The Annals of the World, History 2 · 6 (continued) (10 of 15)

The Annals of the World · History 2 · 6 (continued) (10 of 15)

p. 574When Triarius had drawn out against Mithridates, there happened such a storm as was never known before in any mans memory, throwing down the tents in either Camp, beating the cattle out of the way, and tumbing down some of the souldiers from the Hills; for which cause they both of them retired: but when it was told Triarius that Lucullus was at hand, as if he desired to snatch the victory from him, before day he assaults Mithridates Camp; and after they had fought long with equal fortune and courage, the King trusting to his own wing, at length received the day, and pressing upon the enemy, forced their Foot into a dirty ditch, where having no footing they were cut down without losse; and following his victory, he couragiously pursued their Horse thorough the fields, until a Roman Centurion running as a servant by his side as fast as his horse (desparing to kill him by reason of his Breast-plate) gave him a deep wound in his thigh; he was himself cut presently to pieces by those that were about him, and Mithridates carried into the furthest part of the army, [Appian. cum Plut. & Dione.]

Upon this, the Kings friends founded a retreate, and called back the souldiers from a notable Victory, which being unexpected, cast some kind of fear upon them lest some evil might have happened from some other place; until it was known, they got tumultuously about the body of their King, and at length Timotheus the Physitian having stopt the blood, held him up on high to their fight. The Romans (who but by this accident had been utterly destroyed) in this time got away and escaped. Mithridates coming to himself, reproves them that occasioned the retreate, and that very day raises his Camp, and marches against the Romans, which now, the souldiers being afraid, was utterly deserted. Above 7000 souldiers were said to be killed in this fight, amongst which 150 Centurions, and 24 Tribunes, which number of officers was never known to be lost in any battle before, [Ibid.] Appian sayes this encounter happened near the mountain Scotius, a place by reason of Mithridates victory, Triarius misfortune, and the loss of the Roman army very eminent in those parts, [pag. 254.] As Hirtius reports also in his Commentaries of the war in Alexandria, where he shews it is not much more than three miles distant from Zela, a Town in Pontus.

This is the defeate Cicero in his Oration for the Manilian law half a year after commemorates by the By. Your army was resolute and victorius, but Mithridates fell upon them: yet suffer me in this place (like those write the Roman affairs) to slip over our misfortunes, which were so great, that the tidings came not to Lucullus by a Messenger from the fight, but by rumour and report. And afterwards, Having received that overthrow in Pontus, of which a little before I remembred you against my will when our friends and confederates were afraid, the wealth and courage of the enemies increased, and when the Province had no Garrison or strength for to trust to, Asia had been lost O Romans, had not fortune in the nick of time brought Pompey as it were from heaven to the relief othose Countries, whose arrival stopped Mithridates though swelled with his successe; and retarded Tigranes who with great strength was threatening of Asia.

Mithridates being cured of his wounds, and suspecting there might be more of the enemy amongst his men, he selected a party upon another pretence, and commanding every one suddenly to their tents, the Romans were found alone, and killed, [Dio. lib. 35.]

From thence he went into that Armenia which the Romans call the Lesser; all the provision he could he carryed with him, the rest he spoiled lest it should become useful to Lucullus. About which time Attilius a Roman Senatour (that for fear of justice had long since fled to Mithridates and been received to favour) was found guilty of conspiracy, whom out of reverence to his former dignity he would not torture, contenting himself onelyonly with his death; but his companions he tormented greivously, his servants whom he had made privy to his design, for their Masters sake, he sent away untouched, [Appian.]

Lucullus, coming up to Triarius, whom the souldiers being angry did require, privately carried him away, [Plut. in Lucullo.] leaving those unburied which had died in p. 575the fight; which is thought to be the first thing alienated the affections of his own souldiers, [Id. in Pompeio.]

Mithridates sate down with his army upon a hill near Talaura, expecting Tigranes that was coming with great Forces to him, and declined fighting till they were both joyned: But Mithridates the Mede, one of Tigranes sons in law, falling suddenly upon the Romans as they were scattered abroad, gave them a great overthrow, [Plut. Appian. Dio.]

Q…intus Marcius the King, (that was Consul the year before) was now sent Proconsul into Cilicia, Lucullus his chief Province, who as he marched with three Legions thorough Licaonia, being invited by Lucullus to his aid, excused it, complaining his souldiers would not follow him, [Salust. historiar. lib. 5. apud Priscian. lib. 18. & Dio. lib. 35.]

Marcus being entered into Cilicia, received Menemachus (who had revolted from Tigranes) into his favour; and made P. Clodius (whose sister he had married, and Lucullus had married another) the same that had fled from Lucullus for fear of what offences he had committed at Nisibis, Commander of his Naval affairs, [Dio. lib. 35.]

Clodius, falling unawars amongst the Cilician Pirates, and being taken prisoner, they demanded a ransom of him: he sends to Ptolemei King of Cyprus that he would pay it and redeem him; but he by reason of his covetousnesse sending onelyonly two talents, which the Pirates despised: neverthelesse being in fear of Pompey, they thought it best to enlarge him for nothing, [Strabo, lib. 14. pag. 684. Appian. Bell. civil. lib. 2. pag. 441. Dio. lib. 35, & 38.]

By the Gabinian law, Manius Acilius Glabrio Consul this present year, was made Successour to Lucullus in the command of Bythynia and Pontus, and the Valerian or Fimbrian Legion, (that once before being discharged, had again taken pay) were disbanded, which when they found luxuriating with victory, ease, and plenty, and living at that time without Lucullus, who for the most part was abroad, they began to mutiny, and despise Lucullus as an ordinary person, [Salust. historiar. lib. 5. apud Priscian. lib. 18. & Dio. lib. 35.]

Dio [ibid.] sayes, that P. Clodius was the chief authour of this dissention; and Cicero affirms in his Oration of the answer of the A…uspices, that being set free by Pirates, and having by great treachery corrupted Lucullus his army, he fled thither; Dio sayes, he went to Antioch in Syria to assist them against the Arabians which they had war with; and there in like manner he stirred up sedition, and was very near being destroyed himself, [Dio. lib. 35.]

Lucullus was at a stand, he durst not move out of his place, nor durst he stay there; at length he resolves to march against Tigranes, hoping to fall upon him; either when he did not expect him, or when he was tired with his march, and by that means compose the distractions in his Camp, but neither succeeds; his souldiers follow him for a while, but finding they were to bend toward Cappadocia, all of them unanimously without speaking one word, turned their backs, and the Valerians or Fimbrians, when they heard they were discharged at Rome, and that Lucullus's command was conferred upon others, they all stole from their colours. Lucullus in the mean time refuseth no means that might reconcile them, with great dejection & tears in his eys, he goes to their tents, beseeches every one, taking some of them by the hand; but they refused his embraces, throwing down their empty purses, and declaring, that as he had alone inriched himself by them, he should alone fight with his enemies, [Plut. & Dio.]

The sedition of the souldiers which would not follow Lucullus, kept him from the pursute of Mithridates and Tigranes, and giving a perfection to his Victory. The Valerian Legious cryed out they were disbanded, and forsook him, [Liv. lib. 98.] But at length overcome by the intreaty of their fellow souldiers, they consented to keep to their colours that Summer, upon condition, that if no body came to fight them in that time, they might depart. Lucullus was forced to be quiet with these men, or leave that Province (destitute of a Garrison) to the Barbarians; he kept them therefore under no command, neither did he draw them out into battle, but thought it sufficient if they onelyonly …aid. He suffered Tigranes to fortage in Cappadocia, and Mithridates to insult over the whole, [Plut. in Lucullo.]

Lucullus had written to the Senate, that he had finished the war with Mithridates, and there were come to him officers deputed for the setling of the affairs in Pontus, as if all had been quiet, [Id. ibid. Dio. lib. 36.] but they found that even he himself was not at his own disposing, but mocked and derided by the souldiers which were gotten to that height of insolence and contempt of their Commander, that the Summer being past, they took up their arms, and drawing their swords, called for their enemies, which they could find nowhere, having already retired themselves, and going out of the Camp with shouting and throwing up their armes, declared, that the time they had promised Lucullus to tarry was expired, [Plut. in Lucullo.]

p. 576When Acilius Glabrio, the Consull, was arrived at the province was given him, he sent cryers about and pronounced, that the Senate did discharge Lucullus his army, and confiscate his goods, by reason he had protracted the war, aud refused to obey their Commands. The Souldiers upon this for the most part forsook him: only some few; who being very poor and so no… fearing their punishment, chose rather to continue with him; [Appian] and upon this score Mithridates recovered most of his Kingdome, and brought no small detriment upon Cappadocia: Luccllus neither withstanding nor Acilius defending it, for although he hasted as if he would have rob'd Lucullus, of his victory; yet when he understood their condition, he came not up to the Army, but prolonged the time in Bithynia. [Dio. lib. 30.]

To this may be added that place of Cicero in his Manilian oration to the Romans in which in favour to Lucullus, he in this manner extenuates the business: L. Lucullus (saies he) who in some measure might perhaps be bettered by his misfortunes, being constrained by your command, (bicause you had resolved according to ancient example to stop the continuance of his Authority) did dissmisse that part of his army, which had served out their time, and sent the ether to Glabrio: and thus having done with Lucullus we will return to the Piratical or maritime war (as Salust and Cicero calls it) that was managed and this summer finisht, by Pompey.

The chief and better part of the Pyrates having sent their Children wealth, and the unusefull multitude into their Castles, and strong holds neare the mountain Taurus, they themselves encountered Pompey at Coracesion in Cilicia; where, being overthrown, they were presently besieged; at length they sent out Commissioners and delivered up themselves, their Islands and Townes; which by reason of their strength were very difficult to be taken. [Plut. in Pomp.]

Pompey advances into Cilicia with a very great number of Engins, resolving by all meanes to attempt those forts that were seated upon the rocks, but of those things he had no need, the very eminence of his Name and the report of his preparation so terrified the Robbers, that, supposing he would be more mercifull if they forbare fighting him, first they which commanded the great Castles of Cragus, and Anticragus, and after them all the Cilicians upon the Mountains, came in and submitted themselves: and much arms both finisht and making, besides many ships half made in the Docks, others ready for sayle, brass, and iron prepared for those uses, sailes, ropes, and divers other materials, a great number of Captives bound that they might either be forced to ransome themselves, or constrained to work in their Prisons. Pompey burns the materials, carryes away the ships, and sent the prisoners home, where many of them meet their own monuments, being supposed long since to have bin dead, [Appian in Mithridatic.] thus they were overcome, and the whole strength of the Pyrates subdued in every part of the sea, and that in no more time than three months [Plutar. ut supra] or two if we will hear Lucan in his second book.

Ante bis exactum quam Cynthia conderet orbem

Omne fretum metuens pelagi pirata reliquit

Angust à que domum terrarum in sede poposcit

Before twice Cynthia did wax and waine.

The frighted Rovar left th'all horrid main

To seek a dwelling in some private plain

Pompey burnt above 1300 smal boates, and destroyed their places of retreat [Strabo lib. 14. pag. 665.] there were 72 ships taken by force, and 306 yeilded up as Appian reports, Plutarch reckons them 800 and of these 90 with Beaks of Iron: Pliny affirms there were taken or sunk 846, [lib. 7. cap. 25. & 26.] 120 Townes, Castles, and store-houses, and of those which endeavoured to fight there were slaine about ten thousand, [Appian]

There were 20000 of the Pyrates left alive which Pompey resolved not to kill nor yet thought it safe to suffer them to depart, or that many souldiers and desperate persons should meet together. [Plut.] least poverty therefore might constrain them to some attempt, he disposed them into a certain place remote from the Sea, he gave them those fields he saw forsaken, for to till, and those Cities that wanted Inhabitants to possesse, and giving them a capacity of living without it he restrained them from rapine [Livy 99. lib. vell. Pater. lib. 2. cap. 32. Florus lib. 3. cap. 6. Dio. lib. 36.] he gave them orders to plant in Maltum, Adana, Epiphania, and what other Townes were unfrequented in Cilicia (the Stony.) [Appian] and into a sea Town of Cilicia called formerly Solos; after Pompeiopolis: which he repayred, having bin destroyed by Tigranes the Armenian King he disposed many, and many he transferred to Didymena a place then wanting inhabitants. [Strabo. lib. 14. Plut. in Pomp. Dio. lib. 36.]

p. 577Thus that war that was so long, and of so large extent, and wherewith all Nations were infested, Pompey prepared for in the midst of winter, began in the spring, and concluded in the middle of Summer, as Cicero in his Manilian Oration, having spoken of it before, This war (saies he) so cruell, so ancient, and so largely disperst, who would ever have thought that either all the Commanders in the world could have finisht in one year; or any one Commander in all the ages of the world? the which Florus admites, That besides the swiftnesse of dispatch, and the felicity in the successe, there should not be one ship lost; and then the perpecuity, there being Pyrates no more, which was procured by the singular conduct of the Captain, by removing them that had been so used to the Sea from the sight of it, and pinning them up as it were in the midland Countryes, yet is he not to be heard, when he speakes of the speediness of the Conquest; because that what was delivered only of his success in the lower Seas, (which has indeed enough of wonder in it) he attributes to the Generals subduction, as if all had bin finisht in forty dayes, which Cicero directly denyes, not to speak of Dion who signifies in these words, foreign that the greater part of the Seas Pompey made quiet within the compasse of a year.

In Creet (which after Cilicia Plutarch affirms to be the next fountain of Pyrates) the prisoners were so hardly dealt with, that most of them poysened themselves: others sent to Pompey, though he was absent, that they would deliver up themselves [Florus lib. 3. cap. 7.] he was then in Pamphilia, whither their Embassadors comming promised all the Cities in Crete would yeild themselves to him, he spoiles not their hopes; but demands Hostages [Cicero, pro lege Manilia] in the mean time he forbad Metellus medling in that war, and writ to the Citizens that they should not obey him, [Plutar. in Pompeio] and also commanded him to depart the Island, for he would take that charge upon him as a part of the care committed to him, [Appian. legat. 30.] he sent one of his officers L. Octavius thither, but without an army, not so much that▪ he should undertake the war, as to receive the Cities into the favour of the people of Rome; who shutting himself up within the walls with those that were besieged and fighting together with them, he rendred Pompey not only odious, but contemptible. Plut. ut supr. Dio. lib. 36.]

Metellus despising Pompey's command in another province, proceeded in his intended war; and was the more bitter in that he exercised the right of a Conquerour upon his Enemies, hasting to incommodate them before Pompey could come, [Florus Plut. Dio.] and sending letters to Rome he complained that the glory of his actions were taken away by Pompey, and past by: he sending his Embassadour into Crete to admit the surrender of the City, to which Pompey replying gave them an account that he ought to do so. [Liv. lib 99.]

Cornelius Sisenna at this time Governour of Graece came with his army into Crete and admonished Metellus that he should spare the people, but not being able to perswade him from his design, he performed nothing that compelled him. [Dio. lib. 36.]

Aristion, marching from Sidon, having beaten Lucius Bassus, that was drawen out to meet him, he took Hierapidna, and defended that City against the Romans [Id. ibid.]

Metellus, having corrupted many within, took the City Elcuthera by treachery, the conspirators so softning a great tower of brick, (that was extream hard to be taken) with vinegar for some nights that it could easily be broken, Afterwards having laid a Tax upon Eleuthera, he took Lappa by force, not at all demurring at Octavius commanding there, but he used no violence to him, only kil'd the Cilicians he found about him [Id. ibid.] but dismist Octavius himself after he had bin mocked and abused with many ignominies in the Camp. [Plutarch.]

Octavius, disdaining to be thus used, dallyed not now as before; but, taking the command of Sisenna's army upon himself: (who was lately dead of a disease) he releived them that were opprest by Metellus, and then betook himself to Aristion; and there manag'd their war by common consent and having for some time continued in that manner, and hearing Metellus was advancing against them, they forsook their Castles, and lancht into the sea, where they were overtaken with a tempest, and after the losse of many of their men constrained to run a shoar. [Dion. lib. 36.]

Marcus Cotta, after he had cast off his treasurer P. Oppius upon suspicion of defrauding the treasury, and conspiring besides was himself (having scrap't together great summs in Bithynia) accused by C. Carbo and the same Carbo (though before that he had received no other honour than to be a Tribune of the people) was for that very act adorned with the honours of a Cousul. [Id ibid.] see before at the end of the 3935 year of the world.

Sinatruces, (whom Appian call Sintricus, Dio by the common name of the Kings of Parthia, Arsaces) being dead, his son Phraates succeeded him; the second King of Parthia of that name, who by a most impious appellation, was called, the god. [Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 242. & Dio. lib. 36. collat. cum Plegont. in Bibliothec. Photi…, cod. 97.] Vid. eund. Anno Mund. 3935.]

Hircanus (as we read in Josephus, the 16. book, cap. 9.) was driven out of his kingdom by Aristobulus his younger brother, three moneths after the death of his mother Alexandra: But since it appears there were six years from the time Hyrcanus began to raign. R. Hortensius, and Q. Metellus being Consuls, to the latter end of Aristobulus, which was that year Jerusalem was taken by Pompey, C. Antonius, and M. Tullius, Cicero, being Consuls; and of them Josephus himself attributes but three years, and as many moneths to Aristobulus, Hyrcanus must of necessary be allowed three years, not three moneths, out of which we conceive two moneths must be taken out, and the time will be made exact.

About this time, they having joyned battle at Jericho, many of Hyrcanus's men went over to his brother Aristobulus; by which means he fled into a Castle, in which the wife and children of Aristobulus were, by Alexandra his mother put to be kept: the rest of his party, for fear of the Conquerour, betook themselves to the protection of a Temple, and in short space, delivered up themselves. At length, the brothers came to treat of peace, and it was agreed Aristobulus should raign still, and his brother be permitted to lead a private life, quietly injoying that wealth he had gotten by his wits This covenant they both entred into in the Temple, and after all oaths and joyning of their hands, and embracing one another in the fight of the people, they withdrew one to his Court, the other as a private person to Aristobulus's house. [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 1.] And thus Aristobulus obtained the government of the Kingdome, and chief Priest in three years and three moneths, as it is said. [Id. lib. 20. cap. 8.]

Lucius, Tullus, and Aemilius Lepidus, being Consuls, in the beginning of their Consulship, in the Kalends of January, which as the year was then altered by the Romans, fell out in the Julian October, the Senate abrogated a law, which C. Manilus, a Tribune of the people, had the evening before tendred, by which those servants which were made free, should have as good a suffrage as their masters: but for this cause, Manlius fearing himself, and being Mercenary and Ministerial to those that were in power, that he might curry favour with Pompey, he proclaimed another law, That the conduct of the war with Tigranes and Mithridates, together with the Legions and Provinces that were under Luculls; Cilica also under the command of Marcius the King, and Bithynia under Acilius Glabrio, should be resigned to Pompey, and that he should continue in his Maritime commands, as he received them at first. [Dio, lib. 36. cum Livi. lib. 100. Vellei. Pater. lib. 2. cap. 33. Asconio Pedian. in Ora. Cornelianam, & Plutarch in Pompeio.]

Livy notes this law to be past with great indignation of the Nobility, it seeming to the Senate no lesse than a manifest injury to Lucullus, nor was he sent to succeed him in the war so much as in the Tryumph, and to take possession of the spoiles he had taken, rather than the administration of the war. [Plutarch in Lucullo.] Nor did it please them, that they were forced to call Marcius and Acilius from their commands, before the time they had given them was expired. [Dio. lib. 36.] But they were chiefly jealous of Pompey's powerto whom by this meanes, the whole Roman Empire was subjected; for those Provinces which by the former Gabinian law, he did seem not to have obtained, as Phrygia, Lycaonia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, the upper Colchis, and Armenia, by this he engrost [Plutarch in Pompeio.] that power being given him, both of war and peace, that he might by his own will, judge any body his enemy, or make any his friend and associate, as he thought good himself. He had also the command of all armies, whatsoever, which were out of Italy; all which the people of Rome had never heaped together upon one man before. [Appian. pag. 238,]

Upon this occasion it was, that Cicero then Praetor, made his Oration for the Manilian law in the 23 year after that cruel slaughter of the Citizens of Rome, which was perpetrated in Asia, by Mithridates command in one day, He now reigneth (saies he) the three and twentieth year from that time, and reigneth so, not as to hide himself in Pontus or Cappadocia, but to break out and invade the tributaries, and breath your Asian aire.

Pompey was as yet persuing his victory over the Pirates in Cilicia; or as (Plutarch saies in his life) the was being ended, and he void of businesse, he was visiting the Cities thereabout; but when by his letters from Rome, he understood what was done there, his friends being present, and congratulating the news, he is reported to have frowned, and strook his thigh, as if he were already weary, and discontented with his command; p. 579whose mind they all knew to be very covetous of it; [Plutarch in Pompeio. Dio, lib. 36.] And although he had formerly made a shew of sailing into Crete to Metellus, he forgot that now, and all his maritime businesse, if there was any thing left undone, and addrest himself wholly to war with the Barbarians, [Dio, ibid.] calling back every where the Souldiers to him, and requiring the assistance of those Kings and Potentates he had received to amity. [Plut. ibid.]

Tigranes the younger, Grandchild to Mithridates, by his daughter, revolting from his father, is overcome by him, but not being taken, he joyned with the chief of them that were discontented with his father, and went over to Phraates King of the Parthians. [Liv. lib. 100. Appian. pag. 242. Dio, lib. 36.]

Pompey, proceeding in his war with Mithridates, renewed his league with Phraates King of Parthia. [Livy.] Upon the same conditions were tendred formerly to Sylla and Lucullus, of which Pompey speaks in Lucans eighth book,

—si foedera nobis

Prisca manent, mihi per Latium jurata Tonantem,

Per vestros astricta Magos.—

—If those pacts were sworn to me

By th' Latian Thund'rer, continu'd be

Which your own Magi joyn'd—

And according to agreement, Phraates with Tigranes the younger, invaded Armenia, which was subject to Tigranes, and advancing as far as Artaxata, (having overcome all opposition they met by the way) they sat down before it: whilst Tigranes the elder, for fear of them, retired amongst the mountaines. [Dio.]

Pompey, to discover Mithridates mind, sent Metrophanes to him with very friendly proposals; but he being in hopes that Phraates (newly possest of the kindom of Parthia) would have joyned with him, rejects them: but understanding that he was preoccupied by Pompey, and ingaged to invade Armenia, his heart misgave him, and he sent immediately Ambassadours with propositions of peace. Pompey requires he should lay down arms, and deliver up those that had revolted. [Dio.]

As soon as this was heard in Mithridates army, the Runnawayes (of which there was a great number) suspecting they should be given up: and the Barbarians supposing they should be forced to maintain the war without their assistance, fell into a mutiny, and had done some mischief to Mithridates, had he not pretended that he sent his Embassadors rather to descry the posture and preparation of the enemy, than to desire peace. [Idem] He swore moreover he would neither have amity with the Romans, by reason of their covetousnesse, neither would he deliver up any of them, or do any thing, but for the common advantage of all. [Appian.]

When Pompey was come into Galatia, Lucullus came to meet him, [Dio.] at the Castle of Danala. [Strabo. lib. 12. pag. 567.] Lucullus, in respect of his age and dignity of his Consulships was the better man: but Pompy's dignity, in respect of the number of his commands, and two Triumphs that he had had, was the greater: Both of them had garlands of laurell carried before them, in honour of their victories. Pompey's laurels by reason he had come a long journey, through dry and squalid Countries, were dead and withered, which Lucullus Lictors observing, they courteously presented him with some of theirs, which were fresh and green: which passage the friends of Pompey looked upon as a good omen, that he should carry both the rewards and ornament of Lucullus victories. [Plutarch in Lucullo, & Pompeio.]

Lucullus told him all things were already subdued, neither was there need of that expedition at all; and that there were for the same reason, persons arrived, that the Senate had deputed for the settlement and composure of affairs: but failing to perswade Pompey to go back, he fell to complain and asperse him; [Dio, lib. 36.] insomuch, that there began to be a great contest betwixt them: Pompeyt objecting to Lucullus his covetousnesse, Lucullus to Pompey his insatiable desire of command, and neither of them could be accused of saying false in what they said. [Velleius Pater. lib. 2. cap. 33. Plutarch in Pompeio.]

For this cause Lucullus disposed of those lands he had taken from the enemy as he pleased, and gave away many good gifts besides, for which he was sharply reproved by Pompey, in that he setled and conferred honours and rewards, whilst the enemy was on foot, which used not to be done, till the war was done and accomplished. Pompey (offended) removes his Camp a little further from him, and commanded no body should obey, or come near him: and by publick edict, forbad the confirmation p. 580of his acts, or what the council often officers should suggest, having also the greater army he was not a little formidable: and leaving him onelyonly 1600 for his Triumph, he drew away all his souldiers which he carryed away, though they were as uselesse to him by reason of their mutinousnesse, as they were angry with Lucullus, [Plutarch in Pompeio, & Lucullo.] OnelyOnly the Valerian (or Fimbrian) Legions he called to himself, which (however they were refractory with Lucullus) served him without any sedition, [Dio. lib. 35, & 36.]

Lucullus returned from thence to Rome, and brought along with him good store of books (which were part of his Pontick prey) [Isidor. Origin. lib. 6. cap. 3.] with which he furnished his Library, which was alwayes open to all people, especially the Grecians, [Plutarch in Lucullo.] He was the first also that brought Cherryes into Italy, [Pliny, lib. 15. cap. 25.] And (however he had been injured exceedingly by Pompey) he was received very honourably by the Senate, [Plutarch in Pomp.]

Metellus, having overcome the Cretensians, took away the laws from an Island which before that time was free, [Liv. lib. 100.] and finished the liberty they had so long injoyed, by laying his taxes upon them, [Velle. Paterc. lib. 2. cap. 38.] Orosius writes in his sixth book, cap. 4. that Metellus overturned that Island in 2 years time, and wearing of it out with continual skirmishes, reduced it to his power. Eutropius in his sixth book sayes, that in several great battles he overcame the whole Country in 3 years. Velleius Paterc. according with him, who in his second book, the 34 cap. has these words: About that time the Island of Creet was brought into subjection to the Romans, which with an army of 24000 young men, pernicious in respect of their agility, patient in respect of labour, and skillful in respect of the management of their armes, under the command of Panares and Lasthenes, had for three years together tired the Roman army. L. Flaccus, together with the Commander in Chief, sustained the fury of that war, [Cicero pro Flacco.] Caius Nasennius, a Suessan freeman, commanded the 8 Century, which was called the chief, [Id. ad Brut. epist. 8.] and Cnius Plancius (a person very much approved by C. Sacerdos the Embassadour, and by L. Flaccus) was a souldier under Q. Metellus, [Id. pro Plancio.]

After this manner the Cretensians that before this time had lived alwayes free, and had never yet known any forreign command; were brought under the yoke, and Metellus received the name of Cretensis from them, [Dio. lib. 36.]

Antipas, called also Antipater, Governour of Idumea, and father to Herod King of Judea, being a rich man, factious and busie by nature, fearing Aristobulus's power by reason of some grudges betwixt them, he fell to Hircanus his party, and with secret aspertions of Aristobulu… prevailed, that the chief of the Jews entered into conspiracy against him: suggesting it would be very ill to let him possesse a command he had so unjustly usurped, he having put by his elder brother, and dispoiled him of the prerogative of his birth: and with the same language he plyed Hircanus constantly; adding withal, that his very life was in danger unlesse he prevented it by a timely flight; for Aristobulus's friends were in perpetual consultation, how they should establish the Authority upon another when they had removed him out of the way: But Hircanus being of himself a good man, and not easily addmitting reports, gave but small credit to his informations, which quietnesse and lenity of mind procured him the imputation of being slothful; but Antipater neverthelesse gave not over complaining of his brother, as if he had laid waite to kill him, [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 2.]

Phraates, finding the siege of Artaxata likely to be a long work, left part of his Forces with Tigranes his son, and returned home himself, [Dio. lib. 36.]

The nether Spain fell to C. Julius Caesars lot when he was Quaestor, who being commanded by the Praetor to travel about the several Countries and decide matters of law: Arriving at Gades, he observed in Hercules Temple, Alexander the Great's Tomb, and as if it had upbraided him for having done nothing Memorable at the same age (which was 34) that Alexander had conquered the World, he fell into great malancholy, and importuned he might be sent back into Rome, that he might take the first opportunity of attempting some noble thing: and departing accordingly before his time, he went to some Italian Colonies that were then in agitation about their return, and had excited them to something, had not the Consuls with their Legions which were raised to go into Cilicia, kept them from it, [Sueto. in Julio. Caesare, cap. 7. & 8.]

Pompey, possessing with his Navy all the Sea betwixt Phoenicia and the Bosphorus, advanced against Mithridates, having under his own command a select choice army consisting of 30000 Foot disposed into a Phalang, for the safeguard of his Country, besides as Plutarch sayes 2000, as Appian 3000 Horse, [Plut. in Pomp. Appian. pag. 238.] Moreover that because Lucullus had lately harrased that Country and brought great scarcity amongst them, there were many come to him, though the King used all the severity he could (either throwing them down steep rocks, or putting out their eyes, or p. 581burning them alive) against them he took; by which means he frightned many indeed from running away, but however they were distressed with want, [Appian. ibid.]

Pompey, having placed some of his troups in ambush, sent out others to face the Kings Camp, and provoke him out, with command that they should turn and flee after they had got them forth, till they had drilled them into their trap: and had not the King suspected it and drawn out his Foot, they might possibly have pursued them so as to have entred their Camp with them: and this was the first skirmish betwixt the Horse, [Id. ibid.]

Mithridates for a while, being not equally furnished with men, avoids fighting, and destroyes the Countries where he comes, endeavouring by marching up and down to tire his enemie, or to afflict him with want of victuals. But as soon as Pompey was entred into Armenia the Lesse, which was subject to Mithridates; partly for this very cause, and partly that he might take possession of it, being forsaken: at length Mithridates doubting lest that Province should in his absence fall into the hands of his enemies, he went thither, [Dio. lib. 36.]

Mithridates sat down upon a strong and secure Hill over against his enemy, where he lay quiet with his whole army, hoping to drive the Romans into distresse, and by intercepting their necessary provisions, to destroy them: Whilst he himself being in his own Country, was plentifully supplied from all parts. Under this Hill there was a Plain, into which he disposed some Horse to encounter and cut off all they met; by which means it happened that many came off from the enemy to him, [Id. ibid.]

Pompey, not daring to assault the enemy in that place, raised his Camp, and removed it to another commodiously incompassed with woods, whereby he secured himself against their Troups and Darts: and having laid ambush in a convenient place, he himself with a few advances and faces their Camp: and raising a tumult, he trayled the enemy from their Works to the place he had designed, and gave them a great defeate: by which accident their courage being revived, he sent out others to the other parts of the Country to bring in provisions, [ibid.]

After Mithridates had left the Hill where he pitched his tents, as a barren place and dry, Pompey came and possessed it, and imagining by the forwardnesse of the shrubs, and the hollownesse and convexity of the place there must needs be water underneath, he commanded they should dig Wells up and down, and they had such plenty of water in their Camp presently, that it was a wonder Mithridates found it not in so long a time, [Plutarch.]

Mithridates sate down upon a Mountain near Dastira in Acilisena, which was very well furnished with water, and not far from the River Euphrates which divides Acilisena and Armenia the Lesse, [Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 555.] And here Orosius writes, that Pompey blocked up the Kings Camp near the Mountain Dastracus in Armenia the Lesse, [lib. 6. cap. 4.] making a line about the King of 150 furlongs, and raising several Castles within it that he might thereby render their forrage difficult. Which Work the King not hindring, either out of fear or folly (which be commonly the forerunners of mischief) [Appian.] he was besieged as Plutarch sayes 45 dayes: but Appian reports, that for the space of 50 dayes, they could scarce keep themselves alive, having slaine all the Cattle they had, and reserved nothing but the Horses.

Mithridates, at length understanding that the enemy had been supplyed with victuals, and had taken a Country in Armenia, called Manaitin, many of his men falling off to him, and that Marius his army (together with the Legions, which Suetonius has said were raised for Cilicia, of which place he was Governour) were come to him; being affrighted, he resolves to leave that Country. [Dio.] And killing those that were sick, and of no service, he brake forth in the night, with an intire body, and with great silence, by the way he made his escape. [Plutarch, Appian, and Orosius,] determining (by marching in the night) to go into Armenia the greater, which was subjects to Tigranes, [Dio.] and there to beat back Pompey, if he pursued him. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 4.]

The next day, Pompey, having with much ado overtaken him, fell in upon his rear, but the King (though perswaded by his friends) could not be tempted to a battle, contented to beat back the enemy with some Horse only, and in the evening to retire into the woods. [Appian.]

The day following, Mithridates got possession of a Village, that was every way incompassed with rocks, to which there was but one ascent, and that was kept by four companies of Foot. The Romans also made a stand over against them, to prevent the escape of the King. [Idem.]

p. 582When they were come even upon the borders. Pompey fearing Mithridates should get before, and passe Euphrates, and by that means make his escape. He resolved to endeavour to give them battle in the night. [Plutarch & Dio.] So he removed his Camp & deceived the Barbarians that rested till noon: he marched the same way they were to come; and having gotten a convenient place amongst the hills, he drew up his men into the heighest parts of it, and expected the enemy. The Barbarians, to whom nothing as yet had fallen out crossely, believing they had come into a safe place, and secure; not doubting but the Romans were gone, they sent out not so much as one Scout to discover. [Dio.]

It is reported, that Mithridates had at this time a vision in his sleep, which did forewarn him of what did follow: he did seem to be sailing with a fair wind in the Pontick sea, and to be come within sight of the Bosphorus: and being overjoy'd with certain and unquestionable safety, began pleasantly to accost them that carryed him; but of a suddain, he found himself deserted, and tost upon a small fragment of ships. Whilst he was occupyed with these motions and fancies, his friends that were about him waked him, telling him, Pompey was at hand. When therefore he found he must of necessity fight for his Trench, bringing out their armies, both Captains drew into battalia [Plutarch.]

Pompey, seeing them prepare for to fight, thought it not best to ingage in the night, but to incompasse them rather, that they might not escape, and to assault them next morning with his army, which was much the stronger: yet the elder, and chief of his Officers, with their prayers and exhortation, provoked him. [Ibid.]

It was agreed therefore, that all the Trumpets together should sound a charge, after that the souldiers and the whole multitude should give a shout; and then some should strike their spears against their vessels of brasse. The mountains being hollow, made the noise more horrible, which the Barbarians hearing sudainly, in the night, and in a desert place, they were exceedingly dismaied, supposing they were fallen into some misery inflicted by the gods. In the mean time, the Romans, from aloft, threw down stone, arrows and darts, on every side, and the multitude being so great, none fell in vain: having spent their arrows, they ran down violently upon the Barbarians, who kicking and pressing each other forward, were slain, being neither able to defend themselves, nor assault the enemy, for as much as they were for the most part Horsemen and Archers, whom in the dark, and in those straights, no endeavour or attempt of theirs could advantage. [Dio.]

As soon as the Moon got up, the Barbarians conceiving they might repel the enemy in the light, took courage, and it might indeed have been some benefit to them, had not the Romans had it upon their backs, for the Moon being in its waine, and their shadows appearing long before their bodies, and pressing upon the enemy, who judged of their nearnesse, by the means of their shadows, sent all their darts in vain, assaulting their shadows, as if they had been at hand themselves: when the Romans afterwards assaulting them, as if they had been unarmed, overcame them without any pains. [Id. cum Flo. Plut. & Eutrop.]

That this battle was in the night, [Livy, lib. 100.] Florus, [lib. 3.] Plutarch, [in Pompeio.] Dio, [lib. 36.] Eutropius, [lib. 6.] and Orosius, [lib. 6. cap. 4.] do agree; onelyonly Appian sayes it was in the day time, and after this manner. Both armies were drawn up early in the morning, and some sorlones of both sides advancing, they sk…mished amongst the rocks. Some of the Kings Horse also running on foot without or…rs to the relif of their fellow-souldiers, and being charged with a great number of the Roman Cavalry, ran back in one company to their tents, that by mounting they mi…t incounter the enemy upon equal terms: But the Ponticks that were upon the Guard, observing from an eminent place, with what noise and haste they did run, suppo…ng their Camp had been entred in some other part, and that that was the cause of the… flight, they threw away their armes, and betook themselves also to their heeles: but …o passage being open for their escape, they fell foul upon one another, till that by their thronging they threw themselves down the rocks. It was easie for Pompey to perf…rm the rest, to kill and take them prisoners that were unarmed, and so entangled amongst the rocks. There were 10000 slain, their Camp taken, and all their amunition and baggage. So Appian, [in Mithridatic. pag. 239, 240.]

Plutarch speaks of a far greater number than 10000. Dio that there were very many slain, and no lesse number taken prisoners. Eutropius 40000. Orosius sayes there were so many either killed or taken: Eutropius sayes Pompey lost onelyonly twenty or thirty of his men, and two Captains. Orosius sayes the Romans had a thousand wounded, but scarce forty killed outright.

Mithridates himself with a Body of 800 Horse brake thorough the Romans, but was at length, (the rest having forsaken him) left with three onelyonly: amongst which Hypsicratia p. 583was one, (Plutarch calls her his Concubine, but Valer. Maxim. and Eutropius speaks her his wife) whom the King by reason she was of a Masculine spirit, called alwayes Hypsicrates. But then though she had put on the habite of a Persian man, and was one horseback; yet was she neither tired by the tediousnesse of her own flight, nor with the care and solicitousnesse of the King, [Plutarch, Valer. Maxim. lib. 4. cap. 6. Eutropius, lib. 6.] His Daughter also Dripetine borne him by Laodice the Queen, but exceedingly deformed by a double row of teeth, bore her father company in his distresse, [Valer. Max. lib. 1. cap. 8.]

And so the King having by flight slipt thorough the confusion of the battle, and (being befriended by the clearnesse of the night) escaped, leading his horse himself in his hand when he came into by places, and trembling at every noise he heard, [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 4.] till at length he fell amongst some mercenary Horse, and 3000 Foot, by whom he was conveyed into the Castle of Sinoria, where he had heaped up much money, [Appian.] which Castle Plutarch calls Inora, Strabo Sinoria, or Synoria, seated in the borders of both the Armenia's, [Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 555.]

There he gave gifts and a years pay to those which had borne him company in his flight: and took, sayes [Appian.] six thousand talents compleat along with him. He gave also rich garments to those that resorted to him from the rout: besides deadly poison that he gave his friends to carry about with them, lest any of them should fall into the enemies hands. From hence he marched into Armenia to Tigranes, [Plutarch.]

Tigranes being importuned by Embassadours from Mithridates, would not onelyonly not receive him, but clapt his Embassadours in prison; pretending he was the cause of the sedition of his son Tigranes: and thus Mithridates being frustrate of his hopes, having passed the River Euphrates, he bends his flight into Colchis, [Plutarch. Appian. Dio.] which he had formerly subjected to his power, [Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 555.]

And having nowhere delayed his journey, the fourth day he past Euphrates; then arming for three dayes and disposing of those supplies he had with him, or which came in to him, he assailed Chotenis the chief Town in Armenia, by reason the Chotenians, and Iberians had attempted with slings and darts to hinder his march; but he beat them off, and advanced to the River Absarus, [Appian.]

Pompey sent out to pursue Mithridates, but he had past the River Phasis, and escaped. So Pompey built a City in the same place where he gained his Victory, [Dio. lib. 36.] betwixt two Rivers which proceeded from several causes in one Mountain; that is to say, Euphrates and Araxes, situate in the Lesser Armenia, and for that cause called Nicopolis. This City he gave by the consent of his souldiers to those that were old, or lame, or sick, or wounded, or disbanded: to which many of the neighbours repairing, the Nicopolitans lived afterward after the manner of the Cappadocians, [Id ibid. cum Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 555. Appian. pag. 243. & 251. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 4.]

Tigranes the father advanced against Tigranes his son, who was left alone to besiege the Artaxati, and overcame him: he being put to slight, fled first toward Mithridates his Grandfather; but hearing he was beaten himself, and in more need of assistance than likelihood of assisting him, he joyned himself to the Romans, [Dio. lib. 36.] flying most submissively to them, though he was grandchild to Mithridates by his Daughter, [Appian.] and met Pompey at the River Araxes, [Plutarch.] By his conduct Pompey brought his army into Armenia against his father, as a confederate of Mithridates, [Dio.] aiming at Artaxa to the Court of Tigranes, [Appian.]

Tigranes the father, understanding this, was terrified exceedingly, but hearing Pompey was of a gentle and pleasant nature, he sent a Trumpeter to him, and withal delivered up Mithridates his Embassadour that he had clapt up: but his son hindering him from obtaining any tolerable conditions, and Pompey neverthelesse passing over the River Araxis, and approaching near Artaxatis; Tigranes at length delivered up the City and all the Garrison was in it, he and his friends and kindred going out to meet him, without sending so much as a Herauld before, surrendering all his right into his hands, and appealing to him for justice against his son, [Plutarch. Appian. Dio.]

But to the end he might appear to Pompey worthy of reverence and compassion, he ordered it so, that as far as in him lay, he would retain a mediocrity betwixt the dignity of his former, and the misery of his present condition; for he had put off his Gown that was half white, and his Royal Robe of Purple: but wore his Diadem and the ornaments for his head, [Dio.] To whom when Pompey sent the Captains and Officers of his Horse to meet and do him honour; his friends that did accompany him doubting their security, because they had sent no Heraulds before, ran back and deserted him, [Appian.]

p. 584When Tigranes was come to Pompey's Camp, which was sixteen miles off from Arraxatis, two Lictors from Pompey came to him, and commanded him to alight from his Horse, upon which, according to the customes of his Conntrie, he had entred the very works, for no man living was ever seen to enter the Roman Camp on horse back. Tigranes obeyed, and unbuckling his sword, delivered it to them. [Eutr. Plut. & Dio.] Pompey, beholding him entred on foot, and (having thrown away his Crown, and cast himself upon the ground) adoring, according to the manner of the Barbarians, touched with compassion, he leaped to him, and catching him by the hand, lifted him up, and put on the Crown again that he had cast away, commanding him to sit down on one side of him, and his son on the other, who neither rose up to his father, nor used any other ceremony to him. [Cicero pro P. Sextio. Eutrop. lib. 6. Dio. Appian & Plutarch. tum in Pompeto. tum in Lucul. & Cimonis collatione.]

Tigranes delivered up himself and his kingdom to Pompey's command: declaring before, That there was no man, neither of Rome, nor any other Nation, to whose friendship he would have surrendred himself, but onelyonly Pompey: and that henceforward, any fortune that should befall him for him, whether it was good or bad, should be acceptable to him; saying moreover, it could not be any disparagement to be conquered by him, whom it was a sin to conquer; nor was it dishonourable to submit to him, whom fortune had exalted above every one. [Vel. Pater. lib. 2. cap. 37.] He and his sonne were afterwards invited by Pompey to supper; but his sonne absenting himself, gave Pompey the first occasion to be offended with him. [Dio.]

The next day, their controversies being heard, Pompey restored the kingdom of Armenia) the ancient possession of his forefathers, (to Tigranes the elder, and as Strabo sayes, added the greatest and best part of Mesopotamia (lib. 16. pag. 747.) taking away those Countries he had gained in the war, and laying a mulct of six thousand talents of silver upon him, which was to be paid to the people of Rome, because he had waged war with them without a cause: but to his son he gave only the command of Gordena and Sophena, with liberty of injoyning the rest of Armenia, when his father dyed. But the treasure in Sophena, (a Country in the borders of Armenia) he adjudged to the father, because by any other way he could not pay the mony he had agreed for. [Cicero, Vellet. Pater. Plut. Appian. Dio. & Eutrop. as aforesaid.]

Tigranes, the father, being very glad of these conditions, and that he was called King by the Romans, he departed not onelyonly through Cappadocia, and some parts of Cilicia, but through all Syria and Phaenicia, from Euphrates to the sea; for these Provinces with part of Cilicia, he had possest, by throwing out Antiochus Pius. [Livy, lib. 101. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 37. Plutarch. Appian, Dio. & Eutrop.]

Tigranes the younger, taking it in disdain, that he was so disappointed of his hopes, plotted to escape; which Pompey very seasonably perceiving, restrained him, but with liberty, and sent messengers to those that kept the mony, to demand it for Tigranes the elder: which they refused, pleading, That they were not to be commanded, but by Tigranes the younger, whose Country that was then judged to be. He is himself sent to the Castle, who finding it shut, came up to it, and though against his will, commanded them to open: neverthelesse, the keepers would not obey, objecting, That Tigranes summond it not out of any desire in himself, but by constraint; which Pompey taking very ill, cast the young man into chains, and by that means, his father at length got the treasure. [Dio. lib. 36.]

Appian sayes, that the Armenians which deserted the King in his journey to the Roman Camp, solicited his son that continued with Pompey, to make away his father; but he was himself taken and clapped into irons: neverthelesse; when in letters, he by his messengers perswaded the Parthians against the Romans, pretending he was reserved for the Triumph.

The father received his mony, he gave many things, and a greater portion of mony than was agreed upon by Pompey; he gave freely to every Souldier, 50 groats, or (as Strabo sayes) 150, to every Captain 1000, every Colonel 10000, or (as Strabo and Plutarch have it) a talent, which is but 6000 Drachmes, by which means he was reckoned amongst the friends and confederates of the people of Rome. [Sirabo, lib. 11. pag. 530. Plutarch. Appian, Dio.] But the mony due to the people of Rome, Pompey, as his custom was, delivered it to the Treasurer, for the use of the Publick. [Velei. Pater. lib. 2. cap. 37.]

Pompey gave Ariobarzanes the whose kingdom of Cappadocia, and Sophena, and Gordena, which he had first assigned to Tigranes the younger, which were afterward thought to be in the Province of Cappadocia, he gave him also Cabala, (or Gabala) a p. 585City in Cilicia, and some others which Ariobarzanes afterwards left intirely to his son, [Appian. pag, 243, 244.]

C. Julius Caesar, Year of the World 3939 some few dayes before he entred into the Aedilship was suspected of a conspiracy with Marcus Crassus the Consul, as also Sylla and Antonius after the designation of the Consulship, were condemned for endeavouring in the beginning of the year (the Kalends of January falling out then upon the Julian October, in which Cotta and Torquatus entred the Consulship) to assault the Senate, and killing whom they pleased, Crassus was to invade the Dictatorship, and he should be called the Master of his Horse, and the whole Common-wealth being framed according to their pleasure, the Consulship should be restored to Sylla and Antonius; from whence it was that Cicero in an Epistle to Axius reports, that Caesar in his Consulship had setled the kingdom so as he had contrived in his Aedilship, [Sueton, in Julio Caesare, cap. 9.]

Pompey, having left Armenia to the defence of Afranius, bends his course against Mithridates thorough those Countries that lie about Caucasus, the Albanians and Iberians (great Countries) gave him passage upon the first overture, as Plutarch speaks; but Livie, [lib. 101.] sayes, that Pompey fought and overcame them, because they denied it him: which battle, lightly and variously mentioned by Plutarth and Appian, Dio doth more fully explain. Pompey having divided his army into three parts, took his own winter quarters up near the River Cyrnus, in the Country about Tanais, where notwithstanding he was not quiet; for Oroesus King of the Albanians who inhabite the Country above the River Cyrnus (or Cyrus) [Florus, lib. 3, cap. 5. Eutropius, lib. 6. and Orosius, lib. 6. cap. 4. calls him Orodes.] partly to gratifie his friend Tigranes the younger; but especially because he feared the Romans would invade Albania: and hoping that if in the Winter he should assault them unexpectedly, they having not pitched their Camp in one place, he made no question but to perform something worthy of his pains; wherefore he advanced with his army against the Romans in the midst of their Saturnals: he himself marched against Merellus Celer, who had Tigranes with him; others against Pompey, others against the Commander of the third party Lucius Flaccus: that whilst every one of them had their hands full at the same time, neither of them should be able to relieve one the other: So sayes Dio, [lib. 36.] Appian sayes, that Oroezes the King of the Albanians, and Otocus (or Artocus rather) King of the Iberians with 70000 men, lay in ambush for Pompey near the River Cyrnus. Plutarch sayes no lesse than 40000 Barbarians past the River against Pompey in the Roman Festivals to Saturne, which Feasts were celebrated in the monethmonth of December: but as the year came then about it happened in September, or the Julian October, that is in the beginning of Autumn or Winter, according to those that divide the year into two parts onelyonly, Summer and Winter, which we see Thucydides observes, constantly in his History of the Peloponesian war.

Metellus beat Oroesus, Flaccus (the ditch about his Camp being of too great circumference to be defended,) made another within, which the enemy supposing was done out of fear, advanced presently into the outward ditch; he making an unexpected sally upon them, killed many in the conflict, and many in the chase. Pompey understanding the successe of the Barbarians against the other, rises and falls unlooked for upon those which were marching against him; and having defeated them, he bends directly against Oroesus himself: but could not find him, for he being beaten himself by Metellus and hearing the misfortune of the rest, betook himself to his heeles, and escaped, [Dio.]

Pompey, having layne in their passage of the River Cyrnus, at last yeilded to their supplication, and gave them peace; it was once in his mind to recompence the mischeif they had done, by invading their Country; but by reason of the Winter he could not without great trouble protract the war: thus Dio in the 36 book, the later end. Plutarch writes that Pompey routed a great number of them, and brought in their Colours: and afterwards, the King supplicating and sending Embassadours, he made peace with him.

Mithridates wintered in Dioscuriade, [Appian. pag, 240.] where the Isthmus betwixt the Euxine and the Caspian Seas begins, [Strabo, lib. 11. pag. 498.]

Antipater importuning H…rcanus his assent that he might flee to Areta King of the Arabians, and promising him his assistance, did notwithstanding hardly prevail, yet he obtained it the easier, in respect that Arabia buts upon Judea. Antipater therefore is dispatched before to the King to receive his promise, that he would not deliver up his suppliant to his enemies, which as soon as he had promised upon his word, Antipater returned with all speed to Hyrcanus at Jerusalem, and not long after taking him by night along with him, they stole out of the City, and with great journeys came unto a City called Petra, in which was Areta's Court, [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 2.]

Antipater being very dear to Areta, requested that he would restore Judea to p. 586Hircanus, which with constant importunity, and presents together, at length he perswaded him to: Hircanus promised if by his meanes he was brought into his Kingdome again, he would return him a Country with twelve Cities; which his father Alexander Jannaeus had taken away foom the Arabians. The Cities were these, Medaba, Naballo, Livias, Tharabasa, Agalla, Athone, Zoara, Oronae, Marissa, Rydda, Lusa, Oryba, [Id. ibid.]

Alexander II. King of Egypt, the son of Alexander I. was expulsed by the Alexandrians [Suet. in Juli. Caesare.] but Alexander the son being expelled, Ptolemy a natural son was substituted; he was the son of Ptolemey Lathurus, who was called Dionysius the new, or Bacchus, and Auletes, because he most effaeminately followed the dalliance of the Dionysii, and having put on the habit of women, he danced to the Cymbals in the celebrations of Bacchus. [Lucian de non tem. cred. calum.] he practised also their piping so much, that he boasted of it; and was not ashamed to celebrate contestations in his Court, in which he himself appeared to contest with others. [Strabo. lib. 17. pag. 796.]

Aretas the King of the Arabians, with 50000 men, vanquished Aristobulus, after which battle many ran away to Hyrcanus, so that Aristobulns being desolate, fled to Jerusalem, but Aretas bringing his army with him besieged him in the temple, the people also assisting Hircanus the clergy onelyonly sticking close to Aristobulus. But Aretas having brought the Jewish army, as well as the Arabian did most vigorously presse them with his siege. [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 3.]

These things being done about the approach of the feast of unleavened bread, the chief of the Jewes forsook their own Country, and fled into Egypt. There was one Onias in Iudea, an honest just man, and one that had (in a great drought,) prevailed by the Piety of his Prayers for raine, but then foreseeing the civil war that followed had hid himself, and retired into a hole, but the Jews caught him, and bringing him into their Camp, requested him that as heretofore he had relieved them against …he drought, so he would now curse Aristobulus (and as many as were of his party) for them. This he refused a great while, til being compelled by the multitude, he stood in the midst of them and prayed thus, O God, thou that art King of the whole World, for as much as these that are with me are thy people, and those that are besieged are thy Priests. I beseech thee that thou wouldst neither hear these against them, nor them praying against these. After this some wicked men of the Jews beset him and killed him with stones: which cruelty God immediately revenged, and punished the slaughter of Onias after this manner [ibid.]

Whilst Aristobulus was with his Priests besieged, the feast of the Passeover came about, in which the custome was for them to make many sacrifices to their God, which because the besieged did want, they desired of their Brethren the Jews that besieged them; that they would furnish them with sacrifices at what prize they pleased to set: they demanded 1000 groates should be sent them for every oxe, which Aristobulus and his Priests, willingly consented to and let down their money from the wall, which they received; but returned no sacrifice but proceeded to that height of impiety, that they did not only break their Faith with men, but rob'd God of his due honour. But the Priests that under pretence of a bargain were thus cozened, prayed to God that he would take vengeance of them, nor was it long before it happened, for a great storme sent from above into those Countryes; made so great a vastation amongst their corne, that a bushell of wheat was sold for 15 groates. [ibid.]

Pompey waged war with the Iberians, a people exceedingly desirous to gaine the favour of Mithridates, and to repell Pompey: because as yet they had neither bin subject to the Medes, Persians, Alexander, nor the Macedonians: [Plutar.] their King therefore Artoces (whilst Lucius Cotta and Lu. Torquatus were Consuls) fearing least he should advance against him; sends over Embassadors to Pompey under pretence of treating for peace: but in the mean time Prepared whilst he was busy with them to fall upon him when he suspected no such matter; this Pompey perceiving, before he had sufficiently provided himself for that, and possest himself of the passes; he falls down into his Country: and before Artoces knew any thing of his comming was got down as farre as the City Acropolis, which being scituate in those streights where Caucasus runs along, was fortified for defence of that passe. Artoces having lost the opportunity of strengthning himself, in a great fright passes the river Cyrnus, and burns down the bridge. And they which were in the City seeing him fled and themselves beaten, yeilded up the Town: by which means Pompey having got possession of the streights, put a Garrison over them, and marching from thence subdued the whole Country that lay on that side the river. [Dio. init. lib. 37.]

Pompey being now about to passe Cyrnus, Artoces begged a truce his Embassadors, proffering to make him a bridge, and to furnish him with all necessaries besides, both which he performed for the obtaining of peace, but as soon as Pompey had p. 587passed that river he fled immediately to the river Pelor…; running from him whom he had drawn upon himself, when he might have prevented his passage. Pompey, taking it into consideration, pursues, and (having overtaken him) gives him Battaile, and with great ease, before the bow-men came to show their skill, he routed them; things falling out thus, Artoces having passed Pelorus, and burnt that bridge also, flyes away; the remainder were out off, part in the conflict, and part whilest they attempted to passe the river on foot; many betaking themselves to the woods, held out some few dayes, by throwing darts from the higg trees, but the trees being cut down, they also perished. [Id. ib.] Plutarch reports there was 6000 slain in the battle, and more than 10000 taken prisoners.

Artoces sent Ambassadors to Pompey, to supplicate peace; they brought presents with them also, as a Bed, a Table, and a Chair, all of Gold: which he beseeched him to accept. Pompey took the presents, (that he, being suspended with hopes of the transaction, might not go any further off) and delivered them to the Quaestors, to be inserted in the publick writings, but refused to give him peace, unlesse Artocis would deliver him his sons as hostages. Artocis was for some time doubtful: but at last, when the Romans had found a Ford in the River, in Summer time, and passed it with much adoe, though they had no body to resist them, he sent his sons for hostages, and made his peace with Pompey. [Dio, lib. 37. cum Plutarch. & Fl…r. lib. 3. cap. 4.] Eutropius sayes, that Pompey overcame Arthaces, King of Iberia, in battle, and received him to favour, upon conditions; Sextus Rufus, and Jornandes, that both Iberia, and Arthaces their King, surrendred themselves to him: but Orosius [lib. 6. cap. 4.] saith, he beat Artoces, King of the Iberians, in the field, and got all Iberia into his custody.

Mithridates made his way as well through those Countries of the Scythians, that were offended, as those that were otherwise; some he wan to him by fair means, others he constrained by soule; and being willingly entertained, he past to the Heniochians: but the Achaeans, attempting to withstand him, were overcome: afterwards entering into the Maeotick Countries, and vanquishing many of their Commanders, for the fame of his atchievements, he was received kindly, taking many guifts, and presenting many: he drew them also into confederacy with him, by taking their daughters, and so joyning the most powerful of them to himself. [Livy, lib. 101. Appian. pag. 240, 241, Dio. lib. 36.] to which that place of Strabo refers. [lib. 11. pag. 496.] The Heniochi at that time that Mithridates fled through their Country into Bosphorus, from his own, had four Kings. He cast away all hopes of passing by the Zygians, both by reason of the difficulty of the wayes, and the fiercenesse of the people; and therefore with much ado (being many times forced to take the sea) he marched along the shoar, till at last he arrived amongst the Achaeans, by whom he was received, (notwithstanding, we have heard Appian say, that they resisted him) and here he finished his journy which began at Phasis, and was from thence almost 4000 furlongs. Thus Strabo, who recounts out of those Authours, that writ of the affairs of Mithridates, the Countries in this order: First the Achaeans, then the Zygians, Heniochians, Cercetans, Moschians, Colchians, [pag. 497.] through all which unruly Countries, Hypsicrate his Queen, with an indefatigable mind and body, followed her distressed husband: and that she might with more ease, share in his labour and pains, shaving her hair, she accustomed her self to ride on Horse back, and beat arms; whose so great fidelity in all distresses, was the greatest and most pleasant consideration to Mithridates, who seemed to himself to wander with his whole fortune and family, whilst his wife bare him company in his banishment. [Valer. Maxim. lib. 4. cap. 6.]

Machares, the son of Mithridates, who reigned then in Bosphorus, Cimerius, and favoured the Roman party. When he heard his father, in so short a time had overcome so many fierce and Warlike Nations, and past the very bars of Scythia, which were never penetrable before. He sent Ambassadors to him, to let him know it was necessity had constrained him to that friendship with the Romans: but understanding he was implacable, he fled into Pontica Chersonesus, burning his ships, that he might thereby hinder his father from following him: but when he sent against him another fleet, he laid hands upon himself. Mithridates slew all those friends that he had sent himself with him for companions, when Machirus went first into his Kingdome, but sent his servants away safe; so Appian, [pag. 241.] Dio. [lib. 36.] saies, That the father having corrupted his familiars with security and presents, wrought upon them to kill his son. And Orosius tells, That Machares was most parricidiously slain by him. [lib. 6. cap. 5.]

Pompey, ordering his journy into the Northern parts of Scythia by the stars, as it had been at Sea, fell down upon the Colchi; and incamping under Caucasus it self, commanded their King Orodes to come down into the Plains, as Florus hath it, p. 588[lib. 3. cap. 5.] who a little after sayes Orodes was King of the Al…ans (with E…ropius and Oro…us.) For Orodes in this place we must use the name of …, whom Appian shewes to be King of the Colchi, and led in Triumph by Pompey, [pag. 253.] or Aristarchus, whom the said Appian, [pag. 251.] and Eutropius. [lib. 6.] report to be made King at Colehis in his stead.

Plutarch sayes, that at the River Phasis Servilius met Pompey with the Fleet which was left for the defence of Pontus, and that the pursuite of Mithridates who had hid himself in the Countries about Bosphorus and Maeotis, had brought him into many perplexities: he went also to Colehis that he might view the … of the Argona…ae, and Castor and Pollux; especially desiring to see the place where Promatheus was said to be affixed to Ca…ca…us, the sight of which things drew him from the neighbour Countries, [Appian. pag. 241, 242.] The Colchi also and the Countries conte…minous he wan to his side, partly by fair words, and partly by feare, and having found there that his journey by land thorough many warlike and unknown Countries would be difficult, and that by sea it was more incommodious by reason of the inhabitants which were averse; and the Country unfurnished with Ports; he commanded his ships to keep their station and to watch Mithridates that he might no where be suffered to break out, nor no provisions for him be any where suffered to come in: be himself turns his course against the Albani, but with a compasse that whilst they were secure in their compact, he might with the suddenesse of his accesse the more easily destroy them though Plutarch sayes, the Albani did at length revolt, and that Pompey stirred up with anger and desire of revenge, marched immediately against them: but he returned into Armenia, and passed the River Cyrnus, where the season of the year had rendered it fordable, [Dio. lib. 37.]

But with great difficulty it was that he passed this River, the Barbarians having for a great space fortified it by knocking down stakes into it, [Plutarch.] But Pompey, the River being smooth, first put his Horse over, then his Traine, and then his Foot, that the Horse might with their bodies break the force of the River, and if any thing of the Traine should be carryed away with the violenee of the stream, it should fall upon them that accompanied it, and be carryed no further, [Dio.] Here having past a long, dry, and rocky way, he filled 10000 bladders with water, and proceeded in his journey, [Plut.]

At length without any impediment from the enemy, he arrived at the River C…mbyses, but his whole army greviously distressed with heat and thirst, though for the most part they marched in the night; he chose him Guides out of the prisoners, but they shew him not the most commodious way. Moreover the River it self brought them out small advantage, for the water being exceeding cold, and they drinking too plentifully, it made many extremly sick. But neither did they rest any of them, till they came to the River Aban…, all which time they carryed nothing with them but water, in all other things being most bountifully supplied by the inhabitants, for which cause they marched without any injury to them, [Dio.]

Having passed the River, news was brought that Oroeses was drawing towards them, [Id.] He had in his army 60000 Foot, and 12000, or (as Strabo will have it 22000) Horse, but for the most part ill armed, and with the skins onelyonly of wild Beasts, which Cossis the Kings brother commanded, [Plut. cum Strabo, lib. 11. pag. 502.] Pompey, that he might draw them to a battle before they understood the number of the Romans, he first drew up his Horse, giving them directions what they should do; behind them he disposed his Foot, placing them upon their heeles, and commanding them to cover themselves with their sheilds, and lie still without making any noise; by which means Oroeses had no knowledge of them till he joyned battle: but despising the Horsemen whom he thought alone, he assailed them, and in a moment putting them (as they had order) to flight, he pursues them furiously: When the Foot rising up on the sudden, and making a space that the Horse might securely retreat, they charged the enemy, and incompassing a great number of them, put them to the sword, the rest were destroyed by the Horse, who being drawn about both on the right hand and the left fell in upon their backs, so that by the Horsemen also there was great slaughter made: and those, escaping both, had fled into the Woods, the Woods being set on fire, were consumed amongst them: the Romans calling out to them the while to remember the Saturnals, for about that time as is said before, the Albani laid an ambush and assailed them ere they were aware, [Dio. lib. 37.]

In this battle, Cossis the Kings brother charged Pompey himself, and with his dart struck him thorough the joynt of his armes, but Pompey ran him thorough with his Speare and killed him. In this fight it was reported that certain Amazons inhabiting the Mountains adjacent to the River Thermodontes, came in to the relief of the Barbarians, and some whilst they were taking the plunder of the field, found some Amazonian Targets and Buskins, but there was no body of a woman found, [Plut.] See p. 589Appian also, [pag. 242.] where he speaks of this and the former ingagement, with the Albani, as but one; notwithstanding, … with Eutropi…s, and Sex…us Rufus, deliver, that Pompey did thrice overcome …, King of the Albani, and his Commanders, [lib. 6. cap. 4.]

Pompey, having destroyed the Country …, was at length perswaded to accept of Orodis, or Oroe…ls, his …, for establishing a …, as also a golden bed, and other presents that he sent him; for which he made peace with them. [Florus, lib, 3. cap. 5. Dio. lib. 37. …. lib. 6. …. cap. 4.] Who commemorating their Italian Original, because they were said to have followed Hercules from the mount Albanus, saluted Pompey …, [Justin, lib. 42. cap. 3.] nor did Pompey make peace only with the Albans, but with all the inhabitants from Mount Caucasus, to the Caspian Sea … its rise in Pontus, runs forward) they having requested it by their Ambassadors, [Dio. lib. 37.] Strabo …tes, That … and the Colchian sea…, he war'd against the Iberians and Albe…ni. [lib. 11. pag. 492.] Pompey had a desire to see Hyrcania, and the Caspian sea, being within three dayes journey from thence; but being diverted from that, by the multitude of …, Serpent he turned into Armenia the Lesse, as Plutarch ….

Pompey, having past Taurus, invaded … Comagenus, but at last he received him to favour, [App. pag. 244.] upon the … of Seleucia a castle of Mesopotamia into his hands, with all that he … taken … his … thither. [Id. pag. …1. cum Strabo. lib. 36. pag. 745.] Darius also the Mede, he over …, either, because he had assisted Antiochus now, or Tigranes before; so Appianin …. [pag. 244.] who reckons Darius and the Medes, amongst the Princes and people, overcome by Pompey, [pag. 250, 253.] as Velleius Paterculus, [lib. 2. cap. 2.] reckons Media amongst those Countries he had with successe invaded; though Plutarch sayes that Pompey only returned a civil answer to the Kings of the Medes and Elemites, who had sent Ambassadors to him.

Phraates, King of the Parthians, seeing Pompey carry on things with such violence, that Armenia, and that part of Pontus that was next him, was taken by his Commanders; and that Cabinius having past Euphrates, was advanced as far as Tigris. In a great fright he sent Ambassadours to Pompey, for the renovation of that peace with the Romans, which was begun before; but he prevailed little by that Embassy: for Pompey, being … with his present successe, and the hopes he had conceived for the future, esteemed him but little. Amongst other proud demands that he made to his Ambassadours, one was, That he might have …, or Gordyenes, (a Country then in controversie betwixt Phraates and Tigranes) delivered into his hands; but the Embassadors having no such thing in commission, and giving no answer, he writ something to Phraate… ▪ [Dio. lib. 37.]

In his letters he neglected to give him the Title of King of Kings, (as all other people, yea, the Romans themselves, and as he himself did after in his Triumph) and onelyonly gave him the single appellation of King: which Phra…es took in scorn, he having his Kingdom despoiled also. But Pompey, not staying for an answer, sent Afran…us immediately with an army into …, who bear out those Parthians that had invaded it; and persuing them as far as Ar…eli…s, … the Country to Tigranes. [Id. ibid. cum Plut. in Pomp.]

That Gabinius was sent out of Armenia, into Syria, by Pompey; are read in Josephus, [lib. 1. … ▪ cap. 5. & Antiquit. lib. 14. cap. 4.] which we conceive to be Armenia the Lesser, into which we have heard by Plutarch, that Pompey, having finished the war with the Albanians did retire; although Josephus, being deceived by the identity of the name, doth understand it the Greater; and therefore writ that at the same time, when Pompey was ingaged in his war with Tigranes: Gabini… was sent into Syria; which could not be, unlesse with Appian, he made Tigranes submission, to follow after his expedition against the Albanians: which we with Livy, Velleius, Florus, Plutarch, Eutrop. and Orosius, do conclude to be before.

As soon as … came to Damascus, he found it newly taken by Metellus and Loll…, but having removed them, and understood it was something done in Judea, he addresseth thither, as to place of advantage. As soon as he had entred the Country, he meets Embassadours, as well from …, that had besieged the Temple of Hierusalem, as from his brother, Aristobulus, that was besieged there, both of them intreating his assistence: and when Aristobulus had made his offer of 400 talents, though Hyr…a…us preffered him as much; yet he preferred Aristobulus his promise, having received therefore his …, he sent … to Hyrca…s, and Are…a the King, (who assisted him with as … of the …, though they were not very much animated for that … them … Romans and Pompey's name, if they p. 590did not desist from that siege; And so Aretas, being afrighted, withdrew from Judea into Philadelphia, and Scaurus returned to Damascus, But Aristobulus, having gathered all the forces together that he had, pursued Aretas, and Hyrcanus, and encounting them at a place they call Papyron, he overcame them, killing about 7000 of the Enemy amongst the rest the brother of Antipater, C…phali…s, was one [Joseph. ut supra]

Pompey, returning out of Armenia, he met with … Kings, and Rulers, (whom Plutarch reports to be Barbarians and twelve in number) hearing their complaints, and giving them his answers, to some he confirmed their Kingdomes, to some he encreased them, and others he took away from their Eminence and deprest them, [Xiphilin ex Dione] To which time that History so celebrated by Val. Maximus seems to be referred.

Ariobar…anes yeilded up his kingdom of Cappadocia to his son in the sight of Cn. Pompey; whose Throne when by his invitation he had ascended, and was set down in the chair of State, when he beheld his son with his Secretary in a place inferiour to his dignity and fortune, not able to behold him beneath himself, he arose from his seat, and put the Crown upon his head, exhorting him that he would go up to the place from whence he descended himself; the young man fell a weeping immediately, his body fell a trembling, and the Crown fell to the ground, neither could he be got to the place he was commanded to go: and which even surpasses all belief, he rejoyed that he was to part with the Crown, he was discontented that he was to receive it; nor had this eminent controversie had any end, had not Pompey added his authority to the desires of his father, for he called his son King, he commanded him to take the Crown, and compelled him to sit in the Ivory Chair, [Valer. Max. lib. 5. cap. 7.]

From thence Pompey went into Coelosyria, and Phoenicia, which were lately delivered from their Kings, and disturbed by the Arabians and Tigranes, and there he stayed; though Antiochus adventured to attempt them again, but in vain: but being reduced and joyned into one Province, they received lawes from him, which were administered according to the custom of the People of Rome, [Xiphilin. ex Dione.]

That this was Antiochus Pius, the son of Antiochus Cyzicenus, Justinus, [lib. 40. cap. 2.] Appian in Mithridatic. [pag. 244.] and Porphyrius, [in Gracis Eusebianis Scaligeri, pag. 227.] reports. But the same Appian more truly in his Syriacis, [pag. 119. & 133.] affirms him Antiochus Asiaticus, the son of Antiochus Pius and Selena, who four years before, either by Lucullus's favour or permission, was possessed of the kingdom of Syria which Tigranes had forsaken, and in Pompey's Festivals, [as he speaks in pag. 133.] whilst he was employed in other matters, he kept it one whole year: (after Tigranes had most justly delivered up what he had in Syria to the people of Rome) and though in his presence he desired his fathers kingdom, yet Pompey deprived him of it, though he had done nothing prejudicial to the people of Rome. And indeed it was an easie matter for so great an army to oppresse a disarmed Prince, although another reason was given (viz.) That it seemed unequal, that after the ancient Kings had been overcome by Tigranes his Forces and beaten out of Syria, it should be now rather given to the Seleucians that were beaten, than to the Romans that overcame them: and Pompey thought it not fit to give Antiochus that which he was not able to defend from being infested by the invasions of the Jews and Arabians, [Justin, & Appian. inlocis supra notat.]

Julius Caesar when he was Aedilis, having gotten the favour of the people, endeavoured by part of the Tribunes to have gotten the Government of Egypt by an order from the people, there being occasion for an extraordinary command, by reason that the Alexandrians had beaten out their Prince an associate and friend of the Romans, and so called by the Senate, which was generally disapproved by the Commons; but he obtained it not, a great faction of the Nobles opposing it, [Sueton, in Juli…, cap. 11.]

But Pompey was called into Egypt (by Alexander the second, that was expelled) to quell some seditions there. He was presented with many gifts, as money and cloths, for his whole army; but he went not thither, either in regared of the envy of his enemies, or of the Oracle of Sybil, (of which hereafter in the beginning of the 3948 year of the World) or for other reasons, [Appian. Mithridatic. pag. 251.]

Pompey came to Damascus, and went about Coelosyria, at which time there came Embassadours to him from all parts of Syria, Egypt, and Judea: at the same time, as it appears, that the twelve Kings came to him that Plutarch mentions; concerning whom Josephus brings that place out of Strabo's History, [Antiq. lib. 14. cap. 5.] There came out of Egypt an Embassie with a Crown of 4000 crowns of gold; and out of Judea, either a Vine, or a Garden, which piece of workmanship was called the Delight; which present we our selves saw at Rome dedicated in the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus with this inscription, p. 591Of Alexander the King of the Jews, and it was valued at 500 talents. Which present was placed by Alexander Jannaeus in the Temple at Jerusalem, and sent to Pompey by his son Aristobulus, which Pliny amongst the Acts of Pompey's Triumphs describes thus. A foursquare Mountain of Gold with Harts and Lions, and all kinds of Apples, with a Vine of Gold incompassing it, [Pliny, lib. 37. cap. 2.]

A while after there came out of Judea to Pompey Embassadours again: Antipater for Hircanus, and Nicomedes for Aristobulus. Aristobulus his Embassadour complained of Gabinius, that he had received three hundred talents of money, and afterwards of Scaurus, that he had received four: and making them his enemies, Pompey commanded both parties (Hircanus and Aristobulus) to appear before him, [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 5.]

Afranius, comming into Syria, against the treaty begun betwixt Pompey and Phraates: lost his way as he went on, and endured much hardship by reason it was winter, and there was a great scarcity of victuals, nay he had perished utterly, and those that were with him; had not the Carrenses; formerly as is reported, a Colony of Macedons then inhabiting thereabouts, received them, and brought them back. [Dio. lib. 37.]

Pompey having his winter quarters at Aspis in Pontus, received to favour all those parts of the Country, which til then had been in hostility against him: which we may gather out of the fragments of the 37 book of Dio, which the reader may by comparing them easily find to be transposed in the consul-ship of Caesar and Figulus. But of all Mithridates's Concubines which were brought to him Pompey touched none but sent them back to their parents and kindred, for, for the most part, they were the wives and daughters of Potentates and Commanders. [Plutarch.]

Dio reports, amongst other things, that the Castle Symphori being yeilded up by Stratonix was received by Pompey: this Stratonix was the daughter of a Musitian as is said, and one of the Kings Wives or Concubines; being enraged that she was forsaken by him whilst Mithridates was rambling about Pontus; having sent most of the Garrison for provisions, she admitted the Romans upon this single condition, That if Pompey should take her sonne Xiphares prisoner, he would keep him in safety for his Mother. and being privy to a great Treasury that was hidden under ground: (whic… consisted of many brasse vessels, bound about with hoopes of iron) she discovered it to Pompey, of which he selected only, such as he conceived would give most ornament to the Temple, and most splendour to his Triumph. And gave Stratonix the rest. [Plut. Appian. Dio.]

Mithridates, understanding this caused Xiphares her sonne to be slain, his Mother beholding it on the other side of the river, and then threw away his body without buriall: neglecting all Piety, that he might make her but repent of what she had done. [Appian.]

Pompey took also that almost impregnable Castle, called the New, in which Mithridates had laid his most valueable things, which were afterwards by Pompey dedicated to the Capitoll. [Strabo. lib. 12. pag. 556. 557.] in it also Pompey took many of Mithridate's most secret records, which he willingly looked over: because that besides other secrets: he might clearly thereby discover his numbers and wealth. [Plutarch.] Amongst them there were also some Physicall inventions of Mithridates which Pompey commanded Lenaeus, a learned Grammarian, to translate into Latine. [Pliny. lib. 25. cap. 2.]

Phraates, sent Embassadors to Pompey, by whom he complained of injuries he had received: That Tigranes the younger was by him kept prisoner, and he desired, being his sonne in law, he might be returned: and as if Euphrates had been the limit of his Empire, he forewarned Pompey of passing it, to which he answered: that Tigranes ought rather to be in his Fathers power, than his Father in laws, and that he would keep his equall bounds. [Plut. cum Dio.]

Phraates, in the spring (when Lu. Caesar and C. Figulus were Consuls) made an expedition against Tigranes, and after he had been foyled in one battle: he afterwards got the mastery of his Enemy. [Dio. lib. 37.]

Pompey, in the beginning of the spring, having drawn his forces out of their winter quarters, marched out into Damascen: and by the way demolished a Castle in Apamia, which Antiochus Cyzicenus had fortified, he fell in also upon the Country of Ptolemy Mennaeus; one no lesse hurtfull than Dionysius Tripolitanus, who was allyed to him, and beheaded: but he paid 1000 talents and redeemed himself, which Pompey bestowed upon his souldiers: he destroyed also the Castle of Lysias, whose Governour was Silas a Jew: after that marching by Heliopolis, and Chalcis, and passing the middle of the mountain, he comes into Coelosyria, and from Pella, arrives at Damascus. [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 5.]

There he gave audience to the Jews and to Hyrcanus, and Aristobulus their p. 592Princes, who were at variance betwixt themselves, as the Nation was with them both: the Jews having it in precept from their forefathers, that they should give obedience to the Priests of God, refused to be governed by Kings. These two were indeed of the race of the Priests, but had a designe of altering the Government, and bringing servitude upon this people. Hyrcanus complained, that his brother, though the younger, had gotten the greater part of the Country, having by force invaded and usurped it; That at land he had made violent incursions upon his borders; and that at sea he had harbours and receptacles for his Pirates. There were above 1000 of the chief of the Jews, whom Antipator had perswaded to it, confirmed what he said to be true. On the other side, Aristobulus pleaded that Hyrcanus was removed for his sloth, and a general contempt that lay upon him amongst the people of his own Country, that he had taken the government upon him by necessity, least it might have been transferred to some other family, and he called to atrest it certain insolent young men, who gave offence to every body by the finenesse of their cloths, the exactnesse of their hair, and their other accoutrements; which had been much more proper, had they come to a Tryumph, then a judgement. [Joseph. lib. 14 cap. 5.]

Pompey having heard their plead, and rebuking the violence of Aristobulus, dismist them peacably with this promise, that he would come himself into their Country as soon as he had overlooked the affairs of the Nabataei; in the mean time he injoyned them to be quiet, using Aristobulus with with great civility, least he being provoked, his passage might be stopt: Neverthelesse, he gained no favour from him, for Aristobulus, who had put himself into the greatest equipage, and splendour was possible, taking distast at their usage, and thinking it intolerable to indure any thing beneath the majesty of a king; he withdrew from Diospolis, and coming to the Town of Delius, he betook himself to Judea, in order to his own affairs. [Id. ibid. & lib. 1. Belli, cap. 5.]

Alexandr II. being beaten out of Egypt, departed to Tyre, and there dyed; leaving, as was reported, by his last Will and Testament, his kingdom of Egypt to the people of Rome: of which Cicero in his first Oration that he made the first day of his Consulship, thus, The Decemviri say, that which was often spoken by many, That Alexander the King had by his Will made over his Kingdom to the Romans, as if they would give Alexandria to those upon private request, whom you did oppose openly, fighting in the field: And in his second Oration more fully: What of Alexandria, and all Egypt, how secretly doth it lye? How private is it kept? How obscurely reported to the Decemviri? Which of you are ignorant, that it is said, that Kingdom was by Alexanders last Will conferred upon the Romans. In this case I, though a Roman Consul, am so far from determining any thing, that I forbear my opinion: for it seems to me no small matter, not onelyonly to judge, but to speak of this thing. I see him that will assert the making of the Will; and I suppose there be records of the Senate extant, which concerne their possession of their heritage, about the time when Alexander died, and we sent Embassadors to syre, for the restitution of the mony was desposed by us. This I remember I have often heard L. Philippus affirme in the Senate. It is granted almost of all sides, That he, who at this time rules, (Ptolemeus Auletes) is neither of the race, nor the honour of a King. On the other side it is said there is no will, and that the people of Rome ought not to appear covetous of every Kingdom, That it was the richnesse of the soyle, and the plenty of all things that carryed over people thither: but of so great an affaire, P. Rullus with the rest of the Decemviri his Collegues will judge.