Narrative of the Indian Wars in New England, Preface (2 of 2)

Narrative of the Indian Wars in New England · Preface (2 of 2)

p. 29ON Monday we all landed at Saybrook: fort, and ſtayed there 'till Tueſday; Capt. Underhill joining nineteen men with himſelf to us: Whereupon we ſent back twenty of ours to ſtrengthen our plantations; and ſo ſet ſail on Thurſday towards Narrhaganſet, and arrived there on Friday.

ON Saturday myſelf, with Capt. Underhill, and Lieut. Sealy, with our guard marched to Canonicus by land, being about five miles diſtant, where we were kindly entertained after their manner: Having had parly with him, we ſent to Miantonimo, who would give no preſent anſwer; and ſo our Sabbath being on the morrow, we adjourned our meeting until Monday, at which time there aſſembled Miantonimo with the chiefeſt of them about two hundred men; and being ſolemnly ſet for conſultation after their manner, told them we were now going, God aſſiſting, to revenge the wrong committed and blood-ſhed by their and our enemies, upon our native country-men, not any way deſiring their aid, unleſs they would voluntarily ſend, which they did exceedingly approve of: Moreover we told them that the Engliſh and they had always been friends for ought we knew, and ſo we were with the Indians that had not wronged Engliſh-men, the which they acknowledged, and ſo made a large deſcription of the Pequods country, and told us they would ſend men with us; ſo we reſolved there to keep our rendezvous at Canonicus his plantation on the morrow night, being Tueſday; but the wind being ſtiff, we could not land our men 'till five or p. 30ſix of the clock in the afternoon, at which time I landed on Narrhaganſet ſhore with thirty-two men, and ſo marched to the place of rendezvous formerly appointed: Capt. Underhill and my Lieut, landed the reſt, and came up to me that night. About two hours before day came an Indian with a letter from Capt. Patrick, being then at Mr. Robert Williams's plantation with forty men, who deſired us to ſtay for his coming and joining us, not intimating when that would be: The which being conſidered and debated, we thought it could not be our ſafeſt courſe to wait for him, (though his preſent aſſiſtance was much deſired) for theſe reaſons.

1. BECAUSE the day before when we had abſolutely reſolved to go, the Indians plainly told us they tho't we were but in jeſt, and alſo that Engliſh-men did talk much, but not fight; nay, they concluded that they would not go on; and beſides if we ſhould defer, we feared we ſhould be diſcovered by reaſon of the frequent recourſe between them by certain Squaws (who have mutual intercourſe) whereupon we were conſtrained to ſet forward towards the Pequods, with ſeventy-ſeven Engliſh, and about ſixty river Indians, and as I ſuppoſe near about two hundred Narrhaganſets, and marched that night to the eaſtern Nianticks, where we kept our rendezvous that night; the Sachem of the place adding about an hundred of his men unto us.

WE ſet forward and marched about ten miles, where making an alta (or halt) there we held a conſultation with the Indians, who deſired to know what we intended? We told them that we reſolved to aſſault Saſſacous his fort, at which they were all ſtricken, and … it were amazed with fear, as they plainly confeſſed; after a long debate and preſſing of them, taxing them with cowardice, ſome of them reſolved to go along with us, though I ſuppoſe they had no ſuch intent, as appeared afterward; ſome of them left us, to the number as I ſuppoſe of an hundred or p. 31leſs; and marching on five miles further, we made another alta, where they told us we had near a dozen miles to Saſſacous his fort, as we gathered by their relation: Being very weary in travelling with our arms, ammunition and proviſion; we were conſtrained to alter our reſolution, and reſolve to attempt that fort, the which they had formerly deſcribed to be three or four miles nearer; and alſo one of Capt. Underhill's men failing put it out of doubt. But whoſoever ſaith that Capt. Underhill had any falling out about that or any thing elſe, doth ſpeak untruth; for we both reſolved to Saſſacous his fort, as we concluded in our conſultation at Narrhaganſet; and ſo continued our reſolution 'till we received the former reaſons as grounds ſufficient to perſwade us to the contrary, and to proſecute that which was moſt likely to be accompliſhed.

THEY drew a plot of the ſituation of the Pequods and deſcribed Saſſacous his fort to be the neareſt, which was the chief cauſe we determined to aſſault that firſt, and had no reaſon leading till our laſt alta, where, upon the reaſons formerly mentioned, we changed our reſolution: This greatly pleaſed the Indians that were with us, as it was what they much deſired; for it was dreadful to them to hear the name of Saſſacous.

FROM thence we marched two or three miles where we kept our rendezvous, ſuppoſing we had been within one mile of the fort: An Indian ſent to diſcover beforehand, brought us news that they were ſecure, having been fiſhing with many canoes at ſea, and divers of them walking here and there.

ABOUT two hours before day we marched toward the fort, being weary and much ſpent; many of us having ſlept nothing at all.

AND ſo we began to march towards the fort, the Lord being pleaſed wonderfully to aſſiſt and encourage p. 32us, after a tedious march of three or four miles: About break of day we came fair in view of the fort, ſtanding on the top of an hill not ſteep; the Indians all falling back, were ſuddenly vaniſhed out of ſight, ſo we made an alta, and ſent back for our guide, who had promiſed to go with us to the fort, but his heart we ſaw much failed him; we aſked him what they intended who promiſed to wing us, and to ſurround the fort; he told us they were much afraid; but he, ſeeing our reſolution, went to them and prevailed with divers of them to come up to us; we told them their beſt courſe would be to flank the fort on both ſides, and having no time longer to confer, we proceeded: Capt. Underhill to the weſtern entrance with one diviſion, myſelf with the other to the eaſtern as ſilent as poſſibly we could; ſo it pleaſed God we came up within two rod of the Paliſado, before we were diſcovered; at which time a dog began to bark, and an Indian cried out; but not being myſelf rightly informed by the Indian guide, of the right entrance, though there was a little poſtern door, the which I had thought to have attempted to break down with my foot; but the Lord directed me otherwiſe for the better; for I then feared we could not there enter with our arms, which proved true. So I ſuddenly haſted to the Paliſado, and putting in the muzzle of my piece, diſcharged upon them, and ſo did the reſt with all celerity; we then ſuddenly haſtened on toward that ſide which ſtood toward the water; where I concluded was an entrance, and inſtantly fell upon it, being only barred with two great forked boughs, or branches of ſome trees, and haſting over them I drew one after me; my Lieutenant drawing the other outward. We ſuddenly fell upon the wigwams; the Indians cried out in a moſt hideous manner, ſome iſſuing out of the wigwams, ſhooting at us deſperately, and ſo creeping under beds that they had. We had reſolved awhile not to have burned it, but being we could not come at them, I reſolved to ſet it on fire, after divers of them were ſlain, and ſome of our men ſore wounded; ſo entering one of their wigwams, I took a fire-brand p. 33(at which time an Indian drawing an arrow had killed him, but one Davis his Serjeant …ut the bowſtring with his …utlaſs) and ſuddenly kindled a fire in the matts wherewith they were covered, and fell to a retreat and ſurrounded the fort; the fire increaſing violently, inſomuch as that they were conſtrained to climb to the top of the Paliſado; from whence they were ſoon fetched down, I ſuppoſe to the number of an hundred and forty. Many of them iſſuing forth were ſuddenly ſlain either by the Engliſh or Indians, who were in a ring without us; all being diſpatched and ended in the ſpace of an hour, having two of our men ſlain, and ſixteen wounded.

BEING very hot and dry we could very hardly procure any water, we continued there one hour not knowing what courſe to take or which way to go, our Pinnaces not being come in, neither did we know how far, or which way to go to them, our interpreter, being an Indian, we could hardly come to ſpeak with him: When we did, he knew nothing of what his countrymen intended, who were all hurried and diſtracted with a few hurt men, but chiefly as I conceive with fear of the enemy.

BUT the enemy approaching they began to cleave unto us, and I verily think durſt not leave us.

OUR Pinnaces then coming in view with a fair gale, being guided as it were to ſerve our neceſſity by the good hand of God, which I think was never more eminently ſeen in a matter of like moment and leſs of man in ſeveral paſſages. Then we ſet our men in order and prepared for fight, and began to march toward the harbour where the Pinnaces were to ride: The enemy approaching, Capt. Underhill with divers Indians and certain Engliſh iſſued out to encounter them, but they would not ſtand to it, for the moſt part they lay behind rocks, trees and buſhes. We marched on, they ſtill dodging of us; ſometimes hazarding themſelves in open field, where ſome of p. 34them were ſlain in open view, and as we hear many wounded: I was ſomewhat cautelous in beſtowing many ſhot upon them needleſly, becauſe I expected a ſtrong oppoſition; and thus they continued to follow us till we came within two miles of our Pinnaces, where they wholly left us, which was near ſix miles as I conceive, having then about two miles more to the river.

FOUR of our wounded men we were forced to carry our ſelves, while at length we hired the Indians to bear them, both in this and all the following enterprizes againſt the Pequods.

THIS ſervice being thus happily accompliſhed by theſe few hands that came from Connecticut; within a while after, the forces ſent from the Maſſachuſetts under the conduct of Capt. Stoughton as commander in chief arrived there alſo, who found a great part of the work done to their hands, in the ſurprizal of the Pequods fort as aforeſaid, which yet was but the breaking of the neſt, and unkennelling thoſe ſavage wolves; for the body of them, with Saſſacous the chief Sachem (whoſe very name was a terror to all the Narrhaganſets) were diſperſed abroad and ſcattered all over their country, yet ſo far were the reſt diſmayed, that they never durſt make any aſſault upon the Engliſh, who in ſeveral parties were ſcattered about in purſuit of them.

IT was not long after Capt. Stoughton's ſoldiers came up before news was brought of a great number of the enemy, that were diſcovered by the ſide of a river up the country, being firſt trapanned by the Narrhaganſets, under pretence of ſecuring them, but they were truly hemmed in by them, though at a diſtance, yet ſo as they could not, or durſt not ſtir from the place, by which means our forces of the Maſſachuſetts had an eaſy conqueſt of ſome hundreds of them, who were there couped up as in a pound; not daring to fight, not able to fly away, and ſo were all taken without any oppoſition: The men among them to the number of 30, were p. 35turned preſently into Charon's ferry-boat, under the command of ſkipper Gallop, who diſpatched them a little without the harbour; the females and children were diſpoſed of according to the will of the conquerors, ſome being given to the Narrhaganſets, and other Indians that aſſiſted in the ſervice.

THE reſt of the enemy being firſt fired out of their ſtrong hold, were taken and deſtroyed, a great number of them being ſeized in the places where they intended to have hid themſelves, the reſt fled out of their own country over Connecticut river, up toward the Dutch plantation. Our ſoldiers being reſolved by GOD'S aſſiſtance to make a final deſtruction of them, were minded to purſue them which way ſoever they ſhould think to make their eſcape, to which end in the next place, our ſoldiers went by water towards New-Haven, whither they heard, and which in reaſon was moſt likely, they bent their courſe: Soon after they were informed of a great number of them, that had betaken themſelves to a neighbouring place not far off, whither they might hope it was not likely they ſhould be purſued; but upon ſearch they found fifty or ſixty wigwams, but without any Indians in any of them, but heard that they had paſſed along toward the Dutch plantation; whereupon our ſoldiers that were before, all embarked for Quillepiack, afterwards called New-Haven, and being landed there, they had not far to march unto the place where it was moſt probable they ſhould either find or hear of them; accordingly in their march they met here and there with ſundry of them, whom they all ſlew or took priſoners, amongſt whom were two Sachems, whom they preſently beheaded; to a third that was either a Sachem or near a-kin to one, they gave his life upon condition that he ſhould go and enquire where Saſſacous was, and accordingly bring them word; this Indian, overlooking all other national or natural obligations, in conſideration of his life that was received on that condition, proved very true and faithful to thoſe that ſent him; his order was to have returned in three days, but not being able within ſo ſhort a time to make a full p. 36diſcovery of the buſineſs, and alſo find a handſome way to eſcape, he made it eight days before he returned, in which ſomething fell out not a little remarkable; for thoſe he was ſent to diſcover, ſuſpecting at the laſt by his withdrawing himſelf, that he came for a ſpy, purſued after him, ſo as he was forced to fly for his life, and getting down to the ſea ſide he accidentally met with a canoe a little before turned adrift, by which means he paddled by ſome ſhift or other ſo far out of the harbour, that making a ſign he was diſcerned by ſome on board one of the veſſels that attended on our ſoldiers, by whom being taken up he made known what he had diſcovered: But after he was gone, Saſſacous ſuſpecting (and not without juſt cauſe) what the matter was, made his eſcape from the reſt with 20 or 30 of his men to the Mohawks, by whom himſelf and they that were with him, were all murdered afterward, being hired thereunto by the Narrhaganſets, as was confidently affirmed and believed.§§Saſſacous's ſcalp was ſent down to the Engliſh Hubbard's Mſs. Hiſt.

THUS this treacherous and cruel villain with his companions, having againſt his faith and promiſe, as well as contrary to the laws of nature and nations, murdered ſeveral others, both of the Dutch and Engliſh nation, is in the ſame manner himſelf, againſt the laws of hoſpitality murdered by thoſe to whom he fled for refuge. Vengeance is mine, ſaith the Lord, I will repay it.

IT is worthy our obſervation, that this Saſſacous the chief Sachem of the Pequods, as afterwards Phillip of Mount-Hope, (both of them in their ſeveral times and places the contrivers of many bloody and cruel miſchiefs, yet) eſcaped the hands of thoſe whom they had ſo many ways provoked to the utmoſt degree of indignation, that ſo they might not too much gratify their own ſpirits in taking revenge; but it muſt be brought about by thoſe p. 37means, by which the glory of divine vengeance and juſtice ſhall more eminently ſhine forth, that it might be truly ſaid of them as Adonibezek confeſſed of himſelf, As I have done, ſo God hath requited me.

BUT to return.

THE reſt of the Pequods from whom Saſſacous had made an eſcape, ſhifted every one for himſelf, leaving but three or four behind them (when a party of our ſoldiers according to the direction of him that was ſe…t as a ſpy came upon the place) who would not or could not tell them whither their company were fled; but our ſoldiers ranging up and down as providence guided them, at the laſt, July 13, 1637, they lighted upon a great number of them, they purſued them to a ſmall Indian town ſeated by the ſide of an hideous ſwamp (near the place where Fairfield or Stratford now ſtand) into which they all ſlipt, as well Pequods as natives of the place, before our men could make any ſhot upon them, having placed a centinel to give warning. Mr. Ludlow and Capt. Maſon with half a ſcore of their men happened to diſcover this crew. Capt. Patrick and Capt. Traſk with about an hundred of the Maſſachuſetts forces came in upon them preſently after the alarm was given; ſuch commanders as firſt happened to be there gave ſpecial orders that the ſwamp ſhould be ſurrounded (being about a mile in compaſs) but Lieut. Davenport belonging to Capt. Traſk's company, not hearing the word of command, with a dozen more of his company, in an over eager purſuit of the enemy, ruſhed immediately into the ſwamp, where they were very rudely entertained by thoſe evening wolves that newly kennelled therein; for Lieut. Davenport was ſorely wounded in the body, John Wedgwood of Ipſwich in the belly, and was laid hold on by ſome of the Indians; Thomas Sherman of ſaid Ipſwich in the neck; ſome of their neighbours that ventured in with them were in danger of the enemy's arrows that flew very thick about them, others were in as much hazard of being ſwallowed by the miry boggs of the p. 38ſwamp, wherein they ſtuck ſo faſt, that, if Serjeant Riggs of Roxbury had not reſcued two or three of them, they had fallen into the hands of the enemy; but ſuch was the ſtrength and courage of thoſe that came to their reſcue, that ſome of the Indians being ſlain with their ſwords, their friends were quickly relieved, and drawn out of the mire and danger.

BUT the Indians of the place, who had for company ſake run with their gueſts the Pequods into the ſwamp, did not love their friendſhip ſo well as to be killed with them alſo for company ſake, wherefore they began to bethink themſelves that they had done no wrong to the Engliſh, and deſired a parly, which was granted, and they preſently underſtood one another by the means of Thomas Stanton an exact interpreter then at hand. Upon which the Sachem of the place with ſeveral others and their wives and children, that liked better to live quietly in their wigwams than to be buried in the ſwamp, came forth and had their lives granted them: After ſome time of further parly with theſe, the interpreter was ſent in to offer the like terms to the reſt, but they were poſſeſſed with ſuch a ſpirit of ſtupidity and ſullenneſs that they reſolved rather to ſell their lives for what they could get there; and to that end began to let fly their arrows thick againſt him as intending to make his blood ſome part of the price of their own; but thro' the goodneſs of God toward him, his life was not to be ſold on that account, he being preſently fetched off.

BY this time night drawing on, our commanders perceiving on which ſide of the ſwamp the enemies were lodged, gave orders to cut through the ſwamp with their ſwords, that they might the better hem them round in one corner, which was preſently done, and ſo they were begirt in all night, the Engliſh in the circumference plying them with ſhot all the time, by which means many of them were killed and buried in the mire, as they found the next day. The ſwamp by the forementioned device being reduced to ſo narrow a compaſs, that our ſoldiers ſtanding at twelve feet diſtance could ſurround p. 39it, the enemy was kept in all the night; but a little before day-break (by reaſon of the fogg that uſeth to ariſe about that time, obſerved to be the darkeſt time of the night) twenty or thirty of the luſtieſt of the enemy broke through the beſiegers, and eſcaped away into the woods, ſome by violence and ſome by ſtealth dropping away, ſome of whom notwithſtanding were killed in the purſuit; the reſt were leſt to the mercy of the conquerors, of which many were killed in the ſwamp like ſullen dogs, that would rather in their ſelf-willedneſs and madneſs ſit ſtill to be ſhot through or cut in pieces, than receive their lives for aſking at the hand of thoſe into whoſe power they were now fallen. Some that are yet living and worthy of credit do affirm, that in the morning entering into the ſwamp, they ſaw ſeveral heaps of them ſitting cloſe together, upon whom they diſcharged their pieces laden with ten or twelve piſtol bullets at a time, putting the muzzels of their pieces under the boughs within a few yards of them; ſo as beſides thoſe that were found dead (near twenty it was judged) many more were killed and ſunk into the mire and never were minded more by friend or foe: Of thoſe who were not ſo deſperate or ſullen to ſell their lives for nothing, but yielded in time, the male children were ſent to the Bermudas, of the females ſome were diſtributed to the Engliſh towns, ſome were diſpoſed of among the other Indians, to whom they were deadly enemies as well as to ourſelves.

THIS overthrow given to the Pequods ſtruck ſuch a terror into all the Indians in thoſe parts (ſome of whom had been ill-affected to the Engliſh before) that they ſought our friendſhip, and rendered themſelves to be under our protection, which they then obtained, and have never ſince forfeited it any of them till this late rebellion of Philip the ſubject of the following diſcourſe. Amongſt the reſt of the priſoners ſpecial notice was taken of the wife of a noted Indian called Mononotto, who with her children ſubmitted herſelf, or by the chance of the war fell into the hands of the Engliſh: it was known to … her mediation that two Engliſh maids (that were taken p. 40from Wethersfield upon Connecticut river) were ſaved from death, in requital of whoſe pity and humanity, the life of herſelf and her children was not only granted her, but ſhe was in ſpecial recommended to the care of that honorable gentleman Mr. John Winthrop, for that time being the worthy Governor of the Maſſachuſetts; who taking notice of her modeſt countenance and behaviour, as well as of her only requeſt (not to ſuffer wrong either as to the honor of her body or fruit of her womb) gave ſpecial charge concerning her, according to his noble and chriſtian diſpoſition.

AFTER this ſlaughter at the ſwamp, the Pequods being upon every turn expoſed to the revenge of the Mohegins on one ſide, and the Narrhaganſets on the other, choſe rather to ſubmit themſelves to the Engliſh,¶¶Seven hundred of them were thought to be deſtroyed. by whom they were put, ſome under the Mohegins and ſome under the Narrhaganſets, which at laſt proved the occaſion of the preſent quarrel as is conceived, through the ambition of Miantonimo, as will be hereafter related.

ON the 12th of July, 1637, one Aganemo, a Sachem of the Niantick Indians (who were a branch of the Narhaganſets) came to Boſton with ſeventeen of his own men; he made divers propoſitions to the Engliſh, which they took into conſideration, and promiſed to give him an anſwer the next day: But finding that he had reſcued divers of the Pequods, ſubmitting to him ſince the laſt defeat, they firſt demanded the delivery of them, which he ſticking at, they refuſed further conference with him: But the next morning he came and offered what they deſired. So the Governor referred him to the Captains at the Pequod country, and writ inſtructions to them how to deal with him. So receiving his ten fathom of wampam, they friendly diſmiſs'd him.

IN July 1638, Uncas the Sachem of the Mohegins, having entertained ſome of the Pequods, came to the p. 41Governor at Boſton with a preſent, and was much dejected becauſe it was not firſt accepted: But afterwards the Governor and Council being ſatisfied about his innocency, they accepted it, whereupon he promiſed to ſubmit to the order of the Engliſh, both touching the Pequods he had received, and as concerning the differences be…wixt the Narrhaganſets and himſelf, and confirmed all with this compliment; this heart, ſaid he, (laying his hand upon his heart) is not mine but your's, command me any difficult ſervice and I will do it, I have no men but they are all your's, I will never believe any Indian againſt the Engliſh any more; and ſo he continued for ever after, as may be ſeen in the following tranſactions between the Indians and the Engliſh; whereupon he was diſmiſſed with ſome ſmall reward, and went home very joyful carrying a letter of approbation for himſelf and his men, through the Engliſh plantations.

THIS was the iſſue of the Pequod war, which in the day of it here in New-England was as formidable to the country in general as the preſent war with Philip; the experience of which, becauſe it may adminiſter much matter of comfort and encouragement to the ſurviving generation, as well as of praiſe and thankſgiving to Almighty God, from all thoſe who have thus long quietly enjoyed the benefit and reaped the frui… of their labor and courage who engaged therein, the more pains hath been taken to ſearch out the broken pieces of that ſtory and thus put them together, before the memory thereof was buried in the ruins of time, and paſt the recove… and knowledge of the preſent age.

AFTER ſubduing the Pequods in the year 1637, the Narrhaganſets the moſt numerous of the other Indians, either out of diſcontent, that the whole ſovereignty over the reſt of the Indians was not adjudged to belong to them, or out of envy, that Uncas the chief Sachem of the Mohegin Indians, had inſinuated further than themſelves into the ſavor of the Engliſh, were obſerved to be p. 42always contriving miſchief againſt them, notwithſtand-a firm agreement was made between the Engliſh and the ſaid Narrhaganſets in the year 1637, when they had helped to deſtroy the Pequods, and alſo notwithſtanding the triple league between the ſaid Narrhaganſets, the Mohegins and the Engliſh at Hartford (the chief town of Connecticut) made in the year 1638, wherein the ſaid Indians were ſolemnly engaged, not to quarrel with the Mohegins or any other Indians, until they had firſt aſked the advice of the Engliſh, to whoſe determination, they had likewiſe obliged themſelves to ſtand, in all following differences among them. They carried it ſubtilly and underhand for ſome years, and were pretending quarrels with the ſaid Uncas, againſt whom they always had an inveterate malice, ever ſince the agreement made about diſtributing the Pequods, after the war with them was ended; expecting in all probability that all ſhould have been left to their ſole arbitriment. The Mohegins on the other ſide, though not ſo numerous, yet a more warlike people and more politic, always made their recourſe to the Engliſh, complaining of the inſolencies of the Narrhaganſets, contrary to their league, ſo as they would hardly be kept from making open war againſt them, when they ſaw all other attempts to kill and deſtroy Uncas the Mohegin Sachem, by treachery, poiſon, and ſorcery, prove ineffectual. Inſomuch that at laſt the malice of Miantonimo and his Narrhaganſets grew to that height, that they began to plot againſt the Engliſh themſelves, for defending of Uncas.

THE Narrhaganſets were animated by the haughty ſpirit and aſpiring mind of Miantonimo, the heir apparent of all the Narrhaganſet people, after the deceaſe of the old Sachem, Canonicus, who was his uncle. This Miantonimo was a very goodly perſonage, of tall ſtature, ſubtil and cunning in his contrivements, as well as haughty in his deſigns. It was ſtrongly ſuſpected that in the year 1642, he had contrived to draw all the Indians throughout the country into a general conſpiracy againſt the Engliſh: For, the firſt of September, 1642, letters came to Boſton from the Court at Connecticut, and p. 43from two of the Magiſtrates there, that the Indians had conſpired to cut off the Engliſh all over the country: Mr. Ludlow certified ſo much from the place where he lived near the Dutch. The time appointed to be for the aſſault, was ſaid to be after harveſt, the manner to be by ſeveral companies entering into the chief men's houſes, by way of trade, and then to kill them in their houſes, and ſeize their arms, and others ſhould be a… hand to proſecute the maſſacre: This was alſo confirmed by three Indians that were ſaid to reveal it in the ſame manner, and at the ſame time, to Mr. Ludlow; and to the Governor of New-Haven. It was added alſo that another Indian ſhould diſcover the ſame plot to Mr. Haines of Connecticut, by ſome ſpecial circumſtances, viz. that being much hurt by a cart (which uſually there are drawn with oxen) he ſhould ſend for Mr. Haines and tell him, that Engliſhman's God was angry with him, and ſent Engliſhman's cow (meaning the oxen in the cart, or wayne) to kill him, becauſe he had concealed a plot againſt the Engliſh, and ſo told him all as the other Indians had done.

UPON this, their advice from Connecticut was, that we ſhould begin with them, and enter upon a war preſently, and that if the Maſſachuſetts would ſend 120 men to Saybrook, at the river's mouth, they would meet them with a proportionable number. This was a very probable ſtory, and very likely it was, that the Indians had been diſcourſing of ſome ſuch buſineſs among themſelves. But the General Court of the Maſſachuſetts when called together, did not think thoſe informations to be a ſufficient ground whereon to begin a war. Although the Governor and Magiſtrates as many as could convene together before the Court, ordered that all the Indians within their juriſdiction ſhould be diſarmed, which they willingly yielded unto: And upon all the enquiries and examinations which were made by the Court when aſſembled together, they could not find any ſuch violent preſumption of a conſpiracy, as to be the ground of a war. Beſides, it was conſidered, that the reports of all Indians were found by experience to be p. 44very uncertain, eſpecially when it may well be ſuppoſed, that they are or may be raiſed and carried by ſuch as are at variance one with another; who may be very like to accuſe one another to ingratiate themſelves with the Engliſh. Miantonimo, Sachem of Narrhaganſet, was ſent unto, and by his readineſs to appear, ſatisfied the Engliſh that he was innocent as to any preſent conſpiracy; though his quarrel with the Mohegins (who bordered upon Connecticut colony) might very probably, as was judged, render him the ſubject of ſuch a report, or an occaſion of it.

THE ſaid Miantonimo when he came before the Court peremptorily demanded that his accuſers might be bro'… before him face to face, and if they could not prove it, then to be made to ſuffer, what himſelf if he had been found guilty had deſerved, i. e. death, his reaſons for which were very plauſible. He urged very much the proſecuting ſuch a law againſt his accuſers; alledging, that if the Engliſh did not believe it, why did they diſarm the Indians round about: And if they did believe it, equity required, that they who accuſed him ſhould be puniſhed according to the offence charged upon himſelf. He offered alſo to make it good againſt Uncas, Sachem of the Mohegins, that the report was raiſed either by him, or ſome of his people. The Engliſh anſwered, that divers Indians had robbed ſome of the Engliſh men's houſes, which might be a ſufficient ground to diſarm; and with that he was ſomething ſatisfied. The Connecticut men were hardly prevailed with to forbear the war againſt them, but at laſt they were overcome with the allegations of the Maſſachuſetts to lay it aſide.

MIANTONIMO when he was at Boſton was very deliberate in his anſwers, ſhewing a good underſtanding in the principles of juſtice and equity, as well as a ſeeming ingenuity withal: But though his words were ſmoother than oil, yet, as many conceived, in his heart were drawn ſwords. It was obſerved alſo, that he would never ſpeak but when ſome of his Counſellors were preſent, that they might, as he ſaid, bear witneſs of all his ſpeeches at their return home.

p. 45THEY ſpent two days in the treaty, wherein at laſt he gave them ſatisfaction in all things, though he held off long about the Nianticks, of whom he ſaid they were as his own fleſh, engaging on their behalf, that if they ſhould do any wrong, ſo as neither he nor they could ſatisfy without blood, then he would leave them to the mercy of the Engliſh. At his departure he gave his hand to the Governor, telling him, that was for the Magiſtrates that were abſent.

WHILE he was at Boſton one of his own followers had been a principal evidence againſt him; he however promiſed to deliver him to the Mohegin Sachem whoſe ſubject he was; notwithſtanding which promiſe, going homeward he cut off his head to prevent his telling more tales. And with great diſcontent as he was going home ſaid he would come no more to Boſton, wherein he proved a truer prophet than he himſelf believed when he uttered the words, for in the end of the ſame year, 1643, making war upon Uncas, he was taken priſoner by him, and ſoon after by the advice of the Commiſſioners of the four colonies (at that time firmly united into a league offenſive and defenſive, on which account they were after that time called the united colonies of New-England; though ſince that time they are reduced to but three colonies; that of New-Haven and Connecticut by the laſt patent being united in one) his head was cut off by Uncas, it being juſtly feared, that there would never be any firm peace, either betwixt the Engliſh and the Narrhaganſets, or betwixt the Narrhaganſets and the Mohegins, while Miantonimo was left alive: However, the Narrhaganſets have ever ſince that time … implacable malice againſt Uncas, and all the Mohegins, and for their ſakes ſecretly againſt the Engliſh, ſo far as they durſt diſcover it.

IN the years 1645 and 1646, they grew ſo inſolent, that the Commiſſioners of the united colonies were compelled to raiſe forces to go againſt them, but when they preceived that the Engliſh were in good earneſt, they began to be afraid, and ſued for peace, and ſubmitted p. 46to pay tribute to ſatisfy for the charge of preparation for the war, but were always very backward to make payment until the Engliſh were forced to demand it by new forces, ſo that it appeared they were unwillingly willing to hold any friendly correſpondence with the Engliſh, yet durſt they never make any open attempt upon them, until the preſent rebellion, wherein they had no ſmall hand, is too, too evident, notwithſtanding all their pretences to the contrary, as will appear in the ſequel of this hiſtory.

THUS it is apparent upon what terms the Engliſh ſtood with the Narrhaganſets, ever ſince the cutting off Miantonimo, their chief Sachem's head by Uncas, it being done with the advice and counſel of the Engliſh, Anno 1643. As for the reſt of the Indians, ever ſince the ſuppreſſing of the Pequods in the year 1637, until the year 1675, there was always in appearance amity and good correſpondence on all ſides, ſcarce an Engliſhman was ever known to be aſſaulted or hurt by any of them, until after the year 1671, when the ſon of one Matoonas, who as was ſuppoſed, being vexed in his mind that the deſign againſt the Engliſh, intended to begin 1671, did not take place, out of meer malice and ſpite againſt them, ſlew an Engliſhman traveiling along the road, the ſaid Matoonas being a Nipnet Indian, which Nipnets were under the command of the Sachem of Mount-Hope, the author of all the preſent miſchiefs.

UPON a due enquiry into all preceeding tranſactions between the Indians and the Engliſh, from their firſt ſettling in theſe coaſts, there will appear no ground of quarrel that any of them had againſt the Engliſh, nor any provocation upon one account or another; for when Plimouth colony was firſt planted, within three months after their firſt landing, March 16, 1620, Maſſaſoit, the chief Sachem of all that ſide of the country, repaired to the Engliſh at Plimouth, and entered into a ſolemn league upon ſundry articles, (printed in New-England's Memorial, 1669) which are as follows, viz.

p. 471. THAT neither he nor any of his ſhould injure or do hurt to any of their people.

2. THAT if any of his did any hurt to any of theirs, he ſhould ſend the offender that they might puniſh him.

3. THAT if any thing were taken away from any of theirs, he ſhould cauſe it to be reſtored; and they ſhould do the like to his.

4. THAT if any did unjuſtly war againſt him, they ſhould aid him, and if any did war againſt them, he ſhould aid them.

5. THAT he ſhould ſend to his neighbour confederates, to certify them of this, that they might not wrong them, but might likewiſe be compriſed in theſe conditions of peace.

6. THAT when his men came to them upon any occaſion, they ſhould leave their arms (which were then bows and arrows) behind them.

7. THAT ſo doing, their ſovereign Lord King JAMES would eſteem him as their friend and ally.

THIS league the ſame Sachem, September 25, 1630, a little before his death, coming with his eldeſt ſon, afterward called Alexander, did renew with the Engliſh at the Court of Plimouth, for himſelf and his ſon, and their heirs and ſucceſſors: And after that he came to Mr. Brown's, who lived not far from Mount-Hope, bringing his two ſons, Alexander and Philip with him, deſiring there might be love and amity after his death, between his ſons and them, as there had been betwixt himſelf and them in former times: Yet it is very remarkable, that this Maſſaſoit, called alſo Wooſamequen (how much ſoever he affected the Engliſh, yet) was never in the leaſt degree well affected to the religion of the Engliſh, but would in his laſt treaty with his neighbours at Plimouth, when they were with him about purchaſing ſome land at Swanzey, have had them engaged never to attempt to draw away any of his people from their old p. 48pagan ſuperſtition, and deviliſh idolatry, to the chriſtian religion, and did much inſiſt upon it till he ſaw the Engliſh were reſolved …ever to make any treaty with him more upon that account, which when he diſcerned, he did not further urge it: but that was a bad omen that notwithſtanding whatever his humanity were to the Engliſh, as they were ſtrangers, (for indeed they had repayed his former kindneſs to them, by protecting him afterwards againſt the inſolencies of the Narrhaganſets) he manifeſted no ſmall diſplacency of ſpirit againſt them, as they were chriſtians: which ſtrain was evident more in his ſon that ſucceeded him, and all his people, inſomuch that ſome diſcerning perſons of that juriſdiction have feared that that nation of Indians would all be rooted out, as is ſince come to paſs. The like may be obſerved concerning the Narrhaganſets, who were always more civil and courteous to the Engliſh than any of the other Indians, tho' never as yet received the leaſt tincture of chriſtian religion, but have in a manner run the ſame fate with their neighbours of Mount-Hope, there being very few of them now leſt ſtanding. Nor is it unworthy the relation, what a perſon of quality amongſt us hath of late affirmed, viz. One much converſant with the Indians about Merimack river, being Anno 1660, invited by ſome Sagamores or Sachems to a great dance, (which ſolemnities are the times they make uſe of to tell their ſtories, and convey the knowledge of ſome paſt and moſt memorable things to poſterity) Paſſaconaway, the great Sachem of that part of the country, intending at that time to make his laſt and farewell ſpeech to his children and people, that were then all gathered together, addreſſed himſelf to them in this manner:

I AM now going the way of all fleſh, or ready to die, and not likely to ſee you ever met together any more: I will now leave this word of counſel with you, that you may take h…ed how you quarrel with the Engliſh, for though you may do them much miſchief, yet aſſuredly you will a… be deſtroyed, and roo…ed off the earth if you do; for, I was as much an enemy to the Engliſh, at their … coming into th…ſe p. 49parts, as any one whatſoever, and did try all ways and means poſſible to have deſtroyed them, at leaſt to have prevented them ſitting down here, but I could no way effect it, therefore I adviſe you never to contend with the Engliſh, nor make war with them: And accordingly his eldeſt ſon Wonnalancet by name, as ſoon as he perceived that the Indians were up in arms, withdrew himſelf into ſome remote place, that he might not be hurt by the Engliſh, or the enemies, or be in danger by them.

THIS paſſage was thought ſit to be inſerted here, it having ſo near an agreement with the former, intimating ſome ſecret awe of God upon the hearts of ſome of the principal amongſt them, that they durſt not hurt the Engliſh, although they bare no good affection to their religion, wherein they ſeem not a little to imitate Balaam, who whatever he uttered, when he was under the awful power of divine illumination, yet when left to himſelf, was as bad an enemy to the Iſrael of God as ever before. But to return.

AFTER the death of this Wooſamequen, or Maſſaſoit, his eldeſt ſon ſucceeded him about 20 years ſince, Alexander by name, who notwithſtanding the league he had entered into with the Engliſh, together with his father, in the year 1639, had neither affection to the Engliſhmen's perſons, nor yet to their religion, but had been plotting with the Narrhaganſets to riſe againſt the Engliſh; of which the Governor and Council of Plimouth being informed, they preſently ſent for him, to bring him to the Court; the perſon to whom that ſervice was committed, was a prudent and reſolute gentleman, the preſent Governor of the ſaid colony, who was neither afraid of danger, nor yet willing to delay in a matter of that moment, he forthwith taking eight or ten ſtout men with him well armed, intended to have gone to the ſaid Alexander's dwelling, diſtant at leaſt forty miles from the Governor's houſe▪ but by a good providence, he found him whom he went to ſeek at an hunting-houſe, within p. 50ſix miles of the Engliſh towns, where the ſaid Alexander with about eighty men were newly come in from hunting, and had left their guns without doors, which Major Winſlow with his ſmall company wiſely ſeized, and conveyed away, and then went into the … demanded Alexander to go along with him before the Governor, at which meſſage he was much appalled, but being told by the undaunted meſſenger, that if he ſtirred or refuſed to go he was a dead man; he was by one of his chief Counſellors, in whoſe advice he moſt confided, perſwaded to go along to the Governor's houſe, but ſuch was the pride and height of his ſpirit, that the very ſurprizal of him, ſo raiſed his choler and indignation, that it put him into a feaver, which notwithſtanding all poſſible means that could be uſed, ſeemed mortal; whereupon intreating thoſe that held him priſoner, that he might have liberty to return home, promiſing to return again if he recovered, and to ſend his ſon as hoſtage till he could ſo do; on that conſideration he was fairly diſmiſſed, but died before he got half way home. Here let it be obſerved, that, although ſome have taken up falſe reports, as if the Engliſh had compelled him to go further or faſter than he was able, and ſo he fell into a feaver, or as if he were not well uſed by the Phyſician that looked to him, while he was with the Engliſh, all which are notoriouſly falſe; nor is it to be imagined that a perſon of ſo noble a diſpoſition as is that gentleman (at that time employed to bring him) ſhould himſelf, or ſuffer any elſe to be uncivil to a perſon allied to them, by his own, as well as his father's league, as the ſaid Alexander alſo was; nor was any thing of that nature ever objected to the Engliſh of Plimouth, by the ſaid Alexander's brother, by name Philip, commonly for his ambitious and haughty ſpirit nick-named King Philip, when he came in the year 1662, in his own perſon with Bavſam…n his Secretary and chief Counſellor to renew the former league that had been between his pred…ſio…s and the Engliſh of Plimouth: But there was as much correſpondence betwixt them for the next ſeven years as ever had been in any former times. What can b…im…gi… ed therefore, beſide, the inſtigation of Satan, that envied p. 51at the proſperity of the church of God here ſeated, or elſe fearing leſt the power of the Lord Jeſus, that had overthrown his kingdom in other parts of the world, ſhould do the like here, and ſo the ſtone taken out of the mountain without hands, ſhould become a great mountain itſelf, and fill the whole earth; no cauſe of provocation being given by the Engliſh? For once before this, in the year 1671, the devil, who was a murderer from the beginning, had ſo filled the heart of this ſavage miſcreant with envy and malice againſt the Engliſh, that he was ready to break out in open war againſt the inhabitants of Plimouth, pretending ſome trifling injuries done him in his planting land, but when the matter of controverſy came to be heard divers of the Maſſachuſetts Colony, yea, when he himſelf came to Boſton, as it were referring his caſe to the judgment of that colony, nothing of that nature could be made to appear, whereupon in way of ſubmiſſion, he was of neceſſity by that evident conviction forced to acknowledge that it was the naughtineſs of his own heart, that put him upon that rebellion, and nothing of any provocation from the Engliſh; and to a confeſſion of this nature, with a ſolemn renewal of this covenant, declaring his deſire, that this his covenant might teſtify to the world againſt him, if ever he ſhould prove unfaithful to thoſe of Plimouth, or any other of the Engliſh colonies therein, himſelf with his chief Counſellors ſubſcribed in the preſence of ſome meſſengers ſent on purpoſe to hear the difference between Plimouth and the ſaid Philip. But for further ſatisfaction of the reader, the ſaid agreement and ſubmiſſion ſhall here be publiſhed.