Narrative of the Indian Wars in New England, Preface (1 of 2)

Narrative of the Indian Wars in New England · Preface (1 of 2)

PREFACE TO THIS EDITION.

THE gracious hand of Divine Providence in the preſervation of the New-England Colonies in their infant ſtate, gloriouſly appears, from the facts, briefly, but faithfully tranſmitted down to us, by one of our venerable forefathers in the following NARRATIVE of the Troubles with the Indians in New-England, a very numerous and barbarous people, diſperſed through the wilderneſs in every part of the land.

THESE Savages began a War with the firſt Engliſh Adventurers, while they were few in number, yea very few, and ſtrangers in the land. This rendered their deliverance an event truly great and memorable.

THEY were ſaved indeed, as by fire: Their loſs of men and ſubſtance, compared with their numbers and ability, was very great, and long ſeverely felt.

HEAVY as the public expences were to ſupport the War, theſe were but a very inconſiderable part of the burdens and charges to which particular towns, families and individuals were neceſſarily ſubjected, in guards, garriſons, and watchings in their own defence.

THE whole Country was the ſeat of War, and every man procured his bread in jeopardy of his life.

LIKE Nehemiah's builders, each one toiled with his weapon of war in one hand, and his inſtrument of labor p. viin the other; expoſed every moment to death, from a watchful unſeen foe.

IN the frequent alarms which ſpread from town to town, ſome eſcaping from danger, ran into greater; others met their own fate in their attempts to relieve their neighbours in the ſame, or different ſcattered ſettlements.

THIS was the deplorable ſtate of the New-England colonies, a very few towns excepted; a diſtreſs, more eaſily conceived than expreſſed, and indeed ſcarcely conceivable by the greater part of the preſent generation, ſince the then hideous wilderneſs is become a fruitful field, and well ſettled towns overſpread the land.

THE reader unacquainted with this country in its uncultivated ſtate, may here inquire, Why the firſt ſettlers thus expoſed themſelves, by making disjoined and very diſtant ſettlements? Neceſſity led to this: The lands near the ſea-coaſts were generally leſs fertile, and found hard to ſubdue; therefore, for preſent ſubſiſtence in their feeble condition, they were obliged to ſeek the borders of rivers and ſtreams, for the ſake of intervals and meadows, both on account of their fertility, and of their being open and prepared for immediate improvement.

THEY were alſo encouraged in making theſe ſcattered ſettlements by the general friendly diſpoſition of the Natives, who freely ſold their lands, for which a valuable conſideration was paid, without exception, where a claim was made.

THE Indians perceived their intereſt in admitting their Engliſh neighbours, as they furniſhed them with means of much eaſier ſubſiſtence; and the utmoſt care was taken by the ſeveral governments of the united coo…ies, to prevent every occaſion of diſtruſt,

p. viiTHE Pequod War was confined to the weſterly parts of Connecticut.††Not far from New-London.

PHILLIP'S War, as it is called, began in Plymouth Colony, **His Head-Quarters were at Mount-Hope, now Briſtol.but ſpread through the Maſſachuſetts, New-Hampſhire, and province of Main, in extent above 300 miles. And within the compaſs of one year, the numerous tribes of Savages within the limits of New-England, were drawn into this war againſt us, a very few excepted.

SURELY we may ſay, had not the Lord been on our ſide, when men thus roſe up againſt us, they had quickly ſwallowed us up.

OUR Fathers, indeed, had come out of great tribulation, into this wilderneſs, which, under Providence was a means of improving them in faith, fortitude and patience, to endure hardſhips beyond a parallel, 'till they obtained deliverance: And ſome of the firſt adventurers lived to ſee the wilderneſs become a fruitful field.

BUT this was not their intended reſt: They had ſublimer views: They looked for another and be…ter country, that is an heavenly. And however they may have been miſrepreſented, by ignorant or ill-deſigning perſons, they were men of whom the world was not worthy.

THE cruel charges of peculiar bigotry, and a perſecuting ſpirit, wantonly alledged againſt them, are founded on facts not truly ſtated.

p. viiiACCORDING to the natural courſe of things in this depraved and mutable ſtate, their deſcendants at this day, as might be expected, have in a meaſure, departed from that ſimplicity of manners, by which their renowned anceſtors were juſtly diſtinguiſhed: But notwithſtanding, it may with truth be aſſerted, that no inſtance can be produced, in the preſent or any paſt age, among like numbers, where good order has ſo univerſally prevailed, as in the New-England colonies, even in populous and opulent towns, eſpecially our CAPITAL.

WE of this province, with inconſiderable intermiſſions, from that early period, at unknown expence and loſs, have been called to defend our lives and properties againſt the incurſions of more diſtant ſavages. Our truſt hath been in the name of the Lord, our fathers God and Deliverer; and hitherto he hath delivered us. May we never be unmindful of his ſignal benefits!

WE are now, under the ſmiles of divine Providence, encreaſed to a multitude of people.

OUR many frontier ſettlements are continually expoſed to ſavage invaſion: And though we truſt not to our own bow; yet, as prudence directs, we are all armed and prepared for a defenſive War. And yet, having the wormwood and the gall ſtill in remembrance, no people more ardently wiſh and pray, that Wars may forever ceaſe, and peace on earth, and good will among men, univerſally prevail.

Boſton, May 20, 1775.

A NARRATIVE OF THE INDIAN WARS IN NEW-ENGLAND, FROM THE FIRST PLANTING THEREOF IN THE YEAR MDCVII, TO THE YEAR MDCLXXVII.

KNOWN unto God are all his works from the foundation of the world, though manifeſt to us, only by the events of time, that fruitful mother of all things, which in the former age did bring forth, at leaſt did bring to light the knowledge of this weſtern world, called America, that in all foregoing times and ages, lay hid in this obſcure and remote region, covered with a veil of ignorance, and locked up from the knowledge of all the reſt of the inhabitants of the earth. To whom the honor of its inveſtigation doth of right more properly belong, is ſufficiently declared by the hiſtory and reports of ſuch as were eye-witneſſes thereof, and not intended to be any part of the preſent diſquiſition. The moſt conſiderable part of all the north ſide of America, is called New-England. In the fertility of the ſoil, ſalubriouſneſs of the air, and many other commodious advantages, moſt reſembling the country from whence it borrowed its appellation. For the knowledge thereof the world is moſt beholding to the diſcoveries of the Engliſh, under the conduct of Sebaſtian Cabot, a famous Portugueſe, ſent out under the commiſſion of HENRY the VIIth, about the year 1497, though ſince much perfected by the induſtry and travels of Capt. Goſnold, Capt. Hudſon, Capt. Smith, and others of the Engliſh nation. North-America, p. 10this poſthumous birth of time, is as to its nativity, of the ſame ſtanding with her two elder ſiſters, Peru and Mexico, yet was ſuffered to lie in its ſwadling-clothes, one whole century of years, nature having promiſed no ſuch dowry of rich mines of ſilver and gold to them that would eſpouſe her for their own, as ſhe did unto the other two, which poſſibly was the reaſon why ſhe was not ſo haſtily courted by her firſt diſcoverers, nor yet ſo early ſecured by any of the Princes of Europe, lying wholly neglected as it were until a ſmall company of planters, under the command of Captain George Popham, and Captain Gilbert, were ſent over at the charge of Sir John Popham in the year 1607, to begin a colony upon a tract of land about Sagadehoch, ſituate on the ſouth ſide of the river of Kennebeck, and about that called Shipſcot-river, and about twenty miles ſouth-weſt from Pemmaquid, the moſt northerly bound of all New-England. But that deſign within two years expiring with its firſt …ounder, ſoon after ſome honorable perſons of the weſt of England, commonly called the Council of Plymouth, being more certainly informed of ſeveral navigable rivers and commodious havens, with other places fit either for traffic or planting, newly diſcovered by many ſkilful navigators, obtained a grant by patent, under the great ſeal from King JAMES, of all that part of North-America, called New-England, from the 40 to the 48 deg. of north latitude. From which grand and original patent, all other charters and grants of land from Pemmaquid to Delaware-Bay, along the ſea-coaſt, derive their lineage and pedigree. Thus was that vaſt tract of land, after the year 1612, cantoned and parcelled out into many leſſer diviſions and parcels, according as adventurers preſented, which ſaid grants being founded upon uncertain, or falſe deſcriptions, and reports of ſome that travelled thither, did many of them interfere one upon another, to the great diſturbance of the firſt planters, and prejudice of the proprietors themſelves, as is too well known by any that have had occaſion to …ay never ſo little amongſt them, many of whom are yet ſurviving. For notwithſtanding the great charge and vaſt expences the firſt adventurers were at, the firſt proprietors of the p. 11whole Province of Mayne and others, (reaching from the head of Caſco Bay north-eaſt, to the mouth of Paſcataqua river about ſixty miles weſtward) and the hopes they might have conceived of being the firſt founders of New Colonies, and of enlarging their eſtates and inheritances by thoſe new acquired poſſeſſions and lordſhips. there was little profi… reaped from thence, after the rich fleeces of beaver were gleaned away, nor any great improvement made of thoſe large portions of lands, ſave the erecting of ſome few cottages for fiſhermen, and a few inconſiderable buildings for the planters, which were on thoſe occaſions drawn over the ſea, to ſettle upon the moſt northerly parts of New-England.

BUT whether it were by the imprudence of the firſt adventurers, or the diſſoluteneſs of the perſons they ſent over to manage their affairs, or whether for want of faithfulneſs or ſkill to manage their truſt, they were by degrees in a manner quite deſerted almoſt of law and government, and left to ſhift for themſelves; by which means at laſt they fell under the juriſdiction of the Maſſachuſetts-Colony, not by uſurpation, as is by great miſtake ſuggeſted to his Majeſty, but by neceſſity, and the earneſt deſire of the planters themſelves; to accept of whom, thoſe of the Maſſachuſetts-Colony were the more eaſily induced; in that they apprehended the bounds of their own patent, by a favorable interpretation of the words deſcribing the northern line (three miles beyond the moſt northerly branch of Merimack-river) do reach ſomewhat beyond Pemmaquid, the moſt northerly place of all New-England.

THIS was the firſt beginning of things in New-England, at which time they were not unlike the times of old, when the people of Judah ware ſaid to be without a teaching prieſt, and without law; and no wonder things were no more ſucceſsfully carried on

IN the year 1620, a company belonging to Mr. Robinſon's church at Leyden in Holland, although they had been courteouſly entertained by the Dutch, as ſtrangers p. 12ſojourning amongſt them, yet foreſeeing many inconveniencies like to increaſe, and that they could not ſo well provide for the good of their poſterity, under the government of a foreign nation, they reſolved to intreat ſo much favor from their own ſovereign Prince King JAMES, as to grant them liberty under the ſhelter of his royal authority, to place themſelves in ſome part of New-England, then newly diſcovered; wherefore having obtained ſome kind of patent or grant, for ſome place about Hudſon's-river, they ſet ſail from Plymouth in September, for the ſouthern parts of New-England, but as they intended to bend their courſe thitherward, per vari…s caſus, per tot diſcrimina rerum, they were at laſt caſt upon a boſom of the ſouth cape of the Maſſachuſetts-Bay called Cape-Cod, about the 11th of November, from whence the winter ſo faſt approaching, they had no opportunity to remove; and finding ſome encouragement from the hopefulneſs of the ſoil, and courteſy of the heathen, they reſolved there to make their abode for the future, which they did, laying the foundation of a new colony, which from the remembrance of the laſt town in England, they ſailed from, they called New-Plymouth; containing no very conſiderable tract of land, ſcarce extending an hundred miles in length through the whole cape, and ſcarce half ſo much in breadth where it is broadeſt. The firſt founders of that colony aiming more at religion than earthly poſſeſſions, aſpiring not to any large dimenſion of land … their ſettling upon thoſe coaſts.

AT Weymouth alſo was a plantation begun by Mr. Weſton in the year 1622, but it came to little.

THE north and ſouth border of the Maſſachuſetts-Bay being thus planted, the middle part was the more eaſy to be filled up, which was thus brought about. Some gentlemen and others, obſerving how it fared with thoſe of New-Plymouth, were deſirous upon the like ground to make the ſame attempt for themſelves, wherefore having by a conſiderable ſum of money purchaſed of ſome gentlemen that had a grant from the council of Plymouth p. 13all their right and intereſt in a plantation begun in the Maſſachuſetts-Bay, and having attained a confirmation thereof by patent from King CHARLES, in the year 1628, they ſent over a Governor with ſeveral other perſons to lay ſome foundation of another colony in the Maſſachuſetts-Bay: And in the year 1630, more of the perſons intereſted in the ſaid patent (thence commonly called patentees) with ſeveral other perſons, intending to venture their lives and all with them, tranſported themſelves and their families into the ſaid Maſſachuſetts, who did in a ſhort ſpace of time by the acceſſion of many hundreds, who every year flocked after them, make ſuch increaſe, that in the ſpace of five or ſix years, there were twenty conſiderable towns built and peopled; and many of the towns firſt planted became ſo filled with inhabitants, that like ſwarms of bees they were ready to ſwarm, not only into new plantations, but into new colonies, inſomuch that in the year 1635, a new colony began to be planted upon Connecticut river, partly by combination amongſt themſelves, removing from ſome towns about the Maſſachuſetts-Bay, and partly by the intereſt of a patent purchaſed of that honorable gentleman, Mr. Fenwick, agent for the Lord Say, and Lord Brook, the Lords proprietors of the ſaid river Connecticut, at the mouth of which river they built a fort, (called after their own titles, Say-brook fort) commanding the paſſage of the ſaid river. Yea, ſuch was the confluence of people making over into thoſe parts, that in the year 1637, a fourth colony began to be planted, bearing the name of New-Haven, from the firſt town erected therein, ſeated near the midway betwixt Hudſon's river and that of Connecticut. The ſea coaſt from the pitch of Cape-Cod, to the mouth of Connecticut river, inhabited by ſeveral nations of Indians, Wampanoogs (the firſt authors of the preſent rebellion) Narrhaganſets, Pequods, Mohegins, as the more inland part of the country by the Nipnets (a general name for all inland Indians betwixt the Maſſachuſetts and Connecticut river.) The ſea-coaſt ſouth-weſt from Plymouth was firſt poſſeſſed by ſome diſcontented with the government of p. 14the Maſſachuſetts colony, from which ſome being exiled, others of their friends accompanying them, ſettled themſelves upon a fair Iſland to the ſouth-weſt of Cape-Cod, now called Rhode-Iſland; others ſettled upon the Main, at a place called Providence, and ſo by degrees planting toward Narrhaganſet-Bay, made another plantation called Warwick, which places are ſince by patent conferred upon the inhabitants of Rhode-Iſland; the reſt of the country from Pequod river to the river of Connecticut, falling within the bounds of Connecticut colony have ſince by patent alſo, been confirmed to the ſaid colony. Things had been very proſperouſly and ſucceſsfully carried on in all the aforeſaid colonies and juriſdictions, from the year 1620, to the year 1636, at which time the war with the Pequods began. The following account of this war was either left under the hands of ſuch as commanded in chief, or is taken from the mouths of faithful witneſſes, that were not only then preſent, but perſonally concerned and engaged in the ſervice.

THERE was a nation of the Indians in the ſouthern parts of New-England, called Pequods, ſeated on a fair navigable river, twelve miles to the eaſtward of the mouth of the great and famous river of Connecticut; who (as was commonly reported about the time when New-England was firſt planted by the Engliſh) being a more fierce, cruel, and warlike people than the reſt of the Indians, came down out of the more inland parts of the continent, and by force ſeized upon one of the goodlieſt places near the ſea, and became a terror to all their neighbors, on whom they had exerciſed ſeveral acts of inhuman cruelty; inſomuch that being fluſhed with victories over their fellow Indians, they began to thirſt after the blood of any foreigners, Engliſh or Dutch▪ that accidentally came amongſt them, in a way of trade, or upon other accounts.

IN the year 1634, they treacherouſly and cruelly murdered Capt. Stone, and Capt. Norton, who ca… occaſionally with a bark into the river to trade with them. Not long after, within the compaſs of the next y… p. 15they in like treacherous manner, flew one Mr. Oldham (formerly belonging to New-Plimouth, but at that time an inhabitant of the Maſſachuſetts) at Block-Iſland, a place not far from the mouth of their harbour, as he was fairly trading with them: Beſides ſome other ſuch like acts of perfidious cruelty towards ſome of the Dutch, that had formerly been trading up Connecticut river: By which practices perceiving that they began to ſtink in the noſtrils of their neighbours, whoſe revenge they now began to fear, and not willing to have to deal with too many enemies at once, they imitated the ſubtlety of the children of Ammon, when they began to ſtink before David; endeavoring to ſtrengthen themſelves with alliance of ſome of thoſe they had formerly provoked. that by their aſſiſtance they might defend themſelves againſt the reſt, not doubting but to make their part good with their foreign enemies, if they could be reconciled to their Indian neighbours, the Narrhaganſets, or other home-bred enemies, and could but fortify themſelves by a league of friendſhip with any of their foreign neighbours that were newly come to plant in theſe parts. To this end they ſent meſſengers with gifts to the Maſſachuſetts in the latter end of the ſame year 1634; the firſt meſſengers were diſmiſſed without an anſwer: But …ey being ſenſible of their own danger, and of the great importance a peace with the Engliſh of the Maſſachuſetts might be, purſued the buſineſs very earneſtly, ſending meſſengers a ſecond time, who offered much Wampam (Indians money) and beaver, with theſe ſecond meſſengers: The Governor and Council of the Maſſachuſetts had much conference many days; and at laſt after the beſt advice they could take amongſt themſelves, concluded a peace and friendſhip with them, upon theſe conditions.

1. THAT they ſhould deliver up to the Engliſh thoſe perſons amongſt them that were guilty of Capt. Stone's death, and the reſt that were with him.

2. THAT if the Engliſh deſired to plant in Connecticut they ſhould give up their right to them.

p. 163. THAT the Engliſh ſhould hence forward trade with them as their friends, which was a chief thing aimed at; the ſaid Pequods being at that time in war with the Dutch, and the reſt of their neighbours, on the reaſons forementioned. To theſe conditious they readily agreed, and alſo cunningly inſinuated their deſire that their new confederates, the Maſſachuſetts, ſhould mediate a peace for them with the Narrhaganſets; intimating likewiſe their willingneſs that a part of the preſent which they promiſed to ſend ſhould be given to them, ſtanding ſo much upon their honor, that they would not be ſeen to give any thing themſelves; ſuch was the pride and heighth of ſpirit lodged in this company of treacherous villians, the dregs and lees of the earth, and the droſs of mankind.

AS for Capt. Stone's death they ſlily evaded the guilt of it, falſely adding, that there were but two left that had any hand therein, and that it was a juſt quarrel wherein he was ſlain: For, ſaid they, he ſurpriſed ſome of our men, and would by force have compelled them to ſhew him the way up the river, whereupon the ſaid Stone coming aſhore, with two more, was watched by nine of our men (ſay they) who finding them aſleep in the night, ſlew them to deliver our own men, one of whom going afterward to the bark, it was ſuddenly blown up: Whereas the truth of the matter was thus:

THE ſaid Capt. Stone formerly belonging to Chriſt…phers in the Weſt-Indies, occaſionally coming to theſe parts, as he paſſed between this place and Virginia put in at that river, where the Indians after they had been often on board his veſſel to trade with him, at the laſt came friendly on board as they uſed to do, but finding the Capt. aſleep in his cabin, took the opportunity to murder him as he lay, caſting a covering over him that he might not be diſcerned by the reſt whom they preſently after diſpatched one after another, all but Captain Norton who made ſtout reſiſtance, for a long time defending himſelf in the cook-room of the bark, till the gun-powder which he had ſet in an open veſſel, to be p. 17more ready for his uſe, accidentally took fire, by which fatal accident he was ſo burned and his eyes ſo blinded that he could not make any longer reſiſtance, but forthwith fell into the hands of theſe cruel and blood-thirſty wretches, who after they had taken away his life made a prey of all that was in the veſſel.

AS for Mr. Oldham, he was murdered at an Iſland called by the Indians, Maniſſes (ſince known by the name of Block-Iſland) but thoſe that murdered him (probably inhabitants of the ſaid Iſland) fled preſently to the Pequods, by whom they were ſheltered, and ſo became alſo guilty themſelves of his blood.

IN the year 1636, the death of this Mr. Oldham ‡‡The account of Mr. Oldham's death is added to this edition from Mr. Hu…ard's Mſs. hiſtory of New-England …rom its beginning to 1680.was ſo manifeſt, that it could neither be concealed nor excuſed, the diſcovery whereof being remarkable, is here inſerted.

ONE John Gallop, with one man more, and two boys, coming from Connecticut, and intending to put in at Long-Iſland, as he came from thence, being at the mouth of the harbour, was forced by a ſudden change of the wind to bear up for Block-Iſland, or Fiſher's Iſland, where, as they were ſailing along, they met with a Pinace, which they found to be John Oldham's, who had been ſent to trade with the Pequods, (to make trial of the reality of their pretended friendſhip after the murder of Capt. Stone) they hailed the veſſel, but had no anſwer, although they ſaw the deck full of Indians (14 in all) and a little before that had ſeen a canoe go from the veſſel full of Indians likewiſe, and goods, whereupon they ſuſpected they had killed John Oldham, wh… had only two boys and two Narrhaganſet Indians in his p. 18veſſel beſides himſelf, and the rather becauſe they let ſlip, and ſet up ſail (being two miles from the ſhore, the wind and tide coming off the ſhore of the Iſland whereby they drove toward the main land of Narrhaganſet) therefore they went a head of them, and having nothing but two pieces, and two piſtols, they bore up near the Indians, who ſtood on the deck of the veſſel ready armed with guns, ſwords and pikes; but John Gallop, a man of ſtout courage, let fly among them and ſo galled them, that they got all down under the hatches, and then they ſtood off again, and returning with a good gale, they ſtemmed her upon the quarter, and almoſt overſet her, which ſo affrighted the Indians, as ſix of them leaped overboard, and were drowned, yet they durſt not board her, but ſtood off again, and fitted their anchor, ſo as ſtemming her the ſecond time, they bored her bow through with their anchor, and ſticking faſt to her, they made divers ſhot through the ſides of her, and ſo raked her fore and aft (being but inch board) as they muſt needs kill or hurt ſome of the Indians; but ſeeing none of them come forth, they got looſe from her, and then ſtood off again: then four or five more of the Indians leaped into the ſea, and were likewiſe drowned: whereupon there being but four left in her, they boarded her; when an Indian came up and yielded; him they bound, and put into the hold: then another yielded; him they alſo bound, but Gallop, being well acquainted with their ſkill to unlooſe one another, if they lay near together, and having no place to keep them aſunder, flung him bound into the ſea; then looking about they found John Oldham under an old ſail ſtark naked, having his head cleft to the brains; his hands and legs cut as if they had been cutting them off, yet warm: ſo they put him into the ſea: but could not well tell how to come at the other two Indians (who were in a little room underneath with their ſwords) ſo they took the goods which were left, and the ſails, and towed the boat away, but night coming on, and the wind riſing, they were forced to turn her off, and the wind carried her to the Narrhaganſet ſhore, where they left her.

p. 19ON the 26th of the ſaid July, the two Indians which were with John Oldham, and one other Indian, came from Canonicus (the chief Sachem of the Narrhaganſets) with a letter from Mr. Williams, to ſignify what had befallen John Oldham, and how grievouſly they were offended: and that Miantonimo (the ſecond Sachem of the Narrhaganſets) was gone with 17 canoes and 200 men to take revenge. But upon examination of the other Indian, who was brought priſoner to them, they found that all the Sachems of the Narrhaganſets, except Canonicus and Miantonimo, were contrivers of John Oldham's death, and the occaſion was becauſe he went to make peace, and trade with the Pequods laſt year: The priſoner ſaid alſo that Oldham's two Indians were acquainted with it; but becauſe they were ſent as meſſengers from Canonicus, they would not impriſon them: But the Governor wrote back to Mr. Williams to let the Narrhaganſets know, they expected they ſhould ſend home John Oldham's two boys, and take revenge upon the Iſlanders, and withal gave Mr. Williams caution to look to himſelf, if there ſhould be occaſion to make war with the Narrhaganſets (for Block-Iſland was under them) and the next day he wrote to Canonicus, by one of thoſe Indians, that he had ſuſpicion of him that was ſent, and yet he had ſent him back, becauſe he was a meſſenger: but did expect, if he ſhould ſend for the ſaid two Indians, he ſhould ſend them to him.

FOUR days after John Oldham's two boys were ſent home by one of Miantonimo's men, with a letter from Mr. Williams, that Miantonimo had cauſed the Sachem of Niantick to ſend to Block-Iſland for them, and that he had near 100 fathom of peag, and much other goods of Oldham's which ſhould be reſerved for them. And three of the ſeven that were drowned were Sachems, and that one of the two which was hired by the Niantick Sachem, was dead alſo. So they wrote back to have the reſt of thoſe which were neceſſary to be ſent, and the reſt of the goods, and that he ſhould tell Canonicus and Miantonimo that they held them innocent, but the ſix other Sachems were guilty.

p. 20LIEUT. Gibbons and Mr. Higginſon were ſent ſoon after with Cuſhamakin the Sachem of the Maſſachuſetts, to Canonicus, to treat with him about the murder of John Oldham. They returned with acceptance and good ſucceſs of their buſineſs; obſerving in the Sachem much ſtate, great command of his men, and marvellous wiſdom in his anſwers; and in the carriage of the whole treaty clearing himſelf and his neighbours of the murder, and offering revenge of it, yet upon very ſafe and wary conditions.

THE Engliſh of Maſſachuſetts after the peace concluded with the Pequods, ſent a bark thither for trade, that trial might be made of the reality of their friendſhip, but they found them treacherous and falſe, and that no advantage was to be had by any commerce with them, inſomuch as they took up a reſolution never more to have to do with them; which the ſaid Indians perceiving, made no account of the former peace, but took all advantage to do us miſchief, not only by harbouring thoſe who had murthered Mr. Oldham, but ſurprizing many of the Engliſh in the year 1636, when Connecticut river began firſt to be planted, divers of whom were killed (nine at one time in April, 1637) by them about Wethersfield, when the plantation then firſt began, ſo as they could not paſs up and down the river without a guard, but they would be in danger of being cut off or carried away, as two maids were ſaid to be; thirty men have been killed by them in all; thoſe who fell into their hands alive, were cruelly tortured, after a moſt barbarous manner, by inſulting over their priſoners in a blaſphemous wiſe, when in their dying agonies, under the extremity of their pains (their fleſh being firſt flaſhed with knives, and then filled with burning embers) they called upon God and Chriſt with gaſping groans, reſigning up their ſouls into their hands; with which words theſe wretched caitifs uſed to mock the Engliſh afterward, when they came within their hearing and view.

ABOUT the ſame time ſome agents ſent over by the Lord Say, and the Lord Brook, built a fort at the mouth p. 21of Connecticut river, wherein was placed one Lieutenant Gardiner, and a convenient number of ſoldiers to ſecure the place, intended ſoon after to be planted, but all the winter following, being the end of the year 1636, they were little better than beſieged by the ſaid ſavages, not daring to ſtir out of command of the fort, but they were ready to be ſeized by theſe their barbarous enemies: At one time the Lieutenant himſelf with …en or twelve of the ſoldiers, marching out of the fort, with intent to paſs over a neck of land, to burn the marſhes; as ſoon as they had paſſed over the ſtreight of the neck, they eſpied a company of Indians making towards the ſaid iſthmus, which if they could not recover, they ſee they muſt all periſh; whereupon returning back with all ſpeed, they very narrowly eſcaped, and were two or three of them killed notwithſtanding, before they could get back into the fort, which was preſently ſurrounded with multitudes of them; but the diſcharging of a piece of ordnance gave them warning to keep further from the walls. Sometimes they came with their canoes into the river in view of the ſoldiers within the fort, and when they apprehended themſelves out of reach of their guns, they would imitate the dying groans and invocations of the poor captive Engliſh, which the Engliſh ſoldiers were forced with ſilent patience to bear, not being then in a capacity to requite their inſolent blaſphemies. But they being by theſe horrible outrages juſtly provoked to indignation, unanimouſly agreed to join their forces together, to root them out of the earth, with God's aſſiſtance.

THE Governor and Council having ſoon after aſſembled the reſt of the magiſtrates, and the miniſters, to adviſe with them about doing juſtice for Oldham's death, they all agreed that it ſhould be done with all expedition; and accordingly on the 25th of Auguſt following, 80 or 90 men were ſent out under the command of Capt. Endicot of Salem, who went to the Pequod country by water, with commiſſion to treat with the ſaid Pequods, firſt offering terms of peace, if they p. 22would ſurrender the murderers of the Engliſh, and forbear further acts of hoſtility, or elſe fight them.

THE Captain aforeſaid coming aſhore with his company, by a meſſage ſent them by an interpreter, obtained ſome little ſpeech with a great number of them at a diſtance; but after they underſtood what was propounded to them, firſt cunningly getting behind a hill, they preſently ran away into the woods and ſwamps, where there was no purſuing of them: however, one diſcharging a gun among them as they were taking their flight, ſtayed the courſe of one, which was all that could be done againſt them at that time.

WINTER approaching, and no encouragement preſenting further to purſue them at that time, it was reſolved better to return back for the preſent, and wait a further ſeaſon, when more forces could be gathered together to purſue the quarrel to the utmoſt.

MIANTONIMO ſoon after ſent a meſſage to them with a letter from Mr. Williams, to ſignify that they had taken one of the Indians, who had broken priſon, and had him ſafe for them, when they ſhould ſend for him (as they had before ſent to him for that end) and that the other had ſtolen away (not knowing it ſeems that he was their priſoner) and that according to their promiſe they would not entertain any of that Iſland, which ſhould come to them; but they conceived it was rather in love to him whom they concealed, for he had been his ſervant formerly, but when they ſent for thoſe two Indians, one was ſent them, but the other was ſaid to be dead before the meſſenger came: But the Pequods harboured thoſe of Block-Iſland, and therefore juſtly brought the revenge of the Engliſh upon them.

AMONGST thoſe ſoldiers that were ſent under Capt. Endicot, were twenty that belonged to Saybrook-fort, and were appointed to ſtay there, to defend the place againſt the Pequods: After the ſaid Capt. and the reſt p. 23were departed, thoſe twenty lay wind bound in the Pequod harbour, and in the mean while went all of them aſhore, with ſacks to fetch ſome of the Pequods corn: and having fetched each man one ſack full to their boat, they returned for more, and having loaded themſelves the Indians ſet upon them, ſo they laid down their corn, and gave fire upon the Indians, and the Indians ſhot their arrows againſt them; the place was open about the diſtance of a muſket ſhot; the Indians kept the covert, ſave when they came forth one at a time and diſcharged their arrows: The Engliſh put themſelves in a ſingle file, and ten only that had pieces that could reach them, ſhot, the others ſtood ready to keep them from breaking in. So they continued moſt part of the afternoon; the Engliſh, as they ſuppoſed, killed divers of them, and hurt others; and the Indians wounded but one of the Engliſh, who was armed, all the reſt being without: For they ſhot their arrows compaſs-wiſe, ſo as they could eaſily ſee and avoid them ſtanding ſingle, then always gathered up their arrows: At the laſt the Indians being weary of the ſport, gave the Engliſh leave to retire to their boat.—This was in October, 1636.

ABOUT two days after, five men of Saybrook went up the river about four miles to fetch hay out of a meadow on the Pequod ſide: The graſs was ſo high as ſome Pequods hiding themſelves in it, ſet upon the Engliſh before they were aware, and took one that had hay on his back, the reſt fled to their boat, one of them had five arrows in him, yet recovered: He that was taken was a goodly young man, whoſe name was Butterfield; whereupon the meadow was ever after called Butterfield's meadow.

Icarus Icariis nomina dedit aquis.

ABOUT fourteen days after, ſix of the ſoldiers were ſent out of the fort to keep an houſe which they had ſet up in a corn-field, about two miles from the fort. Three of them went forth a fowling, which the Lieutenant had ſtrictly forbidden, two had pieces, and the third only a ſword, when ſuddenly about an hundred Indians came p. 24out of the covert and ſet upon them, he who had the ſword brake through, and received only two ſhot, and thoſe not dangerous, and ſo eſcaped to the houſe which was not above a bow ſhot off, and perſwaded the other two to follow, but they ſtayed ſtill, 'till the Indians came and took them, and carried them away with their pieces. Soon after they beat down the ſaid houſe, and out-houſes, and hay ſtacks, and within a bow ſhot of the fort, killed a cow, and ſhot divers others, which came home with arrows ſticking in them.

AFTER Mr. Endicot's departure, the Pequods perceiving that they had by ſeveral late injuries and outrages, drawn upon themſelves the hatred of all the Engliſh, as well as of their own people by former wrongs, and diſtruſting their own ability to deal with them all at once, did at the laſt by all ſubtle inſinuations and perſuaſions, try to make their peace with the Narrhaganſets, uſing ſuch arguments as to right reaſon ſeemed not only pregnant to the purpoſe, but alſo (if revenge, that bewitching and pleaſing paſſion of man's mind had not blinded their eyes) moſt cogent and invincible: But they were, by the good providence of God, with-held from embracing thoſe counſels, which might otherways have proved moſt pernicious to the deſign of the Engliſh, viz. That the Engliſh were ſtrangers, and began to overſpread the country, the which would ſoon be poſſeſſed by them to the depriving the ancient inhabitants of their right, if they were not timely prevented; and that the Narrhaganſets would but make way for their own ruin, by helping to deſtroy the Pequods; for after themſelves were ſubdued, it would not be long ere the Narrhaganſets themſelves, would in the next place be …ooted out likewiſe: whereas if they would but join together againſt the Engliſh they could demonſtrate how the Engliſh might eaſily either be deſtroyed or forced to leave the country, and that without any danger to themſelves: Telling them alſo that they never need come to any open battles, they might deſtroy them only by firing their houſes, and killing their cattle, and lying in wait for them as they went about their ordinary occaſions; p. 25which courſe if it were purſued, they ſaid their new and unwelcome neighbours could not long ſubſiſt; but would either be ſtarved with hunger and cold, or forced to forſake the country.

MATCHIAVEL himſelf if he had ſat in counſel with them could not have inſinuated ſtronger reaſons to have perſwaded them to a peace.

IT is ſaid that ſo much reaſon was apprehended in theſe motives, that the Narrhaganſets were once wavering, and were almoſt perſwaded to have granted an ear to their advice and perſwaſion and joined all againſt the Engliſh; but when they conſidered what an advantage they had put into their hands by the ſtrength and favor of the Engliſh, to take a full revenge of all their former injuries, upon their inveterate enemies, the thought of that was ſo ſweet, that it turned the ſcale againſt all other conſiderations whatſoever.

SOON after this, Miantonimo Sachem of the Narrhaganſets, came to Boſton (being ſent for by theGovernor) with two of Canonicus's ſons, and another Sachem, and near twenty of their men, whom they call Sannaps. The Governor, having notice by Cuſhamakin the Maſſachuſetts Sachem, ſent twenty muſketeers to Roxbury to meet them. They came to Boſton about noon, where the Governor had called together all the Magiſtrates and Miniſters to give countenance to their proceedings, and to adviſe about the terms of peace. After dinner, Miantonimo declared what he had to ſay to them in ſeveral propoſitions, which were to this effect, that they had always loved the Engliſh, and now deſired a firm peace with them, and that they would continue war with the Pequods, and their confederates, till they were ſubdued, and deſired the Engliſh would do ſo too: Promiſing to deliver their enemies to them, or kill them, and two months after to ſend them a preſent. The Governor told them they ſhould have an anſwer the next morning, which was done, upon articles ſubſcribed by him, and p. 26they alſo ſubſcribed with him, wherein a firm peace was concluded, but becauſe they could not make them well underſtand the articles, they told them they would ſend a copy of them to Mr. Williams, who could beſt interpret the ſame to them. So after dinner they took leave, and were conveyed out of town by ſome muſketeers, and diſmiſſed with a volley of ſhot.

The ARTICLES here follow.

I. A FIRM peace betwixt them and their friends on either part (if they conſent) and their confederates (if they will obſerve the articles) and their poſterity.

II. NEITHER part to make peace with the Pequods without the others conſent.

III. NOT to harbour any of the Pequods.

IV. TO put to death, or deliver up any of the murderers of the Engliſh.

V. TO return fugitive ſervants.

VI. THE Engliſh to give them notice when they go out againſt the Pequods, and the other to ſend them guides.

VII. FREE trade to be between them.

VIII. NONE of them to come near the Engliſh plantations during the war with the Pequods, without ſome Engliſhman, or known Indian.

IX. TO continue to the poſterity of both parts.

THESE Articles were indifferently well obſerved by the Narrhaganſetts, till the Pequods, their mortal enemies, were totally ſubdued; but then they began to grow inſolent and treacherous, eſpecially this Miantonimo himſelf; as will appear in the ſequel.

p. 27CUSHAMAKIN alſo the Sachem of the Maſſachuſetts ſubſcribed thoſe articles with the Engliſh.

THE report of the unheard of cruelties forementioned, which had been perpetrated by the Pequods filling the ears of the Engliſh throughout the country; it was agreed by the joint conſent of the Engliſh thro'out the three colonies to unite all their forces together, for the ſuppreſſing the common enemy, early in the ſpring Anno 1637, who were alſo moved thereunto by their own neceſſities as well as by the earneſt requeſt of their friend at Connecticut.

THOSE of Plimouth being written unto by the Governor of the Maſſachuſetts, appeared very cordially willing thereunto, to which end they agreed to ſend fifty men at their own charge, with as much ſpeed as the matter required, with ſufficient leaders appointed, and a bark provided to carry them proviſions, and …end upon them on all occaſions; but before they could be diſpatched away the next ſpring, news was brought that the enemy was wholly routed, ſo as their journey wa… ſtopped, and their good will accepted for the deed; a… if they really had been there to have borne their part in the ſervice; their non-appearance in time and place being not to be imputed to any backwardneſs in their minds, but to their too late invitation to the ſervice; the motion fetching a large compaſs from Connecticut down to the Maſſachuſetts; from whom in the laſt place they were ſollicited thereunto. And for the other tw… colonies, thoſe of Connecticut being quickened on by the ſpur of neceſſity, and preſent ſenſe of the inſolency daily acted at their very doors, were ſooneſt upon their march, and by the good hand of God upon them, had given the main ſtroke before their friends of the Maſſachuſetts could come up with them, yet was there no repining for the want of the glory of the victory, nor was there any cauſe, thoſe that were the chief actors therein being forward to give God the glory of the whole, and not willing to pocket up any thing thereof themſelves, acknowledging that they never ſaw more of God, or leſs of p. 28man in any buſineſs of that nature, as may more fully be underſtood by particulars enſuing.

THE colony of the Maſſachuſetts determined to ſend an hundred and ſixty, of whom an hundred and twenty were ordered under the conduct of Capt. Patrick of Watertown, and Capt. Traſk of Salem, Capt. Stoughton of Dorcheſter being to command in chief; with whom was ſent that holy man of God, Mr. John Wilſon, (paſtor of the church of Boſton) the chariots and horſemen of our Iſrael, by whoſe faith and prayer, as ſometimes was ſaid of Luther (in reference to Germany) the country was preſerved, ſo as it was confidently believed that no enemy ſhould break in upon a place whilſt he ſurvived, which as ſome have obſerved accordingly came to paſs.

THE matter requiring great expedition, and it being long before the whole company could be diſpatched away, Capt. Patrick with forty men were ſent beforehand, to be ſure to meet with thoſe of Connecticut in caſe they ſhould be in action, before the reſt of our forces could get into a readineſs, which accordingly come to paſs; for the main buſineſs in taking the fort was over, even before the ſaid Patrick could get thither. Capt. Underhill was ſent by Mr. Vane the Governor to Saybrook the winter before to ſtrengthen the garriſon there. The aſſaulting and ſurprizing of this Indian fort, being the moſt remarkable piece of ſervice in that whole expedition; take it as it was delivered in writing by that valiant, faithful, and prudent commander, Capt. Maſon, chief in the action, who lived long after to reap the fruit of his labor, and enjoy the benefit of that day's ſervice, having an inheritance given him in that part of the country, as a juſt reward of his faithful ſervice on that day as well as at other times. Wequaſh a Pequed by nation, but diſguſted by the Sachem, proved a good guide to the Engliſh, by whoſe direction they were led to a fort near Myſtick river, ſome miles nearer than Saſſacous's fort, which they firſt intended to aſſault.

ON the ſecond Wedneſday of May, being the tenth day of that month, we ſet ſail with ninety men of the p. 29Engliſh in one Pink, one Pinnace, and two Boats, towards the Pequods, with ſeventy river Indians; having ſomewhat a long paſſage to Saybrook fort, about forty of our Indians deſired to go down by land on Saturday, but on Monday they went forth from the fort, and meeting ſeven Pequods and Nianticks, they ſlew five outright, took one priſoner, and brought him into Saybrook fort, where he was executed by Capt. Underhill, the other eſcaped.