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The Interest of These United Provinces · Joseph Hill

The Interest of These United Provinces, Section 10

Sect. 10. Compliance with England the only means of the Commonwealths continuation.

HAving thus declared the condition that we are in, and that there is no probability of peace; we come now to ſhew the conſequences thereof; and what is to be done by us, to preſerve our ſelves from ruine and deſtruction. And here to my underſtanding one of theſe three things muſt neceſſarily follow: That we muſt either continue the War againſt them both; or comply with them both; or with one of them alone if poſſibly we can. We ſhall firſt declare our thoughts concerning theſe briefly, and then ſhew with which we both may and muſt comply.

1. Then whether we ſhould continue the War againſt them both. And herein would we do, as we might and ſhould; it may be this were better, than to comply with either of them, eſpecially if they will impoſe upon us unreaſonable conditions, and much better than to comply with them both. We have ſtrength enough, through Gods bleſſing, to withſtand them (as I have already manifeſted) if we have but courage, and unanimity; and the former of theſe will be got by degrees, as I have ſaid, and our own intereſt, and preſervation ſhould perſwade us into the latter. But truly let me ſay it freely, I ſee ſuch a wearineſs in many of the War; ſuch an unwillingneſs to lay out our ſelves, as our Anceſtors did formerly, for the good of the publick; ſuch a ſelfiſh temper, every one ſeeking to preſerve his particular intereſt, and neglecting the good of the Community; and ſuch a lothneſs to adventure our lives and eſtates in a War; that I ſee little probability of preſerving our ſelves, and much leſs of prevalency againſt our Enemies. So that if this War continue I fear theſe Provinces will become a prey to them both. For though neither France will ſuffer England, nor England France to have them all, as I have ſhewn; yet they will part and ſhare them betwixt them, except we prevent it by a compliance. And what a miſerable condition we ſhall then be in, even worſe than if we were under either of them, I have formerly declared. Seeing then we are ſo degenerate, and become like Iſſachar, which his Father ſtiles a Strong Aſs, and ſays of him, that He ſaw that reſt was good,Gen. 49.14, 15. and the land that it was pleaſant; and bowed his ſhoulder to bear, and became a ſervant unto tribute: we muſt either take courage and be unanimous, valiantly fighting it out with our enemies; or for the preſent be contented with this character and condition. Will we then fight for our Religion, Liberty, Country, Families, Eſtates, Trade? or will we not? If the former, let me encourage all in the words of Joab that great General and brave Souldier wherewith he encouraged the Iſraelites, when he had his enemies before and behind him, Be of good courage, and let us play the men for our people and for the Cities of our God: and the Lord do that which ſeemeth him good. 2 Sam. 10.12.But if the reſt be ſo good, and the Land ſo pleaſant to us, that we will rather how our ſhoulders, and become ſervants, than ſhew our faces in the field to fight with our enemies, let us ſee what Maſter we ſhould chuſe, and agree with him upon the beſt terms we can.

2. Therefore, ſhall we comply with both our enemies? ſurely if reaſon, and what we can give, will ſatisfie them; every wiſe man will ſay Yes, that we may enjoy the many bleſſings God hath given us in peace. But if they will have ſuch Cities, ſuch vaſt ſums of money, and ſuch Conditions, as we cannot give them, except we be ruined thereby; who will not ſay, No. We muſt therefore conſider if there be no other way practicable, to ſave our ſelves, from the devouring Sword of our Enemies.

3. There is no way therefore left us, but to comply with one of our Enemies, if we can poſſibly; that ſo we may ballance the others power, and either compel him to a peace, or be enabled to continue the War. If any one know any other way, I heartily wiſh he would ſhew it, as I think he is bound to do one way or other; for every one ought to contribute his beſt aſſiſtance, even by the principles of ſelf-preſervation.Eccleſ. 9.15, 16. And Solomon tells us, There was a poor wiſe man, who by his wiſdom delivered the City, though no man remembred him, and infers thence, that wiſdom is better than ſtrength, though the poor mans wiſdom is deſpiſed, and his words are not heard. Yet ſurely notwithſtanding that poor man did but do his duty; though he was but poorly requited for his pains.

But I believe moſt will grant the way is good, but impracticable, in regard of the League betwixt the two Crowns, and that they will not treat aſunder, &c. Well then, let us proceed to conſider theſe things a little, and ſee whether we cannot level theſe mountains of difficulties that are before us, and make our way become plain and paſſable.

1. With which of theſe our Enemies we ſhould chuſe to comply, I think I have made ſufficiently apparent; in ſhewing it our Intereſt rather to be under England than France, and to have peace and correſpondent friendſhip for our Sea-traffick, with the former rather than with the latter, if we cannot have it from them both. And I am ſure this was the wiſdom of our Anceſtors, who in their low condition A.D. 1575. deliberating into whoſe Protection they ſhould give themſelves over, firſt declared the Empire, and the competition coming between the Crowns of England and France prefer'd the former upon many and weighty conſiderations,Cambden Annales Eliſabethae A. 1575. Thuanus l. 60. Caſus 20. relared by their Hiſtorians; and very many of our own, which are ſo well known I need not mention them; and Boxhornius the Author of the Diſquiſitiones Politicae. The civil Wars of France; the inveterate fend betwixt French and Dutch, thoſe eſpecially that live upon the Confines of both Countries; the hard yoke of the French Government; the levity of that Nation; its liablneſs to be invaded by the Spaniſh; the incommodiouſneſs of their Ports for our Ships and Navigation; made them averſe to France. And on the contrary, The reformed Religion of the Engliſh, their greater likeneſs with us in genious and language, the nearneſs of the Country; the multitude of their Ports; their commodiouſneſs for our Commerce; the multiplicity of the Engliſh Manifactures and Commodities; the Country not eaſily invaded; ſtrong and potent by Sea and Land; not frequently imbroyled in civil Wars; a free People; the Government temperate, and not burthenſom with exactions; and the Intereſt of the Engliſh Nation, which if theſe Countries were conquered, would ſearce be able to reſiſt the Conqueror; clearly enclined them for England. You ſee then that reaſons of State, direct us to the ſame choice, which our Anceſtors heretofore wiſely made.

2. Seeing then we muſt chuſe England, not only for the Common Intereſt of the Proteſtant Religion, but for our own greateſt both religious, and civil concernments. We ſhall now remove thoſe obſtructions that ſeem to block up our way to Compliance.

It is objected that the two Crowns are in a League, that neither will treat without the other, and how can we then comply with England alone?

I confeſs if all Stateſmen were Ariſtides's,Plutarch. in vita Ariſtid. the Argument might be ſtrong. For he having heard by command of the Athenian Senate, Themiſtocles's deſign of burning their enimies Fleet, made report, that it was very profitable, but no ways honeſt, upon which it was rejected. Or if they were all Stoicks, and held that honeſty, equity, and utility were all one, and with good old Socrates curſed thoſe that firſt ſeparated theſe, as learned men tell us. But we ſee it is far otherwiſe now in the World;Plutarch. l. 4. Sympoſ. Cicer. 3. Offic. & 1. de Leg. and that the Peripateticks doctrine that honeſtum and utile are really diſtinguiſhed, is every where prevalent, and no where more, than amongſt Politicians; which hath occaſioned that known ſaying, that all States are Atheiſts. I do not approve any, and much leſs ſo high uncharitableneſs; but this I will ſay, that as the world goes now, all States muſt be conſidered as Gameſters. And what if I ſhould ſay, that neither of the Courts are ſo ſtrait laced in their Conſciences, but were they aſſured from us of ſuch conditions as they require, they would let the other go and get theirs as they could? Nay what if I ſhould ſay, there may be none iniquity in this? If I ſhould, I think I can prove it, for if in mutual covenants, either ſide do that, which is a breach; it is folly to think, that the innocent ſhould be bound, and the peccant party free, which they may know, though others do not, as it is clear in the ſtrongeſt covenant, that is in the World, I mean that of wedlock. I do not ſay that this is ſo betwixt them, but I ſay it may be ſo though we do not know it, ſo that either of them in ſuch caſe, may conclude with us. And I am ſure it is no diſhoneſty on our part.

But it will here be ſaid, they will not.

Do not tell me that, I know they either of them will. And if any one asks me, how? and if I be of their Cabinet Council? I ſhall only ſmile, perceiving they do not know me. I am far from that, or having ever to do with Kings or States in that kind, or pragmatically trinketing with State affairs, it being a Rule which I live by, never to ask great men mercy. Common favour and juſtice I deſire of men, but mercy only of my God. And yet I know this very well, and I will tell you how, and that is from their Intereſt; which is the compaſs, by which all States-men ſteer their courſe, and may be diſcerned by a skilful paſſenger, although he ſit not at the helm. If any man be ſo ignorant of the affairs of the World, as to think that States-men trouble their heads with the Scool-mens quiddities, and haeccieties, or their conſciences with Caſuiſticall nicities, as a late German Divine that puts the caſe, whether we ſhould pray Vader onſe, or Onſe Vader, and learnedly concludes that cuſtom muſt carry it; let him enjoy his opinion, it is very charitable, and can do no hurt. But yet I may ſay, that for above 20 years I have obſerved, that the cuſtom of the World carries it with them, and have known few, I had almoſt ſaid none, of the ſtricteſt Sect of the Phariſees; though I have ſome, and my charity obliges me to hope there are many, that ſeriouſly mind the weightier things of the Law, juſtice, righteouſnes, temperance, and the World to come.

Now that this is the Intereſt of both the Kings, rather to deal with us apart, than jointly, as well as ours, I could many ways make apparent. But ſeeing it is our intereſt to chuſe England we ſhall prove only that it is theirs to comply with us; omitting that of France, as ſuperfluous to our purpoſe.

1. They know they cannot wholly conquer us themſelves. Not only in regard of our own ſtrength, of which I haven ſpoken before, but the French, which are in the Country already, and if they were not, would never permit it, as I have formerly ſhown ſufficiently. Nay I dare ſay, they never deſigned any ſuch thing, becauſe they know it is impracticable: that being always true of the Greeks, foreign or things impoſſible come not into conſideration. I doubt not but they both intend and hope to have their ſhare, what ever it is that is agreed upon between the two Crowns, in caſe of Conqueſt; but that they ſhould have the whole, could never ſo much as be dreamt of by them.

2. They know alſo that it is their intereſt, never to ſuffer France have all, no nor any of theſe Maritime Provinces. If he have ſome of the ſuperior, that is the utmoſt their intereſt can permit. Nay indeed he is nearer theſe inferior, than that will allow, if they could help it, but that's now paſt. What vaſt diſadvantage it will be to the Engliſh, to let France have footing upon our Coaſts, and ſo come to cope with them at Sea, I have formerly ſhown: and I know they are very ſenſible of it; and therefore may well infer a willingneſs on their parts to a compliance.

3. The Prince of Orange his intereſt being alſo theirs, cannot but ſway ſomething with them. For if it had been Gods will, thoſe Kingdoms had continued in peace, and the ſucceſſion of the Royal reign uninterrupted there, and the Orange family continued alive and in power here, I perſwade my ſelf we ſhould never have warred with one another; ſo I doubt not, if it pleaſe God to preſerve his Highneſs, that they may confide more in our friendſhip, than they could formerly, he will be a happy Inſtrument of a better underſtanding between the Nations, when theſe unhappy quarrels come once to be compoſed; becauſe this is their intereſt as well as ours, and it is intereſt that rules and reigns in the World.

And thus I have ſhewn you that we may, I ſhall now ſhew briefly that we muſt comply with them, or without a miracle of mercy we are ruined.

1. Becauſe if the War continues, and we be too weak to make ſtrong reſiſtance, ſo that our enemies prevail; they will ſhare the Country betwixt them, and then we fall into the worſt condition, that can poſſibly befal us. It is true, I foreſee that ſeveral particular Perſons may ſave themſelves and their eſtates, by friends on the one ſide or the other; but I ſpeak of the community; and it is well if the hopes many have of that, make them not more negligent for this. There are two famous Republicks in Italy, Venice and Genoa; and what is the cauſe of the formers flouriſhing ſo much more than the latter, which was anciently both their better and their Maſter? but this, that the Venetians are more intent upon the Publick, and the Genoeſe upon their private concernments: whereby they become obnoxious not only to many factions among themſelves, but alſo to oppreſſions from their Neighbours. I could ſay more herein of our ſelves, than I ſhall at preſent, in regard it might create more jealouſies (which are already too many) of thoſe that are, or at leaſt have been, in Government amongſt us. But though I will accuſe none, yet I muſt needs ſay, that I aſcribe a great part of our preſent miſeries to this Genoan practice; and heartily wiſh, this prove not fatal to us at laſt.

2. Becauſe if we be not ſenſeleſs we may clearly ſee, that France's deſign is abſolutely to conquer us: whereas England ſeeks only (to uſe their expreſſion) their own ſecurity. And therefore in my Logick the inference is plain, that we had better part with ſomething, than loſe all, as we are like to do, if we come not to a compliance with England. To make theſe apparent to any wiſe man, would be the lighting a Torch to the Sun. Although I know the quite contrary is caſt out among us by the friends of France, who would perſwade us, that the French ſeek only to humble us, and the Engliſh to conquer us. But we know the minding of men, is but ſhooting at random, and that he that means to come near the truth, muſt have his eye upon the mark of intereſt, which cannot lye, as men do frequently for it. If any be ſo fooliſh, as to be enchanted with ſuch Syrens ſongs, as are daily ſung amongſt us; and have more regard to publick news, than the intereſt of Nations; they may go on, I cannot hinder them: but let me tell them, that I fear they will find at laſt, the Poets fiction a real truth; and if they ſtear their own courſe, meet with the Seamens fate in the Fable, be ſung a ſleep for a time, that ſo they may be afterwards, with greater facility drowned and devoured.

3. Becauſe there is no other way or humane means leſt us (ſo far as I can diſcern) of the Common-wealths continuation. And this is the concluſion that follows clearly from the premiſes. For if we be unable to withſtand them both, or ſatisfie them both, we muſt either break their confederacy, and have the help of one of them, or the Republick will be ruined.

It will here be demanded, ſeeing it is both Englands intereſt and our own to accord, why do we not then come to a compliance.

I will tell you why. Becauſe we judge our Condition better, and they judge it worſe, than really it is; and therefore ſtand upon greater terms, than we will give them. We think things will go better with us in time, and they think they will grow worſe. We flatter our ſelves with vain hopes, and rely upon Brandenburgs Aſſiſtance, Spains breaking with our enemies, the Parliament of Englands not ſupplying that King to carry on the War, and the like, when they know the quite contrary in all humane appearance. …or perhaps we are afraid to irritate France, if we ſhould make overtures to England; and England will not give ſuch an umbrage of jealouſie to France, as to tamper with us, except they be firſt aſſured from us of ſatisfaction. But cannot the effecting this be put into the hands of his Highneſs and a few others as it was lately, to be privately tranſacted by them? Here then it is that the ſhooe pinches, We are a popular State, the people ſtill think, till an enemy comes, they can defend themſelves, and therefore our Governors dare not adventure to tender England ſuch ſatiſfaction, as (for ought I ſee) they will have; leſt they either ſhould not be able to perform it, or if they do, ſhould loſe themſelves with the people. And therefore I foreſee, the War will be continued, till we be reduced to that condition, that we ſhall be neceſſitated to give them both their demands, by publick tranſaction, or at leaſt that way break with one of them. And on this foundation, I ſhall now proceed, to gueſs at that which I think is moſt likely to befal us.