they called, Lucullea, [Appian.] The Romans conferred a great deal of honour upon the City, and granted them their freedom, [Strabo lib. 12. pag. 576. Tacit. annal. lib. 4. cap. 36.]
Mithridates, after his men were driven to Lampsacus, and besieged there by Lucullus, sent his Fleet thither, and transported them and the Lampsacenians together: And having left fifty ships with 10000 men aboard them unto Marius or Varius, the Sertorian General, Alexander a Paphlagonian, and Dionysius the Eunuch, himself with the greater part of them made for Nicomedia: But it happened that many of these and the others, were cast away in storm, [Ibid.]
Mithridates, having scrambled up together as well as he could some forces in Pontus, sat down about Perinthus, and made some attempts against it: but seeing he could not master it, he sent his forces away into Bithynia. [Memnon. cap. 42.]
Antiochus (the Asiatic) and his Brother, the young sonnes of King Antioochus, (Pius) who kept in their hands part of the kingdom of Syria (which was not seized on by Tigranes) came to Rome, to request the kingdom of Egypt which they thought did of right belong to them and their mother Selene; and there they tarryed almost two whole years, keeping all the wile a Princely guarb and retinue. [Cicero lib. 4. in Verrem.]
Antipas, The Julian Period. 4642 or Antipater, Year before Christ 72 the Idumean, the prime of his Nation, both for birth and wealth (son of the other Antipas or Antipater, who they say was by Alexander King of the Jews, and his wife Alexandra appointed Governour of all Idumea) had by his wife Cyprus, (who was born at an eminent place, amongst the Arabians) his son Herod: afterwards King of Judea, for he was 25 years old when his father set him over Galilee, of which more is to be said at the year of the World, 3957. [Vide supra. ann. Mundi. 3875.] although Nicolaus Damascenus to curry favour with Herod (whose life he writ whilest he was yet alive) hath derived Antipaters pedigree from the Princes of the Jews, who came from Babylon into Judea; [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 2.] as also in the 35 Chapter of the Arabic History of the Jews, (set out at the end of the Parisian Bibles, with many tongues) we read, how that Antipater was a Jew, descended from the loins of some of them which came up out of Babylon with Ezra the Priest; and that he being appointed by Alexander Jannaeus, Governour of the Country of the Idumeans, took a wife from thence. But Julius Africanus in a letter of his to Aristides, (in Euseb. l. 1. Histor. Ecclesiast. c. 6. & 7.) and Ambrosius, who followed him, [lib. 3. comment. in Luc. cap. 3.] reports upon a tradition of those who were called the kinsmen of our Saviour, according to the flesh, how that Antipater was the son of one Herod, an Ascalonite, who had the charge of Apollos Temple there; and that being by some Idumean robbers carryed away captive from Ascalon, he was instructed in the manners and disciplines of the Idumeans. And this is the most received opinion of all the Christian Fathers.
Borba, coming with a strong band of Italians and Triarius, one of Lucullus his Commanders, laid siege to Apamea. The Citizens, for a good while, stood it out as well as they were able against the enemies, but in conclusion opened the gates, and let them in; as Memnon hath it: Although Appian writes, how that Triarius, being arrived there, took the City by storme, and put to the sword abundance of the Apamenians in their Temples, whither they flew for sanctuary. Soon after the Roman army took Prusa, a very well fortified City, under the mountain Olympus: and after they had wan it, pillaged it. From hence Triarius removes with his army to Prusias, which lay upon the sea. Prusias King of Bithynia took it from the Heracleans, and called it after his own name, being formerly called Cierus (or Chius) from the river which glided by it. As soon as he drew the City, the Prusians thrust out the Ponticks, and received them in. Thence they came to Nicaea, which was a Garrison of Mithridates: But the Ponticks, understanding full well, how that the Citizens hearts enclined to the Romans, stole away by night to Mithridates at Nicomedia; so that the Romans got that City under their command without any trouble at all. [Memnon. cap. 43. & 49. Appian. pag. 223. compared with Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.]
Lucullus being come to Hellespont, got his fleet ready, and arriving at Troas, stept aside into the Temple of Venus. The same night in his sleep he fancied to himself that he saw the goddesse standing by him, and saying,
foreign,
Quid dormis animose leo, quum proximus adsit
Hinnulus ecce frequens.—
Sleep'st thou now Lion stout?
Whole Herds of fawnes rove here about.
Whilst he was telling this his dream to his friends, day not yet broke, some came from Troy and told him how that there appeared 13 of the Kings ships, with five oars a bank, at a port of the Achaians, and that they were bound for Lemnus. Lucullus presently puts off from Troas, took all the 13 ships, and killed Isodorus their Admiral. [Plutarch, compared with Appian.]
Lucullus, in pursuit of his victory, made after Marius, or Varius (who was sent by Sertorius to be General) Alexander and Dionysius; and overtaking them about Lemnus, in the desert Island (where Philoctetes his Altar, with the braze… Serpent is to be seen) bare up to them, using all the while, but came language to them: for before the engagement, he gave order to to his Souldiers, that they should by no means kill any one that had but one eye: meaning Marius who had lost an eye, whom Lucullus had designed first to vex with obloquies & reproaches, and then to kill. Lucullus observing how that they stood still in a place, and had drawn all their ships to the shoare, held still his oars, and sent two ships out of his company, to try if he could make them lanch forth. But they made not towards them; but defending themselves from their hatches, did mightily gaul the Romans. The place was such, that they could by no means vvheel about, nor vvas it possible for the ships vvhichwhich vvere tossed by the vvaves, and floating to make any considerable impression upon the enemies fleet vvhichwhich leaned to the land, and had as it were good sure futting: wherefore Lucullus sent a squadron of ships another way, by which there was a passage into the Island, and landed all his chief Foot there. Who coming upon the backs of the enemy, killed some of them, and made the others retreat to ship-board: they were so fearful of Lucullus, that they dared not adventure to lanch into the deep, but sailed along the coast; so that now they were played upon, both from sea and land, to their great slaughter and confusion, striving to get away. [Plutarch.] Lucullus either sunk, or took two and thirty of the Kings ships, besides a number of ships for burdens. Among those that were slain, there were very many of them who had been prescribed by Sylla. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.]
The day following, the three Generals were drawn out of the cave, where they had hid themselves. Marius (or Varius) was by Lucullus his order put to death. [Id. ibid. compared with Appian.] Alexander was reserved for that solemnity; but Dionysius soon after dyed of a draught of poyson, he carryed about with him. [Appian.]
These were the two sea victories which Lucullus got, one before Tenedus, the other in the Egean sea, both indeed distinctly mentioned by Memnon, [in 44 chap.] but celebrated by Cicero in diverse places, as but one. For in Orat. pro lege Manclia he sayes, That the great and well trimmed fleet which Seriorius his Commanders were in all fury hauling into Italy, was overcome and vanquished by Lucullus, and pro L. Murena. Do you think that that sea fight at Tenedus, when the enemies fleet heightned in their hopes and spirits, made a direct course for Iatly, under most spiritly Generals, was ended after small bickering, or a light skirmish? and in Orat. pro Archia poeta. Where he cries up Lucullus his defeating the enemies fleet, and that incredible sea fight at Tenedus.
Lucullus dispatched his letters laureat to the Senate, with a recital of his archievements as was the, manner of conquerours. [Appian.] And when as the Senate decreed to send him three thousand talents to procure him a fleet, he wrote them word back again, That he had no need of the mony; vauting withall, That he was also to drive Mithridates out of the sea, with the ships of their Allyes. [Plutarch.]
After this, he poasted with all speed to to chace Mithridates, being in hopes to find him about Bithynia, secured there by Voconius, whom he had sent with a squadron of ships to Nicomedia, to attend upon Mithridates in his flight. But Voconius, being engaged at Samothrace, in the religious ceremonies, and solemnizing the festival dayes there, came too late. Mithridates hoist sail, and made what hast he could to get to Pontus, ere Lucullus should come up to him, but was taken with a tempest, so that his fleet was partly shattered, partly sunk, that all the coasts about, for many dayes together, were spread with the wracks cast up thither by the waves. They say, that this tempest was raised by Diana Priapina, against the Ponticks, in revenge of their …ifling her Temple, and taking down her image out of its place.
Dio writes, how that Mithridates was twice wracked, as he was sailing to Pontus, and that he lost by this unhappy accident about 10000 men, and 60 ship: The remainder of them being dispersed severally as the wind took them. Mithridates himself in a letter of his to Arsaces in Salust, sayes, That he lost his best Souldiers and his fleet by two wracks, at Para and Heraclea. Orosius saith, That Mithridates, having manned his fleet, and sailing against Byzantium (whither Eutropius saith he was chased by Lucullus) was caught by a tempest, and lost 80 ships with brazen beaks. To conclude, Florus reports, That a tempest beating upon this fleet of above 100 ships, and a very great preparation for war in the Pontick sea, did so tear and shatter it, as if it had been done by a formal sea fight.
Whereas the hulk in which Mithridates was, by reason of its great bulk, was judged by the Pilot not possible to be brought to shoar in so boisterous a storm, in regard it already leaked, and was almost filled with water: Mithridates, though perswaded by his friends to the contrary, leaped into the ship of one Selemus a Pyrate, the Pyrate himself helping him: trusting himself with Pyrates, who brought him safe to Heraclea in Pontus, (as saith Plutarch;) first to Sinope, and afterwards to Amisus, as Appian and Orosius.
Cotta, willing to salve up his former losses, removed his forces from Chalcedon, where he then lay, to Nicomedia: and encamping 150 furlongs off the City, was something wary how he engaged the enemy. There Triarius of his own accord in all haste, and as it were with running marches, comes in to Cotta, and then, both the Roman armies prepared to go against the City. But the King, knowing that Lucullus had obtained already two notable Victories over the Ponticks at sea, and seeing himself at present over-matched by the Roman Forces, removed back his Fleet into the River: where he lost some ships with 3 oares a bank, in a tempest: yet he himself got away with most of his ships to the River Hypius, [Memnon, cap. 44.]
Mithridates, staying here because of the tempest, heard say, that Lamachus of Heraclea (a trusty old friend of his) sat at the helme of the Common-wealth: whereupon he trucked with him by many fair promises, to receive him into the City, and to do the best he could for him: he sent him also some monies upon this account. Lamachus, having prepared a great Feast for the Citizens without the City (during which he had engaged upon his word to Mithridates that the gates should not be shut) made the people drunk, that so Mithridates (which was plotted) might upon that very day come upon them unawares, and catch them napping: So that the City became his own, no body, so much as, dreaming of his coming. Next day the King summon'd the City together, spake very friendly to them, and after he had exhorted them to remain loyal to him, committed the City to be kept by Connacoriges, placing a Garrison therein of 4000 men. His pretence was, meerly to defend and protect the Citizens, in case the Romans should attempt any thing against it. From hence he sailed directly towards Sinope: having before his leaving the City, distributed some monies amongst the Citizens, but especially the Magistrates, [Id. ibid.]
Lucullus, having recovered Paphlagonia and Bithynia, passing thorough Bithynia and Galatia, made an invasion upon Mithridates his kingdom: and joyned his Forces at Nicomedia with Cotta and Triarius his Brigades. that so they might break in into Pontus. [Eutrop. lib. 6. Plutarch, & Memnon, cap. 45.] But newes being brought of the taking of Heraclea, when as yet they knew nothing of the plot, but supposed it to be resigned up upon a voluntary desertion of the whole City; Lucullus thought it the best way, that he, with the whole power of his army, should march thorough the Mediterranean and Cappadocia, against the King and his whole kingdom; that Cotta should endeavour to regain Heraclea, and that Triarius should take the Fleet and intercept Mithridates his ships which were sent into Creet and Spain, in their return, about the Hellespont and Propontis, [Memnon, ut supr.]
Mithridates, having received intelligence hereof, applied himself for new preparation of war, and thereupon sent for supplies in all haste to his son in law Tigranes the Armenian, and to his son Macharus then reigning in Bosphorus, and to the Parthians. He ordered also Diocles to go to the bordering Scythians, to sollicite them with many gifts, and a great weight of gold: but he run away with the gifts and the gold to Lucullus: The other also refusing to meddle. Tigranes, though he hung back a great while (a letter of Mithridates his to Arsaces inserted in the 4. book of Salusts Histories, confirms that this war was begun upon his denial to be an assistant therein) yet at last he promised to sent supplies being wearied thereunto by the importunity of Mithridates his daughter, [Id. ibid. compared with Appian.]
The Embassadour which Mithridates sent to Tigranes, was Metrodorus Scepsius, who left his Philosophy and turned Polititian: Mithridates had promoted him to that degree of friendship, that he was called the Kings father: and being made a Judge, it was not lawful for any man to appeale from his sentence to the King. Tigranes, asking the Embassadous what he thought of this businesse of sending supplies against the Romans: the Embassadour replyed; As I am an Embassadour I advise you to send, as I am a Counsellonr I am against it. Tigranes sent Metrodorus back to Mithridates, whether he would or no; but he died by the way, either by the Kings contrivement, or falling into some disease; for there is talke of both. For Tigranes had informed the King, of what he had said, supposing that Mithridates would think never a whit the worse of Metrodorus. Tigranes, to expresse his sorrow for what he had done, interred his corps very nobly, sparing for no cost for him, now dead: whom he had betrayed when he was alive, [Strabo, lib. 13. pag. 609, 610. Plutarch, in Lucullo.]
Mithridates sent several Generals against Lucullus; Year of the World 3933 there happened many bickerings betwixt them, with interchangeable successes, but in most of them the Romans got the better, [Memnon, cap. 45.] At the first Lucullus was in such a distresse for victual, that there were 30 thousand Galatians which followed the Camp, whose work it was to bring each of them a measure of corn upon their shoulders. But after he had marched a little farther, he subdued and spoiled all the way: and presently after, as being in a fortunate Country, and such as for many years had not felt the dint of war, a slave was sold for 4 Drachmaes, an oxe for one Drachma; goate, sheep, cloath, and other things, at the same cheap rate. And because they were not able to carry away all the booty, there being such abundance of all things: some of them left it behind them; others spoiled it, [Plutarch & Appian.]
After this, Lucullus attempted to reduce Amisus, and Eupatoria, which Mithridates built near to it, and called by his own surname, and made it his Palace Royal: but a Brigade of his army he sent to take Themiscyra, situated upon the River Thermodoon. They used towers against the Themiscyrians, and cast up works, and digged such large mines, that the parties often fought under ground: The Townsmen opened their mines on the top, and thorough the holes let down Beares and other wild Beasts, and swarmes of Bees amongst the pioneers. They met with other hard services at Amisus: The Amisians fighting stoutly in their own defence, sometimes by sallyes, sometimes by provoking them to single duels, [Appian.]
Lucullus, spinning out the time before Amisus by a lingring siege; his army began to cry out of that his loytering: and grumbled extreamely, that all the Cities they had taken were taken by a free surrender, and not one of them by storm, and that he as yet had not given the plunder of any one City to the Souldiery. Lucullus replyed, That as for his ecking out and prolonging the siege, it was done upon good grounds: for he hoped thereby to wear out Mithridates his Forces, by little and little: neither would he willingly compel him, despairing of his own strength, to repair to Tigranes for succour, and so make him his enemy also. Concerning whom Plutarchus brings in Lucullus, speaking thus. It is but a few dayes march out of Cabirae into Armenia, where Tigranes resides, that lazie king of kings; who is so powerful, that he wrests Asia from the Parthians, carries the Grecian Cities into Media; holds Syria and Palestine, dethrones the kings, Seleucus his successours, and plucking their daughters and wives from their mansions, carries them along with him prisoners. This Tigranes is a neighbour to Mithridates, and his own son in law.
Cotta, removing his Camp, marched with his Romans first to Prusia, formerly called Cierus: and from thence went down to the Pontic Sea, and passing by the sea coast, pitched before the walls of Heraclea, which stood upon the top of an hill. But the Heracleans did trust much to the strength of the situation, and joyning with the souldiers which Mithridates had garrisoned amongst them, resisted Cotta, who made valiant attempts against them. And to speak truth, more fell of the Roman side, that of the other; yet the Heracleans received many a wound from the Romans Darts. Wherefore Cotta gave over the storm, and sounded a retreate to his souldiers: and pitching somewhat farther off, set himself wholy to obstr…ct the coming out of the besieged for to fetch victual in to them. Whereupon the Heracleans being in a distresse for victual, sent their Embassadours to the Colonies about, desiring that they would let them have victual for their money: and the Embassie was gladly entertained, [Memnon, cap. 49.]
A little before this, Triarius, furnished with the Roman Fleet, out of Nicomedia, had made an assault upon the Pontic ships which Mithridates had sent towards Creet and Spain: But when he had notice given him, that the rest of the ships were gone back unto Pontus (for many of them were lost by storm, and sea fights in several places) he made after them, and overtaking them at Tenedus, fell upon them: Lucullus had with him 70 ships, the Ponticks somewhat fewer than 60. After they had ran violently upon one another with their forebeaks; the Royalists for a while endured the enemies brunt pretty well: but soon after, they were made to run, and the Romans obtained a compleate and famous victory: And this made an end of that great Fleet which Mithridates brought with him into Asia, [Id. cap. 50.]
Mithridates sent provisions, armes, and souldiers, very plentifully to the besieged Amisians from Cabriae: where having taken up his winter quarters, he levyed another army, [Appian.] There came to him thither, 40 thousand Foot, and 4 thousand Horse, as Plutarch and Appian gives up the number: or 40 thousand Foot, and 8000 Horse, as Memnon computes them.
Olthacus, (whom Appian calls Olcabas, a Scythian) Prince of the Dardarii, who inhabite about the Lake Maeotis, a person highly commended for warlike exploits, counsel, and civil deportment, being in some of Mithridates his Garrisons, and contesting with some of the Princes, his countrymen for superiority, promised to do a great exploite in the behalfe of Mithridates: viz. That he would kill Lucullus. The King highly commended him; but made as if he had been angry with him for it, and very formerly reproached him, whereupon he takes his Horse, and rides away to Lucullus, and was very friendly treated by him. [Plutarch.]
The first year of the CLXXVII. Olympiade now at hand, in the spring time, Lucullus, leaving Muraena with two Legions to continue the leagure at Amisus, with three other Legions, marched through the mountains against Mithridates. [Phlegon Trallianus. Chro. lib. in Bibliotheca Photii. Cod. 97. Plutarch, Appian.] This Muraena was Liutenant to Lucullus the General, and son to that Muraena, whom Sylla had left Praetor in Asia. During the time of his Liutenantship, (as Cicero declames in an Oration on his behalf) he led an army, fought battles, defeated the enemes forces, took many Cities, some by storm, others by siege: he behaved himself so in Asia, which at that time was well provided with all delicacy, that he left not the least impresse of his covetousnesse or luxury. He demeaned himself so gallantly in that great war, that he did many noble acts, without the Generals assistance, the General nothing without him.
Mithridares had so ordered his guards, that they might both keep off Lucullus, and give notice also by fires, in case any thing should happen extraordinary. Phoenix, one of the Blood-Royal, had the charge of them; who indeed, according to agreement, gave a sign of Lucullus his approach, but he himself and all his forces run away to Lucullus; and the mountains being hereby now made securely passable, Lucullus marched down to Cabirae. [Appian.]
Mithridates, having passed the river Lycus, and come into the wide Champain, provoked the Romans to fight. [Plutarch.] Having sent Diophantus and Taxiles against them. At the first their armies, by their daily skirmishes, did but try one anothers strength. [Memnon. cap. 45.] But afterwards, their bodies of horse engaged, in a fight, wherein the Romans turned their backs, and Lucullus was forced to retreat back to the mountains. In this fight Pompeius or Pomponius, General of his Horse, was taken prisoner, and brought to Mithridates grievously wounded. When Mithridates asked him, Whether if he should grant him his life, he would become his friend for the future: Truly, saith he, I shall, if so be you will conclude a peace with the people of Rome, but if not, he should still persist to be his enemy. Upon this reply, the Barbarians would have killed him, but the King would not suffer them; Saying, That he would not expresse any cruelty upon valour, meerly because unfortunate. [Plutarch & Appian.]
After this, Mithridates drew up his forces into Battalia, and stood in that posture for many dayes together; but seeing Lucullus would not come down to fight, he looked every way about, which way he might march up to him. [Appian.]
In the mean time Olcabas, or Olthacus the Scythian, being, in regard he had been a means in preserving many Romans in the last engagement of the Horse, admitted to the society of the Table, counsails, and secrets, came to Lucullus, as he was at noon sleeping in his Tent; having, as usually, a short dagger by his side, as if he had had some matter of moment to impart unto him. But being put back by Menedemus, Lucullus his Chamberlaine, fearing least he might be questioned, stole out of the Camp, and getting a horse-back, rode away to Mithridates. [Plutarch & Appian.] He discovered to the King also another Scythian, named Sobadacus, who intended to run away to Lucullus, who was presently seized upon. [Appian.]
Lucullus, being afraid to come down into the plain, in regard the enemy was too hard for him in horse, and yet much troubled how to pass through that mountainous region, which was both long, full of woods, and combersome: he light by chance upon some Grecians, who had hid themselves in a certain Cave thereabouts; The ancientest of them, Apollodorus (who, as Appian sayes, was an Hunter, and well versed in the tracts of the mountains) undertook to be his convoy, and to bring him down to a place where he might safely encamp; which also had a Castle hanging over Cabirae. Lucullus, making use of this guide, kindled fires in the Camp, and matched away: and having got through the woods, without any inconvenience, through a path never yet trode by any, arrived at last at that Castle. At day break, he was espyed pitching his Tents over the enemies heads, in such places, where, if he had a mind to fight, he might fight; but if minded to sit still, he could not be forced to fight: yet for all this, he avoided the fields, for fear of the enemies horse, and encamped behind a sowers full of vvaters. [Idem.]
Whereas neither of the armies thought of fighting at present. It is reported, That as the Kings party were in pursuit of a deer, the Romans crossed the way, and stopt their chase. Here begun the quarrel, more flocking in on both sides. At length the Romans were made to flye: but Lucullus coming down into the plaine himself alone, and running up to the formest of those which were running away, commanded them to stay and march back again with him against the enemies. These submitting to the General, the others stopped also, and so rallying together, they easily made the enemy to flye, and pursued them to their very Camp. Lucullus, being returned from pursuing the enemy, put them to the wonted disgrace, viz. took away their arms, commanded them to dig a Trench of twelve foot, all the other souldiers standing by and looking on. [Plutarch.]
Victual beginning to faile, Lucullus sent a party into Cappadocia to fortage: He often skirmished with the enemy, until at one time the Royalists beginning to ply their heels. Mithridates run from the Camp, and, railing at them for flying, forced them back again; and did put such a dread upon the Romans, that they ran back without any stop to the mountains: yea, though the Royalists gave over the pursuit, yet every one flew from his fellows, supposing the enemy had been still at their heels, such a strong fear had possessed them all. Mithridates sent messengers to all parts, to signifie this his victory. [Appian.]
Sornatius, being sent by Lucullus with ten companions of foot to fetch in provision, (seeing Menander, one of Mithridates his Commanders following after him) stopped till they came up to him, fought them, and killed many of them, and put the rest to flight. [Plutarch.]
After this, Adrianus was again sent by Lucullus with some forces into Cappadocia, that so the army might be provided plentifully with victual. Taxiles and Diophantus, Mithridates his Generals, sent Menemachus, and Miron, against him, vvith 4000 foot, and 2000 horse, hoping, by placing an ambuscado in the vvay, they might intercept their carryages on their return homwards. [Memnon. cap. 45. Phlegon. ann. 1. Olymp. 177. & Plutarch.] For, seeing that Cappadocia was the only place from whence Lucullus might expect supplies of provision for his Camp, Mithridates was in good hopes to reduce him to the same distresse, he himself was put to at the league of Cizycum. [Appian.]
But the Kings party, falling by chance upon a party of the forragers, in some narrow passages, and not tarrying till they came into more open places, could not make use of their horse in those straits. Whereupon the Romans, drawing themselves up as fast as they could into rank and file, the cragginesse of the places where they were befriending them, set upon the Kings party, slew some of them, forced others of them down the precipices of the rocks, and the rest they made run away by whole troups. [Id.] The Romans, having received some supplies from Lucullus, pursued them to the very Camp of Diophantus and Taxiles: where followed a stout encounter, and the Ponticks stood to it for a while: but as soon as their prime Commanders began to give ground, the whole army slunk back, and the Commanders themselves were the first that carryed the tidings of this defeat to Mithridates. [Memnon. cap. 45.] Plutarch sayes, That all the Horse and Foot which came with Menemachus and Myron, were cut off, excepting two onelyonly. Eutrop…us writes, That 30000 of the Kings choicest Souldiers were routed by 5000 of the Romans. [lib. 6.] Livy hath given out, That Lucullus fought in Pontus against Mithridates with very good successe, having slain more than 60 thousand of the enemy. [lib. 97.] taking into the account those also, who a little after were slain, when Mithridates was made to flye.
The news of this defeat came not so soon to Lucullus his ears, as it did to Mithridates. [Appian.] And Adrianus had marched by Lucullus his Camp in great pomp, carrying along with him a great number of Waggons laden with provision and spoile; at the sight whereof Lucullus began to dispond, and his Souldiers to fear and tremble, [Plutarch.] But the King, being confident Lucullus would suddenly be upon the bones of him, now he was dastitute of Horse, began to be afraid, and think of flying: which resolution of his he strait discovered to his friends in his pavilion. But they, not waiting so long till the Trumpet sounded to trusse up bag and baggage, removed all their goods out of the Camp before break of day; there were such a company of them, that the Sumpter-beasts crowded one another: which was no sooner espyed by the army, who knew the drivers of the Sumpter-beasts, but they, then feare improving their suspitions, taking it very unkindly, that they had not notice given them, as well as the rest, rushed violently out of their Trenches. [Appian.] And running in a great chase to the gates, rifled the packs, and fell foul upon those that were carrying them away, putting them all to the sword. Amongst whom Dorylaus the General was one, who having about him but a purple garment, which he had upon his back, was killed for that very garment. Hermaeus also a southsayer, was trod to death in the gates. [Plutarch.]
The Souldiers run away over the fields, observing no order, but every one making the best shift for himself; not staying till they received order from their Generals and Commanders. As soon as the King perceived in what disorder they ran, and what hast they made, he came running out of his pavillion, thinking to have said something to them, when so body would lend him an ear, but pressed so hard upon him, that he fell down in the crowd. [Appian.] Memnon writes, That he lay close for some time at Cabira, and afterwards made his escape. [cap. 46.] but Appian reports, That he presently took horse, and away to the mountains, having but a small retinew with him: Plutarch tells the story thus; Mithridates, having not so much as a Serjeant or a Groom staying with him, went out of the Camp with the other throng, neither was there any of the Kings party which had a Horse ready at hand. But at length, though late, Ptolemei the Eunuch, who was provided of a Horse, espying him tossed to and fro in the fight, leaped off, and profered his Horse to the King.
Lucullus being certified concerning the victory of his victuallers; and seeing the flight of their enemy, he sent a good brigade of Horse to pursue them in their flight: And as for those which remained in the Camp, and had put themselves in a posture of defence, those he environed with his Legions; giving them charge to forbear pillaging the enemies Camp, till such time that they had killed as many of them as might be thought requisite. But the Souldiery, casting their eyes upon the gold and silver vessels, and the rich garments, regarded not the Generals prohibition. [Appian.] The King himself had been taken by a company of Galatians, which had him in chase, though they knew not so much, had not one of his Mules, which carryed the Kings treasure, cast himself betwixt the King and his pursuers; either of its own accord, or by the Kings policy to stop them: For whilest they were busie in gathering up the gold, and quarrelling amongst themselves about dividing the spoile, the King made a shift to escape their clutches, [Memnon, cap. 46. Plutarch & Appian.] And when as they had taken Callistratus the Kings Secretary, and Lucullus had given command to bring him into the Camp; those that conducted him, finding that he had a girdle about him, in which he had saved 500 crowns, killed him by the way. [Plutarch.] Cicero writes this escape of Mithridates out of Pontus, thus, Mithridates, flying away, left behind him in Pontus, a very great bank of gold and silver, and other pretious things, part whereof he had received from his ancestours, and part raked up together in his first war in Asia, and piled it up together in his own kingdom. Whilst our men were over busie in trussing up all they found, the king himself slipped out of their hands.
Lucullus came as farre as Talaura in the pursuite of Mithridates: from whence, because, this being now the fourth day, Mithridates had gotten the start of him, and escaped into Armenia, to Tigranes, (not into Iberia, as it is read amisse in Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 24.) he marched back again, and gave the Souldiers the plunder of the Kings Camp. [Plutarch.] He sent M. Pompeius Commander in chief against Mithridates, whilst he himself, with all his forces removed to Cabira. [Memnon. cap. 47.] But Mithridates, in a letter to Arsaces, [in lib. 4. histor. Salust.] puts this varnish upon the whole businesse: Having recruited my army at Cabira, and there having passed many battles betwixt me and Lucullus, both of us fell into distresse of victuals. He was supplyed from Ariobarzanes his kingdom, (Cappadocia) which had not felt the smart of war. And I, in regard that all parts about were wasted and destroyed, withdrew into Armenia.
Mithridates, having got safe to Comana, from thence hyed him away to Tigranes with 200 Horse. [Appian.] But he could by no means get his sonne in law to treat with him; for he would not vouchsafe him, who had lost so great a kingdom, so much as to come into his sight, or acknowledge him his kinsman: yet he procured from him a grant for the protection of his person, and assigned him a princely table in some of his Castles, nor was wanting in such duties of hospitality. [Memnon, cap. 48. Appian.] Although Plutarch writes that he put him off with a great deale of contempt and scorn, and that he was in some remote corner, cooped up in morish and unhealthful places.
When Mithridates was upon his flight, he sent Bacchus, or Bacchides, one of his Eunuchs, to kill (it mattered not what way) his Sisters, Wives, and Concubines, which were kept at Pharnacia. [Memnon. cap. 49. Plutarch. & Appian.]
Amongst the many that were of them, two of the Kings sisters, were Roxane and Statira; who had lived Virgins almost forty years: and two of his wives Ionians borne, Berenice a Chian, and Monima a Milesian. When Bacchides came to them, and told them that they must dye, but they should have the liberty to chuse what kind of death they thought most easie, and freest from pain. Monima plucked the diademe from off her head, and made it fit for her neck, and hanged her self by it: but that presently breaking, O thou cursed band, (said she) wilt thou not serve for this use? Then she kicked it about, and spit on it, and presented her bare throat to Bacchides. Berenice took a cup of poyson, part whereof she gave to her mother, who was present there, and asked for it: so they drank both together. The poyson did work upon the weaker body, but it did not dispatch Berenice, in regard she had not taken her full dose. Wherefore Bacchides seeing her in pangs, and a long while dying, stepped to her, and strangled her. It is reported also, That of those two Virgin-sisters, one of them, after many a curse and reproach against her brother, drank off her poyson: but Satiras spake nothing bitter or unworthy of him, but praised him highly in that, when he himself was in jeopardy of his life, should notwithstanding have some consideration of them, as to provide, that they should dye free women, and unconfronted. [Plutarch.]
Lucullus, having besieged Cabira; the Barbarians resigne upon articles, whereupon he takes them into league, and takes possession of their holds. [Memnon, cap. 37.] Upon the surrender of Cabira, and many other Forts, he found rich treasures, and Prisons, wherein many Grecians, and many also of the Kings acquaintance were bestowed: who, having long since given themselves over as so many dead men; might not so well be said to be presented alive by Lucullus his favour, as to be brought to life again, and as it were receive their second births. Amongst the rest, Nysa, Mithridates his sister, was taken, to her great preservation. [Plutarch.]
The Governours of Mithridates his Garrisons, came all unanimously into Lucullus, excepting a very few. [Appian.] Amongst these, was Strabo the Geographers Grandfather, by the mothers side (brother to Moaphernes, the Governour of Colchis, under Mithridates, as he shews in lib. 11. pag. 499.) the reason of his falling off, was, because Mithridates had lately killed Tibius his Cousen German, and and his sonne Theophilus. He was the cause of the revolting of fifteen other Garrisons from Mithridates to Lucullus. [Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 557.] And thus was Pontus laid open to the Roman Legions, which before was on all sides blocked up, that the people of Rome could not enter it. [Cicero. pro. lege Manilia, & pro Archia.]
The Romans, having done their work with Mithridates, fell aboard the Cretains, meerly out of an ambition to reduce that noble Island; yet they pretended, as a cause of their so doing, That the Cretians favoured Mithridates, and had let him have Souldiers for his money in his army against the Romans, and that for his sake he had entred into an association with the Pirates, which M. Antonius had at that time in chase, and offered Antonius himself the Legate, an affront; and had given him two arrogant answers. Hereupon Antonius presently invades the Island, in such great hope and confidence of a victory, that he carryed in his ships, more chains than arms. But the enemies intercepted many of his ships, and binding those that they took prisoners with sailes and ropes, hung them up; and in that manner the Cretians hoisting saile, returned back triumphantly to their harbours. As for Antonius himself, he fell into a disease, and so by his death ended the war which he had undertaken with little successe: yet for all this he obtained the surname of (Creticus.) [Livie lib. 97. Flor. lib. 3. cap. 7. Asconius in Oratio. de praetura Verris Siciliensi. Appian. Legat. 30.]
Antiochus (Asiaticus) sonne of Antiochus (Pius) having tarryed almost two whole years at Rome with his brother, and yet not promised from the Senate a grant of those things he demanded concerning the kingdome of Egypt. Upon his returne home, took his journey through Sicily, and came to Syracuse; and there lodged in the house of Q. Minucius Rufus. He brought along with him to Rome a Candlestick, very artifically made of bright gemmes, which he intended to have bestowed in the Capitol: but in regard the Temple there was not yet compleated, he resolved to carry it back again with him into Syria; and to send it back to the Capitol, by the hands of his Ambassadors, with some other presents at the time of the dedication of Jupiters Image, which was done the year following by Q. Catulus. But this Candlestick, and many other cups of gold beset with gemmes, and another Cup for wine, cut out of one great gemme, which Verres, the Praetor of Sicily, cheated him off; and when he demanded them back of him again, Verres charged him to depart the Province before night, telling him, That he had received advertisement, that the Pirates were coming out of his kingdom into Sicily. [Cicero in Verina 6. sive lib. 4. in Verrem.]