Narrative of the Indian Wars in New England, Letter 2 – Floating text 4

Narrative of the Indian Wars in New England · Letter 2 – Floating text 4

p. 223Salmon Falls, October 16th, 1675.

Mr. Richard Waldern and Lieut. Coffin, theſe are to inform you, that juſt now the Indians are engaging us with at leaſt 100 men, and have ſlain four of our men already, Richard Tozer, James Barny, Iſaac Bottes, and Tozer's ſon, and burnt Benoni Hodſdan's houſe: Sirs, if ever you have any love for us and the country, now ſhew youſelves with men to help us, or elſe we are all in great danger to be ſlain, unleſs our God p. 224wonderfully appear for our deliverance. They that cannot fight let them pray; nothing elſe, but I reſt,

Yours to ſerve you, ROGER PLAISTED, GEORGE BROUGHTON.

WHAT anſwer was returned to this importunate and pathetical letter is not fully known at preſent; moſt probably he that was moſt concerned in the contents of it was either abſent from home, or in no capacity to ſend the relief deſired, which if it could have been had, might have prevented the ſad miſchief that fell out the next day … when Lieut. Plaiſted being more earneſtly bent to perform that laſt office of love to his deceaſed friends, whom he could not by all his endcavours ſave from the danger of death, while they were in the land of the living, would needs venture himſelf with 20 ſoldiers out of his garriſon, to fetch off the dead bodies.

TO that end he ordered a pair of oxen to be yoked to bring them to his garriſon, in order to their chriſtian burial, not conſidering that the Indians lay ſkulking thereabouts, waiting for ſuch opportunities. They went firſt to the furtheſt place, where they found R. Tozer's body, and put it in the cart, but coming back to take up the other two bodies which were fallen in a little ſwamp nearer to the garriſon, they were ſet upon by 150 of the enemy, who had hid themſelves in the buſhes, and under a ſtone wall, and logs in the way as they were to paſs; by the ſudden noiſe of the guns the cattle being frighted, ran away to the garriſon with ſuch of the dead as were firſt laid thereon (and poſſibly with one of them wounded at that inſtant) leaving their owners to fight it out with the enemy. Lieut. Plaiſted being thus deſperately aſſaulted, he with his 20 men was forced to retreat to a place of better advantage; but being there ſo warmly purſued, they were not able to abide it long, although they killed and mortally wounded ſeveral of the Indians, as themſelves have ſince confeſſed; but they moſt of them being ſo much over-matched, took the opportunity of a fair retreat, p. 225and ſo got ſafe to their garriſon, while Lieut. Plaiſted out of the height of his courage, diſdaining either to fly from, or yield himſelf (for 'tis ſaid the Indians were loth to kill him, but deſirous rather to take him priſoner) into the hands of ſuch curſed caitiffs, did fight it out deſperately, till he was ſlain upon the place; his eldeſt ſon and another man were ſlain in their too late retreat, and his other ſon was ſorely wounded, ſo that he died within a few weeks after.

THE Indians were contented with this miſchief for the preſent, and ſlunk away into the woods before the next day, when Captain Froſt came up from Sturgeon Creek, a few miles below the river, with a party of his friends, and buried the dead. During theſe onſets the enemy alſo took the advantage to burn three houſes and two barns before they left the place.

THE latter end of the ſame month they burnt a mill near the ſame place belonging to Mr. Hutchinſon, a merchant of Boſton; from whence they came down toward Sturgeon Creek, where they burnt one houſe and killed two men not far from Captain Froſt's dwelling, he eſcaping himſelf very narrowly, being ſhot at by the enemy, about ten in number, who might eaſily have burnt his houſe and taken all that was in it, being but three boys beſides himſelf, had he not uſed this policy, to call out to ſome to march this, and the other way, to look after the Indians, as if he had had many at hand to command, which under God was the means of his eſcape; for his houſe was neither fortified, nor well manned, although far from neighbors.

THE next day the ſaid Indians paſſed down the river on Kittery ſide, killed one man, whoſe houſe they firſt plundered, and then ſet it on fire; all this was done juſt over againſt Portſmouth, from whence out of a ſmall battery was diſcharged a piece of ordnance, which by a good Providence was directed ſo to fling its ſhot, as it fell very near a party of the Indians, for they were ſo affrighted therewith (if none of them p. 226were killed) that they left a good part of their plunder near the place. They were purſued by ſome of the Engliſh before they could recover their home, and by the help of the ſnow that fell about that time, were traced till they were overtaken, but being near a ſwamp eſcaped, thro' haſte leaving two of their packs behind.

SOON after, they went up the river again to Quechecho, where they burnt a houſe and two or three barns.— Another party of them got over or beyond the other branches of Piſcataqua river, towards Exeter, and Lampney Eele river, where they killed one man. Many of them were ſeen in the woods about Exeter, and between Hampton and Exeter, where they killed one or two men in the woods as they were travelling homewards, occaſioning the people of thoſe towns to ſtand continually upon their guard, which proved a great annoyance to the inhabitants.

BUT let us look a little back to the plantations more eaſtward from Piſcataqua river, where theſe outrages of the Indians firſt began.

AT Caſco-Bay, Lieut. Ingerſon's ſon with another man, going out a fowling about this time, were both killed before they returned home, his father's houſes being burnt, with many others alſo thereabouts.

AT Black Point, Lieut. Augur with two more were aſſaulted by the Indians, where after many ſhot exchanged betwixt them, himſelf was ſo wounded, that he died ſoon after, and his brother alſo was killed within a few days after, not far from the ſame place.

WHEN the riſing of the Indians firſt began in thoſe eaſtern parts (with us called the county of Yorkſhire) Capt. Wincol of Newechewannick, with ſome others, having a ſympathy for the ſufferings of his neighbors, marched up that way with a ſmall party of men. In his firſt ſkirmiſh with the enemy he chanced to loſe two or three of his company; the reſt, not being above p. 22711 in all, as they were marching along by the ſea ſide were aſſaulted by a great number of the Indians, judged to be 150; being hard beſet with ſo great a number, they retreated to an heap of bolts that lay near the water ſide, by the ſhelter of which they lay ſafe from the enemy's guns, and ſo well played their few guns, that they ſlew many of the Indians, and put them all to a kind of rout at laſt; after which, by the help of an old canoe, they recovered ſafe to the other ſide of the bank. But nine Saco men had worſe ſucceſs, who came with a good intention to help their friends, upon the hearing of their guns; but as they came to reſcue Capt Wincol with his ſmall party, they themſelves fell into an ambuſh of the enemy, and ſo were all cut off, with two other men alſo, near the place where the firſt ſkirmiſh was, for the Indians from the ſhore ſide could diſcern any that were coming towards them when they were at a great diſtance, and ſo might eaſily way-lay them before they could come up to them. Near upon ſeven houſes were burnt about this time, and ſome perſons killed at Black Point.

TWO perſons were killed at Wells in the beginning of winter, one of them was a ſervant to Mr. William Symonds (one of the principal men in the town aforeſaid) the gentleman himſelf with his family were removed to a garriſon houſe in the middle of the town. His ſervant going early in the morning to look after ſome buſineſs there, tarried longer than was needful, to provide ſomething for himſelf, the Indians invited themſelves to breakfaſt with him, making the poor fellow pay the ſhot, when they had done, with the loſs of his life.

A WEEK after one Croſs was ſlain at Wells likewiſe, who was a kind of a diſtracted fellow. Alſo one Iſaac Couſins was there killed in the beginning of winter, after there had been ſome overtures of peace between Major Waldern and the Indians.

WITH ſuch kind of mutual encounters was the latter part of the year ſpent betwixt the Indians and the Engliſh p. 228from Piſcataqua river to Kennebeck, from the beginning of Auguſt to the end of November, wherein many were ſlain on both ſides; of the Engliſh in thoſe parts were ſlain upwards of fifty; the enemy loſt, as appeared afterwards by their own confeſſion, above 90, partly in the aforeſaid ſkirmiſhes, and partly in their joining with the Indians to the weſtward, whither it is ſaid, many of them were invited to repair, to help deſtroy the Engliſh, in hopes to enjoy their poſſeſſions afterwards; but God had otherwiſe determined, who did ariſe at laſt to ſave the meek ones of the earth, and plead the cauſe of his people.

THE Governor and Council of Maſſachuſets had at this time their hands full with the like attempts of Philip and his accomplices to the weſtward, yet were not unmindful of the deplorable condition of theſe eaſtern plantations; having committed the care thereof to the Majors of the reſpective regiments of the ſeveral counties on that ſide of the country, but more eſpecially to the care and prudence of the Honorable Major D. Deniſon, Major General of the colony, a getleman who by his great inſight in, and long experience of all martial affairs, was every way accompliſhed for the managing that whole affair; he had, to eaſe the other ſide of the country, drawn out a ſufficient number of ſoldiers from the next counties, to have reduced all the Indians eaſtward to their obedience; but juſt as they were intended to march up to the headquarters of the Indians, to fall upon them there, viz. to Oſſapy and Pigwauchet, about an hundred miles up into the country northward, the winter ſetting in ſo ſharp and ſevere in the beginning of December, and latter end of November, it was not poſſible to have marched a day's journey into the woods without hazarding all their lives that ſhould venture up, the ſnow being found generally in thoſe woods four foot thick on the 10th of December, ſo as it was not poſſible for any to have travelled that way unleſs they carried rackets under their feet, wherewith to walk upon the top of the ſnow: This only conſideration forced them to lay p. 229aſide their deſign for the preſent, but ſoon after it was done to their hands; for the depth of the ſnow, and ſharpneſs of the cold, were ſo extream, that the Indians in thoſe parts were ſo pinched therewith, that being ſtarved they began to ſue for peace, making their addreſs firſt to Major Waldern on that account, by whoſe mediations that whole body of Indians eaſtward were brought to an hopeful concluſion of peace, which was mutually agreed upon, and poſſibly might have remained firm enough to this day, had there not been too juſt an occaſion given for the breaking of the ſame, by the wicked practice of ſome lewd perſons which opened the door, and made way for the bringing in all thoſe ſad calamities and miſchieſs that have ſince fallen upon thoſe parts of the country, as ſhall hereafter be declared.

IN the latter end of June, 1676, the Indians that had made a general conſpiracy againſt the Engliſh. were ſtrangely diſperſed and diſpirited, ſo that they from that time began to ſeparate one from another, and every nation of them to ſhift for themſelves, as hath already been mentioned in the former part of this narrative. Canonicus, the great Sachem of the Narrhaganſets, diſtruſting the proffers of the Engliſh, was ſlain in the woods by the Mobawks, his Squaw ſurrendering herſelf, by this means her life was ſpared.

MANY of thoſe about Lancaſter, and the places adjoining thereto, did cunningly endeavour to hide themſelves amongſt thoſe Indians about Piſcataqua, that had newly made their ſubmiſſion to the Engliſh, by Major Waldern's means, and concluded a peace, yee could neither diſſemble their nature and diſpoſition paſt before from ſuſpicion of miſchief, nor yet ſo artiſicially conceal their perſons, but they were eaſily diſcerned by ſuch as in former times had any acquaintance with the eaſtern Indians by way of trade, or other converſe: Whereupon the forces newly raiſed in the Maſſachuſets, under the command of Capt. William H…thonne, and p. 230Capt. Joſeph Sill, deſigned for the ſubduing of thoſe Indians about the river of Merrimack and Piſcataqua, that ſtill ſtood out in hoſtility againſt the Engliſh, meeting with thoſe under the command of Major Waldern aforeſaid, and Capt. Froſt of Kittery; it was mutually agreed betwixt thoſe ſeveral commanders to ſeize upon all thoſe Indians that at that time were met together about Major Waldern's dwelling at Quechecho; the deſign ſucceeded according to expectation, and all the Indians were handſomely ſurprized the 6th of September, 1676, without the loſs of any perſons life, either Indian or Engliſh; to the number of near 400; by which device, after our forces had them all in their hands, they ſeparated the peaceable from the perfidious, that had been our enemies during the late troubles; finding above 200 involved in the former rebellion, more or leſs, they accordingly were ſent down to the Governor and Council at Boſton, who adjudged 7 or 8 of them immediately to die; ſuch as were known to have had their hands in the blood of the Engliſh, or that had been ſhed by their means; the reſt that were found only acceſſaries to the late miſchiefs, had their lives ſpared, but were ſent into other parts of the world to try the difference between the friendſhip of their neighbours here, and their ſervice with other maſters elſewhere.

THOSE who had been always peaceable and true to the Engliſh, never intermeddling in the quarrel, as Wannalancet, the Sagamore of Pennicook, and ſome others, were quietly diſmiſſed to their own places. Beſides thoſe that were ſurprized at the time aforeſaid, there were ſeveral others who had been the chief actors, that were taken up and down in thoſe woods beyond Merrimack, and ſo were delivered up to juſtice; as John Manoco, Sagamore Sam, old Jethro, with ſome others, as hath been already mentioned, yet young Jethro brought in 40 at one time. It was a ſpecial …vor from God ſo to order it, that the Indians aforeſaid, were ſo ſurprized; for had they continued in their former rebellion, and had taken the opportunity p. 231to have joined with the eaſtern Indians, as ſome of them did a few months before, they would in all likelihood have utterly deſtroyed all the plantations of the Engliſh beyond Piſcataqua river, as manifeſtly appears by the miſchief which was lately done by means of a few, that by too much connivance of ſome in thoſe parts, that entertained a better opinion of them than it ſeems they deſerved. For whereas mention was formerly made of a ſmall party of Indians, that on the 3d day of May, in this preſent year, had murdered one Thomas Kembel, of Bradford, and carried away his wife and 5 children captive; yet two or three of the actors did, upon what conſideration is not known, return the woman and children again within ſix weeks, and becauſe of their voluntarily returning of them, were dealt more favorably with; being only put into priſon at Dover, for a time; yet poſſibly conceiving that a priſon was but a preparation for a worſe evil, they took an opportunity (two of the chief actors in the aforeſaid miſchief, one called Simon, the other Andrew) to convey themſelves out of the place of reſtraint, and afterwards going amongſt the Amoſcoggan and Kennebeck Indians, have joined with them in thoſe bloody and cruel depredations lately made in thoſe parts, which follow in order next to be related.

SOME little colour or pretence of injury was alledged before thoſe eaſtern Indians began their outrage, both in the former, as well as in the preſent year; the chief actor or rather the beginner of all the aforeſaid miſchiefs eaſtward, is one Squande, the Sagamore of Saco Indians, whoſe Squaw, as is ſaid, was abuſed by a rude and indiſcreet act of ſome Engliſh ſeaman, the laſt ſummer, 1675, who either overſet the canoe wherein the ſaid ſquaw with her child were ſailing in a river thereabouts, or elſe to try whether the children of the Indians as they had heard, could ſwim as naturally as any other creatures, wittingly caſt her child into the water; but the ſquaw immediately diving into the water after it, fetched it up from the bottom of the river, yet it ſo falling out that within a while after the p. 232ſaid child died (which it might have done if no ſuch affront had been offered) the ſaid Squando, father of the child, hath been ſo provoked thereat, that he hath ever ſince ſet himſelf to do all the miſchief he can to the Engliſh in thoſe parts, and was never as yet, ſince that time, truly willing to be reconciled, although he is ſaid to have ſent home ſome that were taken captive the laſt year. Surely if their hearts had not been ſecretly filled with malice and revenge before, they might have obtained ſatisfaction for the wrong done at an eaſier rate; more probable it is that this was only an occaſion to vent the miſchief they had formerly conceived in their hearts.

THERE is an injury of an higher nature, mentioned as the ground of their quarrel with us who live about Pemmaquid and Kennebeck, which happened the laſt ſpring, viz. one Laughton, with another perſon or more, who having obtained under the hand of Major Waldern, a warrant to ſeize any Indians eaſtward that had been guilty of any murder or ſpoil done to the Engliſh in thoſe parts, did (moſt perfidiouſly and wickedly entice ſome of the Indians about Cape Sables, who never had been in the leaſt manner guilty of any injury done to the Engliſh) on board their veſſel, or elſe ſome other way, and then carried them away to fell them for ſlaves; which the Indians in thoſe parts look upon as an injury done to themſelves, and have alledged it to the inhabitants of Pemmaquid, as one of the principal grounds of their preſent quarrel: The thing alledged is too true as to matter of fact, and the perſons that did it were lately committed to priſon in order to their further trial. Yet all thoſe Indians do, or may know full well, that they who did them that wrong, were liable to due puniſhment (or elſe their quarrel might be uncounted juſt, and they conſidered as Indians, muſt have the more allowance) if they could be found, nor ever were any countenanced amongſt us, that had done them any kind of injury, nor did thoſe that take upon them the revenging of the injury, know that they were inhabitants of this p. 233country that did the wrong; nor was there ever any orderly complaint made thereof; but this cannot excuſe their perfidiouſneſs and cruelty. Some other pretences alledged by the ſaid Indians that yet do bear no proportion to the mention of a wrong or injury, viz. becauſe our traders were forbidden to fell any ammunition to any Indians whatſoever; which thoſe Indians ſay they cannot live without; yet ſeeing they themſelves, as well as the weſtward Indians have ſo ill improved that which they had before, there was little reaſon why they ſhould quarrel with us for felling no more.

FURTHER alſo, it is affirmed by ſome perſons worthy of credit, that for divers years paſt have lived in thoſe parts, that the Indians thereabouts need not have wanted powder or ſhot, only they wanted ſomething wherewith to cloak their malicious and barbarous practices of late committed againſt us; but there being different opinions about this point, we ſhall leave it for the preſent. But this being premiſed in reference to the pretended ground, or occaſion of the quarrel, it remains that the effects thereof be now related.

BEFORE the war with Philip was well ended to the ſouthward, there was a freſh alarm founded again to the eaſtward; for on the 11th of Auguſt, 1676, the very day before Philip's heart, that had harboured ſo many miſchievous and treacherous devices againſt the Engliſh, was by one of his own company ſhot through, a party of Indians began their outrages at Caſco in a moſt perfidious and treacherous manner, killing and carring away captive, to the number of 30 perſons, and burning their houſes; amongſt whom was the family of one Anthory Bracket, an inhabitant of Caſco, who was thought to have been killed, but he himſelf, with his wife, and one of his five children carried away captive, with a negro, did happily make an eſcape from their bloody and deceitful hands, in November next enſuing.

p. 234THE manner how Anthony Bracket and his wife made their eſcape was very remarkable, and therefore judged worthy to be here inſerted, although out of due place. The Indians that led them captive, having brought them to the north ſide of Caſco Bay, news was brought to the ſaid Indians of the ſurprizal of Arowſick houſe, in Kennebeck, with all the ſtores therein, which did ſo rejoice them, that they made all haſte to ſhare in the good things there to be had: Thus eager to be gone, they promiſed Bracket and his wife that they alſo ſhould have a ſhare therein if they would make haſte after them, bringing along a burthen alloted to each of them: The woman having a little before obſerved an old birch canoe lying by the water ſide, hoped it was an opportunity Providence offered for their eſcape; whereupon ſhe firſt prudently aſked the Indians to let the negro, their own ſervant (at the ſame time carried captive by them) help them to carry their burthens, which was granted; then ſhe begged of them a piece or two of meat, which was not denyed them. Thus being furniſhed with help and proviſion, the Indians leaving them behind to come after with their ſeveral burthens, and a young child, they could not but look upon it as a nutrus Divinus, to bid them ſhift for themſelves: The woman alſo found a needle and thread in the houſe, with which ſhe mended the canoe, while they tarried on that ſide of the bay, in which they ſoon ventured to get away, which proſperouſly ſucceeded; for in that old canoe they croſſed a water eight or nine miles broad, and when they came on the ſouth ſide of the bay, they might have been in as much danger of other Indians, that had lately been about Black-Point, and had taken it; but they were newly gone: So things on all ſides thus concurring to help forward their deliverance, they came ſafely to the fat at Black-Point, where alſo by ſpecial Providence they met with a veſſel bound for Piſcataqua. that came into that harbour but a few hours before they came thither, by which means they attived ſafe in Piſcataqua river ſoon after; all which circumſtances are very worthy to be noted.

p. 235AMONGST thoſe Indians that ſeized this Bracket's family, the Chief was one Simon, who had but a little before eſcaped out of Dover priſon, where he was not carefully overlooked; he had had his hand in the murder of ſundry Engliſh, as he had confeſſed; not miſſing any, ſave one, on whom he had diſcharged his gun; but becauſe he came in voluntarily, bringing in a woman and 5 children of the Engliſh, who had been carried captive a little before, it was queſtioned whether his laſt act of ſubmiſſion might not balance his former tranſgreſſion, and therefore he was committed to that, not ſo ſecure a priſon, till his caſe might be further conſidered of. It is ſaid that coming to that Bracket's houſe over night, he pulled forth a counterfeited paſs, under the hands of ſome public officers, or men intruſted with that ſervice, making ſhew of all friendſhip; but in the morning, or ſoon after, he pulled off the vizor of a friend, and diſcovered what he was; yet granting life to this perſon and his family, that did not, or could not reſiſt, which he denied to ſomeof the neighbours not far off, who were many of them killed by this bloody villian and his partners.

THERE are ſome circumſtances in the aſſault of Anthony Bracket's houſe very conſiderable, which, becauſe it was the firſt outrage committed by the Indians in this their ſecond inſurrection, 1676, are worthy of a more particular remembering.

THIS Indian beforementioned, called Simon, after he had eſcaped out of the priſon at Dover, came to Caſco, and either in the end of July or beginning of Auguſt, acquainted himſelf with this Anthony Bracket, and oft frequented his houſe. Upon the 9th of Auguſt ſome of the Indians having killed a cow of his, the Indian Simon coming to his houſe promiſed to bring the Indians to him that had killed his cow. In the mean time they of the place ſent two men to Major Waldern's at Dover, to complain of this injury done by the Indians, but before their return, very early in p. 236the morning on the 11th of Auguſt, Simon with a party of Indians came to Anthony Bracket's houſe, and told him there were the Indians that had killed his cow; but as ſoon as they had ſaid that, the Indians went further into his houſe and took hold of all the guns they could ſee; Bracket aſked what was the meaning of that, Simon replied, that ſo it muſt be, aſking him withal, whether he had rather ſerve the Indians, or be ſlain by them, to which he anſwered, that if the caſe were ſo, he would rather chuſe to ſerve them than be killed by them; Simon replied, that then they muſt be bound, which was preſently done. The ſaid Bracket, his wife, and a negro were all bound by the Indians; his wife and a brother, who offering to reſiſt was killed forthwith, the reſt, with five children were led away priſoners.

TWO hours after, one Pike, that lived not far off, but knowing nothing of all this, went up in a canoe toward one Robert Corbin's houſe, where he found one Humphry Durham and Benjamin At…el at work about their hay; after a little ſtay, he loſt them, intending to go up higher with his canoe. but as ſoon as he was a little paſt, he heard the report of guns, which made him with another man he had with him preſently return back; before he came beyond Corban's houſe he ſaw an Engliſh boy running with all haſte, which made him fear ſome miſchief was in hand, and preſently a volley of ſhot came againſt them, but the bullets flying over their heads, did them no hurt; preſently Simon appeared, and called them to come on ſhore; but they liked not his courteſy, and turning their canoe into the ſtream, got out of the reach of their guns, haſting down to his own houſe with all ſpeed; when he came near to his houſe, he called to the people to make haſte away towards the garriſon-houſe, and bid the reſt look to themſelves, and fire upon the Indians that were coming againſt them: In the mean while the Indians paſſing from Anthony Bracket's to Corban's, killed Corban himſelf, together with Humph…y Durham and Benjamin Atwel beforementioned; then paſſing on to other houſes, p. 237killed ſome, and carried others away captive. At one of the next houſes the women and children got off into the water by a canoe; but one James Roſs, his wife and children were carried away. Corban's wife, with one of the other men's wives, and the children of another, they carried away likewiſe.

IN another ſide of the town as three perſons were going to reap at Anthony Bracket's, paſſing from an houſe where they left their canoe, met with John Mountjoy and one Wakely, to whom they told what had happened, ſoon after they heard two guns fired, whereby it ſeems two men were killed; wherefore coming back toward Thomas Bracket's, where they had left their canoe, they ſaw him ſhot down by the Indians; one of the three not ſo well able to run, hid himſelf in the buſhes in hope to make his eſcape more conveniently afterwards, which accordingly he did; but in the mean time he ſaw the Indians carry away Thomas Bracket's wife and children. Soon after the three men aforeſaid, got ſafe to Mr. Mountjoy's garriſon, but not truſting to the ſecurity of that garriſon, they ſoon after repaired to an iſland in the bay, called James Andrew's iſland. One George Lewis and his wife tarried all this time in their houſe till the next day, when they had opportunity to get ſafe to the iſland aforeſaid, together with the two men that were now returned from Major Waldern; whither they had been ſent, but too late, to make complaint of the Indians that had counterfeited his paſs to travel into thoſe parts, and had done this miſchief.

THE day after, one George Felt, ſuſpecting the worſt by reaſon of a ſmoke he ſaw on the oppoſite ſide of the town, took his wife and children into a canoe to ſee what the matter was, but when he came near a point of land not far off, he found ſeveral of his neighbors goods, which made him conclude their owners were killed, which was a ſufficient warning to him likewiſe to fly for his life, which he did to the ſame iſland. After a number of them had eſcaped thither, they recollected p. 238that they had left powder behind them in one or two places; whereupon they determined to venture a party of them in the night, to prevent the Indians from having any advantage thereby, and for their own defence if occaſion ſhould require; accordingly their attempt ſucceeded well, for they brought away a barrel of powder from one Well's houſe, and likewiſe a conſiderable quantity out of a cheſt in a ſtore houſe, where the Indians had been ranſacking, and had taken things out of the other end of the cheſt, yet overlooked the powder. In this ſurprizal of the plantation in Caſco-Bay, called Falmouth, there were 34 perſons killed and carried into captivity.

THAT this was not a caſual attempt, but a deſigned plot, will appear, in that juſt about the ſame time, the Indians at Kennebeck made the like inſurrection, whereby it is concluded, either that the Indians which eſcaped from Dover ſtirred them up thereunto, or elſe that the ſaid Indians finding them in a diſpoſition tending that way, by reaſon of ſome injuries done thoſe that dwell farther northward, they offered their ſervice to help forward the deſign.

IT is to be noted here that the Indians about Kennebeck were perſuaded to continue their former amity with the Engliſh, notwithſtanding the report of Philip's riſing that year before, and the outrages committed the laſt autumn and winter following; yet which is more, they had lately renewed their league with the Engliſh in thoſe parts, although they had often complained to thoſe of Pemmaquid, of the injury they ſuffered in the with-holding from them the trade of powder and ſhot, without which they ſaid they could not ſubſiſt, and for want of which, it is alledged by themſelves, that ſome of them periſhed the laſt winter.

BUT the quarrel of late fallen out betwixt the Engliſh and the Indians about Kennebeck and eaſtward thereof, being a matter of great importance, it ſhall, for the ſatisfaction of the reader, in what follows be p. 239more particularly deſcribed, it being the duty of every one that publiſheth things of this nature, to do the right of an hiſtorian to all who are any ways concerned in what is made public. The information was received from a prudent perſon, an eye and ear witneſs of all that happened amongſt the ſaid Indians both the former and the preſent year, and one that was more publickly concerned in thoſe tranſactions than ſome others, therefore the more credit may be given thereto.

MENTION is already made of what happened in September, 1675, to the company belonging to a ſloop and two boats that went up Caſco-Bay to gather corn. upon that accident it is ſaid divers Indians on the eaſt ſide of Kennebeck river repaired to their fort at Totonnock (a place higher up into the country beyond Kennebeck and Sheepſcot river) where was an Engliſh trading houſe: And the Indians eaſtward of ſaid river, had as yet done no harm to any of the Engliſh, yet did Capt. Sylvanus Davis, agent for Major Clarke and Capt. Lake of Boſton, upon theſe overtures think fit to fetch down the powder and ſhot, with other goods from the ſaid trading houſe, telling the Indians, by the meſſenger ſent up, he would have them come down and live below in that river, to take off jealouſies, and that he would then ſopply them with what was needful.— But the meſſenger told them in caſe they would not come down and deliver up their arms the Engliſh would kill them. He that ſendeth a meſſage by the hand of a fool, faith Solomon, cutteth off the foet, and drinketh damage. This meſſage was delivered by him as he afterwards confeſſed, but who put it into his mouth, or whether it was the device of his own heart, does not at preſent concern us to enquire, but the damage that ſide of the country hath ſuſtained thereby is not eaſy to recount; for upon this threatning meſſage the Indians forſook their fort and went further eaſtward, and ſent abroad to John's river and to the ſea ſide, to get all the Indians they could together to come up Penobſcot river.

p. 240A GENTLEMAN who at that time lived at Pemmaquid, a kind of ſuperintendent over the affairs of that place, conſidering the ſad ſtate things were running into, laboured to obtain a parly with the ſaid Indians, or with ſome of them, which after much trouble and coſt he did accompliſh. But in the mean time, ſuch was the violence uſed by ſome refractory Engliſh in thoſe parts, that they could ſcarce be reſtrained from offering violence to the perſons he ſent up as meſſengers, or others that lived quietly amongſt them, and did alſo as violently ſet themſelves up to oppoſe him or any others that acted with more moderation than the reſt; proteſting againſt them as thoſe who for gain ſupplyed the Indians with powder and ſhot, and ſaid they would kill any Indian they met; others at Monhiggon offered five pounds for every Indian that ſhould be brought, yet would not theſe perſons that were ſo violent againſt the Indians in their diſcourſe, be perſuaded then or afterwards to go out to fight the Indians in an orderly way, as appeared both by their ſecurity in not acting better upon their guard, and by their ſudden flight afterwards, running away like a flock of ſheep, at the barking of any little dog. Things being in this poſture, what could be expected but a preſent war with the Indians, although as it ſeems, there were few or none to be found willing to undertake it, or fit to manage it in thoſe parts. However, the perſon aforeſaid underſtanding the general court at Boſton had appointed a council of war at Kennebeck, applied himſelf to them, laying before them the deſperate ſtate things were falling into; whereupon they iſſued out warrants to reſtrain all manner of perſons from meddling with the Indians without further order, which within a few days ſhould be had. In the mean time the Sachems of the Indians met at Pemmaquid, where after many complaints made of the hard dealing of the Engliſh in Kennebeck river, they came to terms of peace, promiſing to keep true friendſhip with the Engliſh, and to hinder the Amoſcoggan Indians from meddling with the Engliſh, if by any means the could, and alſo to return peaceably in the ſpring of the year. This gentleman p. 241aforeſaid, having a long time waited to go to Boſton, was willing to take the opportunity of the preſent winter, hoping things were now pretty well ſettled in thoſe parts between the Indians and the Engliſh, found ſoon after that he was cited thither to anſwer ſome complaints, though ill grounded, for ſelling powder and ſhot to the Indians contrary to order. But thoſe falſe opinions being eaſily blown away by his own appearance at Boſton, and having diſpatched his buſineſs there, he returned before the winter was over to Pemmaquid, where hearing of a veſſel that intended to take Indians in thoſe parts and carry them away to market, which he had many ſtrong reaſons to believe, (it being no hard matter to ſurprize many ſuch, that ſuſpecting no fraud, would eaſily be enticed aboard a veſſel to trade, or may be to drink liquor) ſent to both the maſter and company, if they had any ſuch intent, to forbear, ſeeing thoſe Indians were at peace with us; and likewiſe to the Indians, to inform them of ſuch a veſſel, and to be aware thereof; but yet it ſeems the maſter and company took ſeveral Indians eaſtward, who were alſo at peace with us, and to our great ſorrow ſhipt them on board for a market.

THE winter being now over, the aforementioned agent of Pemmaquid went to a meeting of the Indians eaſtward, to perſuade them of the country's willingneſs to continue a peace with them. They ſeemed very joyful thereat, and in the ſpring brought ſome preſents to confirm the peace, and to that end alſo delivered up an Engliſh captive boy to thoſe of Kennebeck. But when the ſummer came on, the ſaid Indians having liberty to travel up and down the country to viſit their friends as they uſed to do, they miſſed many of them, who had in the winter been perfidiouſly carried away. and as is related, they fell into a rage againſt the Engliſh, making complaint thereof to the ſaid agent, Mr. Earthy, Mr. Richard Oliver, and others. They were told means ſhould be uſed for bringing them back again, which had been ſo tranſported. Thoſe to whom p. 242the complaint was made, did ſcarce believe it to be true, not having heard thereof from any other hand, and probably hoping none, eſpecially after ſuch ſolemn warning, would deal ſo perfidiouſly with heathens, to lay ſuch a ſtumbling block before them.

THE Indians being certain of the thing done, could not be eaſily pacified, being likewiſe incenſed againſt the Engliſh for with-holding the trade of powder and ſhot the laſt winter, ſaying they were frighted from their corn the laſt year by the people about Kennebeck, inſomuch that many of them died in the following winter for want of powder and ſhot wherewith to kill veniſon and foul; adding withal, that if the Engliſh were their friends as they pretended, they would not ſuffer them to die for want thereof. However, the ſaid agent making the beſt he could of a bad cauſe, uſed all means to pacify the complainants, and to that end promiſed them that if they would meet with any of the Amoſcoggan Indians (who had all along the bittereſt enmity againſt the Engliſh) he would give them a meeting to treat in order to a peace, Major Waldern having already concluded a peace with the Piſcataqua and Caſco Indians, and by that means, if they could conclude the like peace with the Amoſcoggan men (that could not yet be found) there would be a general peace with all the Indians eaſtward of Piſcataqua, which the Indians that were preſent at this diſcourſe ſeemed very joyful at. Yet ſtill by one fatal accident or another, j…alouſies ſtill ſeemed to increaſe in their minds, or elſe the former injuries began to boil a freſh in their ſpirits, as not being eaſily digeſ…ed, whatever had been ſaid or done to allay the offenſiveneſs thereof. Soon after comes a poſt from Tetonnock, to deſire him to repair thither according to his promiſe, where they told him he ſhould meet Squando, and divers Amoſcoggan Sachems, and that Mug was ſent poſt to fetch the ſaid Squando. This gentleman, mindful of his promiſe, went with the poſt to Kennebeck, finding Capt. Lake at his houſe in Arowſick. It was judged meet that Captain Sylveſter Davis ſhould go along with him, with inſtructions from p. 243the council then ſitting in Kennebeck, how to carry on their treaty. After they had gone part of the way towards Totonnock, they came to an Engliſh houſe, where they were cold what great jealouſies of deceit in the Indians were upon their ſpirits, from what they had heard of Mug, and Tarumkin, an Amoſcoggan Sachem. Going further, to a place called Kedonucook, they met with Indians, who were very ſhy of telling them any thing; which, added to their former intimation, greatly increaſed their fears; but being reſolved on their voyage, they proceeded in their way thither, yet failing ſhort of the place on purpoſe, that they might finiſh their buſineſs with them the next day. When they came to their fort, they were firſt faluted with a volley of ſhot, then brought into a wigwam where their Sachems were: Madockawando ſat as chief, who now ſtiles himſelf their miniſter. Being ſet in council, they made Aſſiminalqua their ſpeaker, whoſe adopted ſon was the ſaid Madockawando: He told them it was not their cuſtom, if any came as meſſengers to treat with them, to ſeize upon their perſons, as ſometimes the Mobawks did with ſuch as had been ſent to them: Capt. Davis, and the other gentleman told them therein they dealt like men; anſwer was preſently made them, you did otherwiſe by our men, when 14 came to treat with you, and ſet a guard over them, and took away their guns; and not only ſo, but a ſecond time you required our guns, and demanded us to come down unto you, or elſe you would kill us, which was the cauſe of our leaving both our fort and corn, to our great loſs.

IT was without doubt no ſmall trouble to their minds, in a treaty with theſe Pagans, baec diei potuiſſe, and non potuiſſe refelli: Yet to put the beſt conſtruction might be, on ſuch irregular actions, which could not well be juſtified, they told them the perſons who had ſo done, were not within the limits of their government, and therefore though they could not call them to an account for ſo acting, yet they did utterly diſallow thereof; adding further, as ſoon as we underſtood p. 244thereof, we ſent for you to Pemmaquid, and treated you kindly, and kept you, as you know, from the violence of the Engliſh; the Indians replied, we do but inform you, and will treat further in the afternoon; but when the afternoon came, our two meſſengers told them their buſineſs was to treat with the Amoſcoggan Sachems, and that they were ſorry Squando was not there; then having confirmed their peace with thoſe eaſtward Indians, they intreated the Amoſcoggan men to ſpeak, who likewiſe urged Tarumkin, the chief Amoſcoggan Sachem to ſpeak, who after ſome pauſe, ſaid he had been to the weſtward, where he had found many Indians unwilling for peace; but ſays he, I found three Sachems (whom he named, though thoſe he ſpake to knew them not) willing to have peace; and for my own part I am willing for peace, and give them his hand, with proteſtation of his continuing in friendſhip; ſo did 7 or 8 more of the Amoſcoggan men; whoſe names they took, of whom Mug and Robinhood's ſon were two. After this Madockawando aſked them what they ſhould do for powder and ſhot, when they had eat up their Indian corn, what they ſhould do for the winter, for their hunting voyages; aſking withal, whether they would have them die, or leave their country, and go all over to the French. Our meſſengers told him, they would do what they could with the Governor, ſome might be allowed them for neceſſity: He ſaid they had waited long already, and therefore would have them now, ſay yea or nay, whether they ſhould have powder as formerly, or not: Our meſſengers then replied, you yourſelves ſay many of the weftern Indians would not have peace, and therefore if we fell you powder, and you give it to the weſtern men, what do we but cut our own throats? Adding further, it is not in our power without leave, if you ſhould wait ten years more, to let you have powder, at which words they ſeemed much to be offended.

BUT yet the next day they reſolved to go down with them, and to ſpeak with the weſtern men, thereby, if it might be, to ſtop their further proceeding.

p. 245SO going down with them the next day, they met with ſome Indians who had got ſtrong liqour, with whom they fell a drinking; our meſſengers ſtayed at two places for them, and finding that ſtill they tarried behind, not knowing what farther to do, they went home, it being the ſixth day of the week; but the next night ſave one, news came to Kennebeck, that the Indians had killed divers Engliſh in Caſco, although it was not yet known at Pemmaquid: Upon this news Capt. Davis ſet out one ſentinel the next night; the reſt (ſuch was their ſecurity) went all to bed, and in the morning were all like Laiſh ſurprized; thus might it be ſaid, Invadunt AEdem ſomno (ſinon) vino que ſepultam. The particulars of the ſurprizing of Kennebeck, and Arowſick houſe, are thus related by ſuch as were acquainted therewith.

UPON the 13th of Auguſt, 1676, ſeveral Indians repaired in the evening to the houſe of one Mr. Hammond, an ancient inhabitant, and trader with the Indians up Kennebeck river; his daughter, or a maid that was ſervant in the houſe, either naturally afraid of the natives, or elſe from ſomething ſhe obſerved in their countenance or carriage, manifeſted ſo much ſear, as made her run out of the houſe to hide herſelf in ſome place abroad; the Indians perceiving it, the more to diſſemble their treachery, ran after her, and brought her into the houſe, telling her (although they could not perſuade her ſo to believe) that there was no reaſon to be afraid of them; preſently after more of the barbarous villians coming into the houſe, ſhe grew more afraid than before, being now more ſtrongly perſuaded that they came on purpoſe to kill or ſurprize thoſe in the family, whereupon ſhe ſuddenly made an eſcape out the houſe, and preſently paſſed into a field of Indian corn, whereby ſhe might the better avoid the danger of any purſuer, and ſo ran acroſs over the land that night, ten or twelve miles, to give them notice that lived at Sheepſcot river; it is ſaid that after ſhe got out, ſhe heard a noiſe in the houſe, as if they p. 246were fighting or ſcuffling within doors; but ſhe did not count it wiſdom to go back and ſee what the matter was, knowing before enough of their villanies, how well ſoever her miſtreſs (that was more verſed in the trade of the Indians) might think of them. Thoſe of Sheepſcot taking this warning, eſcaped away as ſoon as they could, leaving their cattle and dwellings as a prey to the Indians. What befel maſter Hammond and his family, is not yet certainly known: Reports paſs up and down, that ſome who came down the river afterwards, ſaw ſome of the dead ſtripped upon the banks of the river, which makes us fear the worſt concerning all the reſt; for certainly the whole family, 16 in number, were all at that time either killed or carried away captive, none ſave the maid aforeſaid, being known to make an eſcape, to inform their friends, like Job's meſſengers, what befel the reſt of the family.

THE Indians having in this manner ſurprized Mr. Hammand's houſe, they paſſed down the river the ſame night, but going by another houſe, they meddled not with the people, only turned their canoes adrift, that they might not find means afterwards to eſcape themſelves, or help others ſo to do: Poſſibly their chief aim being at Arowſick houſe, they would no…, for fear of being diſcovered, make any attempt upon any place near by; wherefore, the 14th of Auguſt, very early in the morning, having in the night, or before break of day, paſſed over on to the iſland called Arowſick; ſeveral of them undiſcovered lay hid under the walls of the fort, and behind a great rock near adjoining, till the ſentinel was gone off from his pl… (who went off it ſeems ſooner than he ſhould, conſidering the danger) when preſently ſome Indians followed him in at the fort gate (as ſome report) while others of them immediately ſeized the port holes thereof, and ſhot down all they ſaw paſſing up and down within the walls, and ſo in a little time became maſters of the fore, and all that was within it: Capt. Lake (joint owner with Major Clarke, of the whole p. 247iſland) hearing the buſtle that was below, betwixt the Indians and thoſe that belonged to the place, was ſtrangely ſurprized, yet himſelf with Capt. Sylvanus Davis, and two more, underſtanding that the Indians had ſeized the fort, and killed divers of the Engliſh, apprehending it bootleſs, or rather heartleſs to ſtay, as not being able to ſtand upon their guard, or make any refiſtance, made a ſhift to find a paſſage out at a back door, whereby they eſcaped to the water ſide, where they found a canoe, into which they all entered, and made away toward another iſland near by: This was not done ſo ſecretly but the Indians diſcerned them before they were gone far; four of them therefore haſted after thoſe that had eſcaped in another canoe, and coming within ſhot, diſcharged their guns upon them, whereby ſaid Davis was badly wounded; yet making haſte, as they generally uſed to do that fly for their lives, timor addidit alas, they got a ſhore before the Indians overtook them; it is ſaid they were ſtrangely diſpirited, or elſe they might eaſily have defended themſelves againſt their purſuers: But when once mens hearts are ſunk with fear and diſcouragement upon a ſudden ſurprizal, it is hard to buoy them up, to make any competent reſiſtance. Capt. Davis being badly wounded, could neither truſt to his legs to fly, nor yet make uſe of his hands to fight, yet was ſtrangely preſerved; Providence directing him to go into the cleft of a rock, ear by the place where he firſt landed; the Indians by the glittering of the fun beams in their eyes as they came aſhore, did not diſcern him; ſo that lying hid under the covert of the hand of Providence for two days, he at laſt crawled a little above the water ſide, till he found a canoe, whereby he eſcaped with his life. The other two were better foot men, and parting with Capt. Lake, made their eſcape ten or twelve miles, to the farther end of the iſland, and ſo eſcaped from the Indians, till they found means to get off Poor Capt. Lake, who a few hours before ſlept quietly in his manſion houſe, furrounded with a ſtrong fortification, defended with many ſoldiers, is now forced to fly away with none to p. 248attend him; and as the awful hand of Providence ordered things, was as ſome ſay, purſued by ſuch Indians as were mere ſtrangers to the place, that knew not the maſter from the man, but by one of whom he was ſhot down, as is ſuppoſed ſoon after he came aſhore; Lieut. Davis heard two guns, by which it was thought, and ſoon after was known to be by an Indian, who hath ſince confeſſed to Capt. Davis that he ſhot him that day Arowſick was taken, which he intended not to have done, but that he held up his piſtol againſt him; whereas if he had but aſked quarter, he ſhould have had his life. Capt. Lake was ſlain at that time, although many hopes were for ſome time entertained that he was taken alive, and kept with other captives amongſt the Indians; and it is ſaid the Indians of thoſe parts did not intend to kill him, if they could have helped it; but it was known his hat was ſeen upon an Indian's head not long after, which made his friends conclude what had befallen that good man, who might emphatically be ſo termed, in diſtinction from them that may truly be called juſt men, and no more: For it ſeems according to the juſt agreement betwixt himſelf and his part owner of Arowſick iſland, it was not his turn this year to have been upon the place, but ſuch was his goodneſs, that he yielded to the deſire of his friend and partner, as in his room and ſtead to take upon himſelf that ſervice in this time of danger; it is hoped his goodneſs in future time will not be forgotten by ſuch as were any way concerned therein, or had advantage thereby.

THIS iſland (called Arowſick, from an Indian ſo named that formerly poſſeſſed it, and of whom it was purchaſed by one Mr. Richards, who ſold it to Capt. Lake and Major Clarke) lies up ten miles within the mouth of Kennebeck river; it is ſome miles in length, and contains many thouſand acres of very good land; where meadow and arable ground are in a good proportion well ſuited together. Within the fort aforeſaid, were many convenient buildings for ſeveral officers, as well for wares and trading, as habitation: Six ſeveral p. 249edifices are ſaid to have been there erected. The warehouſe at that time was well furniſhed with all ſorts of goods; beſides a mill and other accommodations and dwellings, within a mile of the fort and manſion houſe; ſome inhabitants of which hardly made their eſcape upon the firſt ſurprizal of the fort.

ALL which conſidered, the loſs that befel the proprietors at the ſurprizal of this iſland, ſeems to be very great, valued at many thouſands; but thoſe that were the owners, with others of late times, have found from their own experience, what Solomon ſaid of old, there is a time to get, and a time to loſe, a time to keep, and a time to caſt away; a time to break down, as well as a time to build up. The perſons killed and taken at Kennebeck, both at Mr. Hammond's, and at Arowſick, are ſaid to be 53.

UPON the report of this ſad diſaſter, all the plantations of the Engliſh in thoſe parts were ſoon after left, and forſaken by degrees. All the reſt of the inhabitants of Kennebeck river, Sheepſcot river, Sagadahock, and Damanicottee, fearing to be ſerved in the ſame kind, fled to the iſlands of Cape Bonawagan, and Damaril's Cove.

ON the ſecond day at night a poſt was ſent to Pemmaquid to inform them of what had happened, who being but eight or ten men, had a mind to go on the iſland called Monbiggon, having ſecured the beſt of their goods, but the wind taking them ſhort, they were forced to turn into Damaril's Cove, where they found Mr. Wiſwall, and Mr. Colicot; there they laboured two days to ſettle a garriſon; but thro' the mutinous diſpoſition of the people, and the want of proviſion, nothing could be done to ſecure the iſland, ſo that it was ſoon deſerted. From thence they went to Monbiggon, reſolving there to tarry till they heard from Boſton, from whence Mr. Colicot and Mr. Wiſwall promiſed to do their utmoſt endeavor to ſend help. There they ſettled three guards, and appointed 25 to watch every p. 250night, not knowing but that the Indians might come every hour. But continuing there a fortnight, and finding no relief like to come, and ſeeing all the country burnt round about, (for after they had got all that could be ſaved from Pemmaquid, they ſaw all the other iſlands, Windgin's, Corbin's Sound, New-Harbour, and Pemmaquid, all on fire in two hours time) then conſidering what was beſt to be done, they found no boats could be ſent to ſea for fear of weakening the iſland, and that moſt of thoſe who were on it were ſtrangers, coaſters, and ſuch as came from the main, and ready to be gone upon every occaſion, they laid an embargo for one week; after which a letter was received from Major Clarke, deſiring their aſſiſtance for enquiring after Capt. Lake, if alive, ſaying, what could be had at Kennebeck, &c. but intimating nothing of any help like to come; beſides, thoſe that brought the letter told them it was in vain to expect any help from Boſton, it being queſtioned there what they had to do with thoſe parts. Upon which the inhabitants conſidered, that if they ſhould tarry there and ſpend all their proviſion, and neither be able to go to ſea, nor yet to live, or be ſafe aſhore for want of help, it were better for them to remove while they had ſomething to live upon, and ſeek employment elſewhere; ſo by conſent they reſolved forthwith to tranſport themſelves and what they had ſaved of their goods, to ſome place of ſecurity, ſo they ſailed the firſt opportunity, ſome for Piſcataqua, ſome for Boſton, and ſome for Salem, at one of which places they all ſafely arrived.

HAVING thus eſcaped at firſt, as Lot out of Sodom, but not counting themſelves ſafe in that Zoar, where for a little while they made out to hide their heads, till they might eſcape to ſome ſurer place, there waiting for better times, when they may with peace and quietneſs return to their former habitations, or ſeek ſome other elſewhere.

WHEN the aforeſaid exploits were done by the Indians about Caſco-Bay, ſeveral of the Engliſh removed p. 251to Jewel's iſland, where they hoped to be more ſecure from the Indians, but the barbarous enemy finding ſo little reſiſtance made againſt them on the main land, a conſiderable party of them came with their canoes to deſtroy that iſland alſo, about three weeks after the aforementioned miſchiefs.

THERE was a fortified houſe upon the ſaid iſland, where the Engliſh that either kept upon the iſland, or repaired thither, hoped to ſecure themſelves. But at the time the Indians aſſaulted the place, many of the Engliſh were abſent, and few left in the garriſon but women and children. Some were gone to other places to fetch Indian corn, others were in a boat employed about fiſh, amongſt whom was one Richard Pots with two more. The wife of the ſaid Pots was waſhing by the water ſide, where ſhe was ſurprized with her children, and carried away in fight of her huſband, who was not a little diſtreſſed with that ſad ſpectacle, but was incapable of affording any relief either to his wife or children. One of theſe little innocents, eſpying his father in the boat, ran into the water, calling out for help; but an Indian was running after him to catch him up; the poor man in a great agony, being within half a gun ſhot, was about to fire upon the Indian, but fearing he might wound or perhaps kill his child, which the villian had ſeized and was carrying off, he forbore, chuſing rather to have him carried away alive, than expoſe him to the loſs of his life or limbs, by ſhooting at the Indian.

IT is ſaid ſome of the Indians were killed by thoſe in the garriſon; 'tis mentioned that a lad at one ſhot killed two or three of them; ſome guns were found afterwards under the fort, which were ſuppoſed to have belonged to ſome of the Indians that were killed. Some that were abroad when the fort was aſſaulted, deſperately broke in through the Indians, whereby at the laſt many people were preſerved. Some flying away to Jewel's iſland in a cance, to ward Richmond's iſland, met with a ketch, to which they made known the diſtreſs p. 252the people were in, who thereupon went to the place and took in all the people they found there, and carried them off to a place of more ſafety. Yet there were ſeveral perſons ſaid to be killed and carried away at that time, viz. three men, who were known to be killed, two women and two children, that are ſuppoſed to be yet alive, though in the enemy's power.

FROM thence they went to Spurwinks, where they aſſaulted one place, or more, and killed one man, wounded another, and carried another away captive. Amongſt thoſe that were in danger of ſurprizal, one that could not run hid himſelf in a garden of cabbages, ſo that he was not found, yet was very near them, for he overheard ſeveral queſtions they aſked him they took; by which means he was the better enabled afterward to prevent the danger two more were coming into, for the poor fellow they had taken, told them that one Gendal, and another man were to come that way by and by; whereupon this man that had hid himſelf, meeting Gendal and the other man, gave them notice of the danger, whereby they were delivered out of the ſnare for that time. Not long after Mr. Gendal fell into their hands, as ſhall hereafter be related. Within a while after, or about the ſame time, another fatal accident befel ſix or ſeven perſons belonging to Caſco: For, upon the 23d of September, ſome perſons that belonged to a ſloop and a ſhallop, that were preſſed into the ſervice (one reaſon of which was to prevent their ſtragling, they being perſons that belonged to thoſe parts about Caſco) were over deſirous to ſave ſome of their proviſion, to which end they firſt made their addreſs to Capt. Hathorne, (under whom they were ordered to ſerve) deſi…ing they might be releaſed; the Captain told them he could not do it, but deſired them to have patience for a while; they told him they muſt and would go, elſe their families muſt ſtarve at home; the Captain told them further of the danger, and bid them not ſtir at their peril. However go they would, and ſoon after went to Mountjoy's iſland to fetch ſheep, where they landed ſeven men; but the Indians p. 253ſuddenly fell upon them, when they betook themſelves to the ruins of a ſtone houſe, where they defended themſelves as long as they could; but at laſt they were all deſtroyed either with ſtones caſt in upon them, or with the enemies ſhot, except one, who, though at the firſt it was hoped his wounds were not mortal, yet ſoon after died thereof. Amongſt theſe was one George Felt, much lamented, who had been more active than any man in thoſe parts againſt the Indians, but at laſt he loſt his own life amongſt them, in this too deſperate an adventure.

THE Indians growing more bold by theſe attempts in thoſe remote places, drew down nearer towards Piſcataqua, for not long after a party of them came upon Cape Nidduck, where they killed and carried away all the inhabitants of a few ſcattering houſes, to the number of ſeven in all; and ſuch was their ſavage cruelty exerciſed in this place, as is not uſually to be heard of, for having daſhed out the brains of a poor woman that gave ſuck, they nailed the young child to the dead body of its mother, which was found ſucking in that awful manner, when the people came to the place. The day before a man and his wife were killed by them at Wells, and two more ſoon after. On the 12th of October following, near an 100 of the Indians made an aſſault upon Block-Point, all the inhabitants being gathered into one fortified place upon that point, which a few hands might have defended againſt all the Indians on that ſide of the country; but as it ſeems, one called Mugg, was the leader of the Indians, one that had from a child been well acquainted with the Engliſh, and had lived ſome years in Engliſh families, who though a cunning fellow, and had ſucceeded much in his attempts, yet at this time ſhewed more courteſy to the Engliſh, than according to former outrages could be expected from any of thoſe barbarous miſcreants, and was willing to make offer of a treaty to Mr. Joſſelin, Chief of the garriſon, to whom the ſaid Mugg promiſed liberty for all that p. 254were there, to depart with their goods upon the ſurrender of the place: The ſaid Joſſelin reports, that when he came back from his treating with Mugg, that all the people were ſled away out of the garriſon, having carried away their goods by water before his return, inſomuch that having none but his houſehold ſervants to ſtand by him, he was capable of making no reſiſtance, and ſo ſurrendered.

WHEN people have once been frighted with reports and ſenſe of danger, they are ready to fly away like a hart before the hunter or his hounds; one of the inhabitants of the place affirmed he ſaw an 150 Indians, which was more by an 100 than any body elſe ever ſaw near the fort. But when a place is conſigned to ruin, every thing they take in hand ſhall tend that way.

THE loſs of Black Point was accompanied with another ſad accident that happened about the ſame time at Richmond's iſland: For young Mr. Fryer, with ſome others at Piſcataqua, to whom it ſeemed grievous that the Indians ſhould make all that ſpoil in every place in thoſe farther plantations, ventured upon the great importunity of Mr. Gendal, with a ketch, to try what they could ſave of ſuch things as the Indians had left; but things were ſo ordered, that before they had loaded their ketch, coming too near the ſtage head, they preſently found themſelves in danger of a ſorprizal; for part of their company being aſhore, were ſeized by the Indians, or in danger thereof, whom they were not willing to leave behind; and beſides the wind blowing in hard upon them, they could not get out of the harbour, but were forced to abide the danger of an aſſault; the Indians getting many of them into the ſtage head, annoyed them ſo faſt with their ſhot, that not a man of them was able to look above deck, but he was in danger of being ſhot down; amongſt the reſt Mr. James Fryer venturing too much in view of the enemy, received a wound in his knee, which appeared not dangerous at firſt, but for want of bover looking to, than could be found amongſt that black regiment, into p. 255whoſe hands he ſoon after fell, it proved mortal unto him within a ſew days after; he being by a ſtrange accident brought home to his father's houſe, at the great iſland in Piſcataqua Mr. Fryer being thus wounded, the reſt of the company defended themſelves for a while, with much courage and reſolution, till they were brought to the ſad choice of falling into the hands of one of theſe three bad maſters, the fire, the water, or the barbarous heathen, to whom at laſt they thought it beſt to yield, in hopes of liberty afterwards, at leaſt of lengthening out their lives a little longer, for the Indians had manned out a canoe with ſeveral hands to cut their cable, and others ſtood ready within the defence of the ſtage head, to fire upon any one that ſtired in the ketch, by which means the veſſel after the cable was cut, ſoon drove aſhore; and then it was threatened to be preſently burnt, if they did not all yield, to which they all at laſt conſented.

THE Indians how barbarous ſoever in their own nature, yet civilly treated their priſoners, and upon farther diſcourſe ſent one or two of them to Piſcataqua, to give them there an opportunity to ranſom their friends. The perſons ſent home to procure a ranſom, were to return with ſuch a quantity of goods as the Indians had deſired, by ſuch a preciſe time; but they that brought the things for their ranſom, coming a day or two before the time, when thoſe that ſent them were gone up the river at Black-Point, and not returned: Some other Indians waiting for ſuch an opportunity, ſeized the goods, at leaſt that part which they moſt deſired, and through miſtake, killing one of the three men that brought them, diſmiſſed the other two, without return of the priſoners as was expected.

AS to what happened afterwards, we are yet much in the dark, and for the preſent can write but by gueſs: For within a few days after the return of Mr. Gendal, and the other man that went to carry the ranſom, before the 1ſt of November, Mugg himſelf came to Piſcataqua, bringing Mr. James Fryer, who ſoon after p. 256died of his wound; one of the priſoners along with him complaining that without his knowledge ſome of the Indians had ſeized what was ſent for the ranſom of the reſt, promiſing upon his faith, that he would make good his word for the ſending home all the priſoners, and offered alſo in the name of the other Indians to confirm a new peace with the Engliſh for the future. The Major General of the Maſſachuſets colony was then at Piſcataqua, but not willing to tranſact a matter of that nature and moment by his ſole authority, ordered the ſaid Mugg (ſuppoſed to be the chief leader of the Indians) to be carried down to Boſton, to the Governor and Council there, to conclude the buſineſs, with whom he ſoon after agreed upon a firm peace with the Engliſh of the Maſſachuſets, in the name of Madockawando, the Chief of all the Indians in the eaſtern parts about Penobſcot, engaging alſo to remain himſelf as hoſtage, aboard the veſſel (in which he was ſent home from Boſton, the 21ſt of November following) until the priſoners (which are ſaid to be 50 or 60, that they have ſtill in their hands) be ſent home, and the reſt of the articles performed; the iſſue of which we as yet wait to hear in God's good time, this 12th day of December following, 1676, when they there have made an end of the reckoning, it is hoped we may have our right again.

THERE are two principal actors amongſt the Indians that have all along promoted theſe deſigns amongſt them, one named Squando, Sagamore of Saco, and the aforementioned Madockawando, the chief commander of the Indians eaſtward about Penobſcot, who are ſaid to be, by them that know them, a ſtrange kind of moralized ſavages; grave and ſerious in their ſpeech and carriage, and not without ſome ſhew of a kind of religion, which no doubt but they have learned from the Prince of Darkneſs (by the help of ſome Papiſt in thoſe parts) that can transform himſelf into an Angel of light; under that ſhape, the better to carry on the deſigns of his kingdom. It is ſaid alſo, they pretend to have received ſome viſions and revelations, by which p. 257they have been commanded to worſhip the great God, and not to work on the Lord's day. We know where that fountain hath its riſe, that ſendeth forth at the ſame place ſweet and bitter waters; and from whence their hearts are inſpired, that join bleſſing of God, with curſing and killing his ſervants.

IT is reported by ſome that came lately from thoſe parts, that the Indians there do as yet refuſe to have any peace with the Engliſh, and will not as yet return any of our captive friends, till God ſpeak to the aforeſaid enthuſiaſts, that are their leaders, that they ſhould no longer make war with us, and the like.

BUT not to trouble ourſelves farther with thoſe miniſters of Satan, or thoſe that are actuated by the Angel of the bottomleſs pit, who poſſibly ſince their deluſions are but two ſold more the children of Hell than they were before. We know better how to underſtand the mind of the great Lord of Heaven and Earth, than to depend on ſuch lying oracles.

THAT God who hath at preſent turned their hearts to hate his people, and deal ſubtilly with his ſervants, we hope in time, will either turn the ſtream, and cauſe them to deal friendly and ſincerely with his people as heretofore, or give us an opportunity to deſtroy them.

IN the next place it remains, that ſome account be given of our forces under Capt. Hathorne, and of their ſeveral expeditions into the eaſtern parts, ſince the middle of September laſt; firſt up toward Caſco, by the ſea-ſide, then afterwards through the woods, directly northward, toward Oſſapy and Pigwauchet, in hopes to have found the enemy there at their headquarters.

UPON the firſt report of thoſe devaſtations and ſpoils that had been made by fire and ſword in thoſe eaſtern plantations, it was judged neceſſary to ſend ſome forces that way to put a ſtop to the current of p. 258thoſe outrages, before the remainder of the ſouthern Indians could have an opportunity to join with them: To that end about an 130 Engliſh, with 40 Indians, were diſpatched away into thoſe parts, under the command of Capt. William Hathorne, Capt. Sill. and Capt. Hunting, who were to join with ſuch as could be raiſed in thoſe parts, under Major Waldern and Capt. Froſt. After they had ſurprized the Indians that flocked into thoſe parts, (as was related before) which was done upon the 6th of September, 1676, Capt. Hathborne, who was commander in chief, marched the forces by the ſea-ſide, towards Caſco; For at that time they were upon ſome demure, whether to march diſectly toward Oſſapy and Pigwauchet, where the head-quarters of the enemy was ſuppoſed to be, or elſe to march directly toward Caſco Bay, where they heard parties of he enemy were daily ſpoiling the plantations of the Engliſh; at the laſt it was judged moſt expedient to try if they could not meet with ſome parties of the enemy amongſt thoſe plantations near the ſea ſide, by that means at leaſt to prevent them from doing more miſchief, if they could not find an opportunity to fall upon ſome of them and deſtroy them; but their time was not yet come, nor were all the deſolations as yet accompliſhed, which God had a purpoſe to bring about by their means: For notwithſtanding there was a ſufficient force to have ſuppreſſed all the numbers of the enemy, if they had been many more than they were, yet being emboldened and grown ſubtle by their former ſucceſſes, they had ſo diſperſed themſelves all about the woods in thoſe parts, that when our forces were in one place, they would be in another, and ſo did much miſchief thereabouts, while our ſoldiers were out after them: For after they had by ſeveral ſtops in ten days time got to Caſco from Newechewannick (about the 8th of September) they marched to Wells, and from Wells to Winter Harbour, and ſo from whence to Black-Point they paſſed by water, and then arrived at Caſco Bay, about the 20th of September; …et about that very time were ſeveral of the Engliſh cu… off at Mountjoy's iſland, and that in ſight of our forces, when p. 259they were not able to come at them for want of boats, the iſland lying two leagues off in the bay; this happened the 23d of the ſame month, as was ſaid before; and within two days after, another party of the enemy were doing miſchief at Wells and Cape-Nidduck, and yet eſcaped away when they had done.

NOR could our forces in all their expedition meet with any of them, but two; one of which ſoon after he was taken, was let go by the treachery or careleſſneſs of them that held him. For when our forces were come within a few miles of the hither ſide of Caſco Bay, ſome of our Natick Indian ſcouts going in company with the Indians under Blind Will (a Sagamore of Piſcataqua, who went in company with 8 of his men, ſuppoſed to be good pilots for the places more eaſtward) met with ſome of the enemy, and laid hold of a couple of them; juſtice was done to one of them; the other, although he was led by two of Blind Will's Indians, they made ſhift to let go, who eſcaping, got over a river, and gave notice to the Indians who were on the other ſide, and were heard but a little before threſhing in a barn that belonged to one Anthony Bracket, whom they had lately ſurprized, Another diſappointment our forces met with about the ſame time; for when Capt. Hathorne was up at Caſco Bay with his ſoldiers, he never could come up with the Indians, either through want of ſkill in them that were his ſcouts, or rather want of faithfulneſs in one that ſhould have been his guide, who had got his living by trading with the Indians, therefore ſeemed unwilling to have the brood of them deſtroyed, as was known afterwards; and by that means a party of the enemy eſcaped the hands of our ſoldiers. Yet it pleaſed God at one time to bring the forlorn of our forces upon a party of the enemy, who eſpying the Engliſh, preſently fled away into the woods like ſo many wild dee…; yet one of them, viz J. Sanpſon, who had been of the company that killed Robinſon the year before, was by the ſpecial hand of Divine juſtice, ſuffered to fell by ſome of our forces; he was a very luſty, ſtout man, and one p. 260that was armed with ſeveral forts of weapons, but there is no weapon ſhall defend them whom death hath a commiſſion to deſtroy; there is no ranſom in that war. The reſt of the Indians that were ſcattered about Caſco Bay, having diſcovered our forces, made their eſcape; but we hope their time is ſhort, and that God will find ſome way to cut off the bloody and deceitful enemies of his people, and not ſuffer them to live out half their days.

BUT by one ſuch accident or other, our ſoldiers could not meet with any of them that had done the miſchief about thoſe parts. While our forces lay about Caſco-Bay, a ſmall party of the enemy came down upon the borders of the town of Wells, where they lay in ambuſh near a garriſon houſe at one end of the town, and ſhot Mr. JamesGouge from his horſe, on Lord's-day, Sept. 24th, as he was going home from the meeting, and then knocked down his wife, giving her ſeveral wounds with their hatchers about the head, or which ſhe died in three days after.

THE next day, Sept. 25th, the ſame party, being not more than ſeven in number, went toward York, and ſurprized Cape-Nidduck in a moſt barbarous manner, killing moſt of the poor people belonging thereunto. Some of their neighbors hearing the guns, came to their reſcue; the Indians being on the further ſide of a river, dared them to come over and fight with them man to man, uſing many reproachful expreſſions, and making a ſhot at them, which ſome of the company not being able to bear, did very reſolutely adventure through the river after them; but they were not willing to try the valour of the Engliſh, when they perceived they found a way to paſs over the river upon them, but returned back towards Wells, where they killed one George Farrow, Sept. 27th, as he was too careleſsly venturing to his houſe without any company. Theſe things happened while our forces were at Caſco, where they tarried ſeven or eight days; and bearing of theſe outrages committed in ſome of thoſe places p. 261which they left behind them, and not being able to meet with any of them in the place where they were, they returned back towards Wells and York; but the Indians were eſcaped away into the woods after their companions, before they came there. Our ſoldiers having thus ſpent much time and pains in a fruitleſs expedition towards Caſco, reſolved to venture another march after them up towards Oſſapy, ſuppoſing they might by that time be drawn homewards toward their winter quarters; or elſe that they might deſtroy what they had left behind them, to prevent their harbouring there for the future: But it ſeemed good to him, who by his ſovereign power and infinite wiſdom ordereth all events and purpoſes (wherein his people or others are concerned) to diſappoint all endeavors uſed at that time for the ſuppreſſing of the enemy, or putting any ſtop to their wonted ſucceſſes; for ſoon after our forces were returned back from Caſco, news was brought of the ſurprizal of Black-Point, on the 12th of October, as was mentioned before; which notwithſtanding, it was judged more adviſeable to venture and proceed on with the expedition toward Oſſapy, (whither it was ſuppoſed by this time the greateſt number of them were retired) rather than to return back again to recover Black-Point, where was nothing to be expected but an empty fort, and ſome deſerted houſes, which it ſeems the Indians had forſaken by that time. And beſides, that other forces were about the ſame time ordered to repair thither, ſufficient for the repairing and ſecuring the place with what elſe was left remaining from the hands of the enemy: And likewiſe ſeveral ſoldiers were ordered to garriſon the towns thereabouts, to prevent them from making any further aſſault upon them. However, they were ſo far emboldened by the taking of Black-Point, and the ketch at Richmond iſland, that a party of them came the very next week after, toward Wells, hoping to attain that, and all the towns and places between Caſco-Bay and Piſcataqua, as they had done Black-Point: For a party of them under Mugg their chief leader, brought Mr. Gendal along with them to Wells, where they ſummoned the firſt garriſon at the town's p. 262end. To facilitate the buſineſs, they ſent the ſaid Gendal as their agent or meſſenger to move them' ſo ſurrender without hazarding an onſet; but the people were not ſo deſpondent as to yield up the place upon ſo ſlight an occaſion; which when the enemy diſcerned, they ſoon drew off, after they had done ſome little miſchief to the inhabitants; for firſt they killed Iſaac Littlefield, not far from the garriſon; it is ſaid they would willingly have had him yield himſelf priſoner, but he refuſing, they ſhot him down, yet they were ſo civil as to ſuffer his friends to fetch away his body, without offering any further act of inhumanity to it, or hoſtility towards thoſe that carried it off.

AN old man called Croſs, was likewiſe killed by them about the ſame time; and another whoſe name was Joſeph Bigford, belonging to the garriſon, was ſo badly wounded that he died very ſoon after. Thirteen head of next cattle were alſo killed by them, out of which (through haſte) they only took the tongues, leaving the bodies whole to the owners, unleſs it was the leg of one of them, which was alſo taken away.

THIS was all the miſchief done by them after the taking of Black-Point. The inhabitants of Winter-Harbour, near adjoining thereto, being alarmed with the ſurprizal of the other place, fled away with their goods for a time, until they heard the enemy were moved farther eaſtward, and then it is ſaid they returned to their place again. In this poſture have things remained ever ſince in thoſe eaſtera plantations between Piſcataqua and Caſco-Bay.

BUT our forces under the command of Captain Hathorne and Capt. Sill, having at laſt obtained all things neceſſary for a winter march into the woods, did upon the firſt of November following, ſet out towards Oſſapy, where, after four days march of a very difficult way, over many rivers, not eaſy to paſs at that time of the year, they arrived; but found not an Indian either there, or in the way as they marched along. p. 263The Indians belonging to thoſe parts had not many years before, hired ſome Engliſh traders to build them a fort for their ſecurity againſt the Mohawks, which was built very ſtrong for that purpoſe, fourteen foot high, with flankers at each corner; but at this time the ſoldiers intending to diſappoint them of their refuge, made fuel thereof, which at that time was very needful for our people, who had marched many miles through deep ſnow in a very cold ſeaſon, when they could hardly keep themſelves from freezing as they paſſed along, ſo early in the winter. None of the enemy being to be found there in their ſtrongeſt fort, it was not counted worth while for all the company to march any further; wherefore a ſmall party being ſent up eighteen or twenty miles farther northward amongſt the woods, where as they paſſed along they met with many vaſt lakes, (ſuppoſed to be the cauſe of the ſharpneſs of the cold in that ſide of the country) making the place ſcarce habitable for any beſides thoſe ſavages that uſed to hunt thereabouts for mooſe in the winter, and beaver in the ſummer. But at this time it is ſuppoſed they were all gone lower toward the ſea ſide, to ſhare the ſpoils of the Engliſh plantations lately ſurprized by them, which is all the reward they have met with, who in former years for the ſake of a little lucre by traffic with them, have run themſelves there into the very jaws of deſtruction, either by irregular dealing with them, or by their too much confidence in their deceitful friendſhip.

THE 9th of November, our forces having ſpent nine days in this ſervice, returned ſafe to Newechewannick, from whence they ſet forth at the firſt, having run more hazard of their limbs by the ſharpneſs of the froſt, than of their lives by any aſſault from their enemies.

THERE was great probability that the deſign might have had ſome good effect if Mugg did not much abuſe thoſe he fled unto, with a proffer of peace; for he told them that there were about an hundred of them about Oſſapy not many days before. But it becomes us to p. 264look beyond ſecond cauſes in events of this nature, and conclude that God had raiſed up theſe barbarous enemies to bring a like chaſtiſement upon the Engliſh in this ſide of the country, with that which others had endured elſewhere in the end of the former and beginning of the preſent year.

WHEREAS mention was formerly made of a peace concluded at Boſton, between the Governor and Council of the Maſſachuſetts, and Mugg an eaſtward Indian, in the name of Madockawando, chief Sagamore of all the Indians about Pemmaquid and Penobſcot; which ſaid Mugg was ſent from Boſton, Nov. 21ſt, with two veſſels to receive the priſoners were detained by the Indians, and alſo to ſee the ratification of the ſeveral articles of the ſaid peace concluded upon; which articles for the better ſatisfaction of thoſe that have not been acquainted with them, are thought fit to be here inſerted, and are as follow, viz.

BOSTON, Nov. 6, 1676.

Covenants and agreements made and concluded by and between the Governor and Council of the Maſſachuſetts colony, in New-England, of the one part; and Mugg, Indian, in the name and behalf of Madockawando and Cheberrina, Sachems of Penobſcot, on the other part.

1. WHEREAS the ſaid Mugg hath been ſent and employed by the ſaid Sachems upon a treaty with the ſaid Governor and Council relating to a concluſion of peace, doth hereby covenant and engage for himſelf and in behalf of the ſaid Sachems, that from henceforth they will ceaſe all acts of hoſtility, and hold an entire and firm union and peace with all the Engliſh of the colonies in New-England.

2. THAT immediately upon the ſaid Mugg's return, the ſaid Sachems ſhall deliver up unto ſuch Engliſhman, or men, as ſhall by order of the ſaid Governor and Council be ſent with him, all ſuch Engliſh p. 265captives, veſſels and goods whatſoever, arms and great artillery belonging to the Engliſh, as are in their cuſtody, or under their power, as have been taken from them during the time of the late hoſtility.

3. THAT they will uſe their utmoſt endeavour with all poſſible ſpeed to procure pay, wherewith to make full ſatisfaction unto the Engliſh for all ſuch injuries, loſſes and damages, as they have ſuſtained by them in their houſing, cattle, or other eſtate, during the time of the late hoſtility; or elſe to pay ſuch a number of beaver ſkins yearly, in order thereunto, as ſhall be agreed on between the ſaid Sachems; and ſuch perſon or perſons as ſhall be ſent unto them from the ſaid Governor and Council for the …a…iſication hereof, to be paid at ſuch time and place as ſhall be then agreed upon.

4. THAT upon condition of the Engliſh furniſhing of them with powder and ammunition for their neceſſary ſupplies and maintenance, they do covenant and promiſe not to trade for, or buy any powder or ammunition, but of ſuch perſons as ſhall from time to time be deputed by the Governor for that end.

5. THAT if it doth appear that Walter Gendal, and the men ſent with him in the veſſel from Piſcataqua (with goods from Mr. Fryer for the redemption of the captives according to agreement) or any of them are ſurprized and ſlain by any of their Indians, or any others whom they can bring under their power, that they ſhall forthwith execute ſuch murderer or murderers, or otherwiſe deliver them up into the hands of the Engliſh.

6. THAT if the Amoſcoggan or any other Indians in the eaſtern parts, that are in hoſtility with the Engliſh, ſhall not fully conſent unto theſe covenants and agreements, but ſhall perſiſt in acts of hoſtility againſt the Engliſh, that then the ſaid Sachems ſhall, and will p. 266hold all ſuch Indians to be their enemies, and to take up arms againſt them, and engage them as ſuch.

Laſtly, THE ſaid Mugg, as a pledge and aſſurance of his own fidelity, and that he is impowered by the ſaid Sachems for the end aforeſaid, and for the performance of the aforementioned agreements, doth freely and willingly depoſit himſelf, and his life in the hands of the Engliſh, to remain with them as a hoſtage until the ſaid captives, goods and veſſels ſhall be delivered up.

Signed in preſence of

JOHN EARTHY,

RICHARD OLIVER,

ISAAC ADDINGTON.

The X mark of Mugg, Indian.

The ſaid Mugg lifted up his hand to heaven for the true performance thereof, eſteemed amongſt them a ſtrong obligation to perform what they promiſe.

THINGS were ſo ordered by the good Providence of God, that the ſaid veſſels arrived ſafely at Penobſcot in the beginning of the next month, where they ſound the ſaid Madockawando, who was ready to confirm and make good the articles of the peace concluded at Boſton by his agent in his name; and was willing alſo to deliver all the priſoners that were then in his power, or under his command, which were but eleven, who were taken in the veſſel at Richmond's iſland, the 12th of October laſt. The ſaid Mugg likewiſe being ſenſible of the obligation he lay under to make his word good, did venture to go up himſelf to another plantation of the Indians, where was ſuppoſed ſome more of the Engliſh priſoners were, to ſee whether he could obtain their releaſe, as alſo to perſuade the reſt of the Indians thereabouts to join in the confirmation of the peace: It appeared to the perſons belonging to the veſſels, that the ſaid Mugg went with ſome reluctancy, as feating the Indians he was going amongſt, would either kill him, or keep him priſoner; to which end, he ordered p. 267the commanders belonging to the veſſels, to tarry for him about three days, or four at the moſt, aſſuring them, that if he did not return by that time, they might certainly conclude that either his life or liberty was taken from him; however, the veſſels tarried about or near a week beyond the time limited, in expectation of his coming; but after ſo long ſtay, they neither ſeeing nor hearing from him, were ready to fear the worſt, viz. that his countrymen had made him ſure, from having more to do with the Engliſh; whereupon for fear of being ſhut up by the ſharpneſs of the winter from returning themſelves, they rook the opportunity of the next fair wind, of ſetting ſail for Boſton (only turning into Pemmaquid, to ſee if they could hear any farther news there) where they arrived with ſuch priſoners as were freely delivered by Madockawando, the 25th of December following, anne 1676; amongſt which priſoners, beſides the two aforementioned, who were found at Penobſcot, there was a third, by a more remarkable Providence than ordinary, added unto them, Mr. Thomas Cobbet, ſon of that reverend and worthy miniſter of the goſpel, Mr. Thomas Cobbet, paſtor of the church at Ipſwich, a town within the Maſſachuſets juriſdiction, who had all the time of his ſon's captivity, together with his friends, wreſtled with God in their daily prayers for his releaſe, and accordingly he was with the more joy received by his friends, as an anſwer and return of their prayers. The ſaid young man had lived with Mr. Fryer, merchant, of Portſmouth, for ſome years before, and had been often at ſea with Mr. James Fryer, the eldeſt ſon of the ſaid merchant, and who had after much experience of his faithfulneſs, dexterity, and courage on all ſuch accounts, borne him ſo much reſpect, that when he was urged by his father to go along with Mr. Gendal, as was ſaid before, he would not venture unleſs his friend Thomas Cobbet, would go along with him; which ſervice he only for his friends ſake accepted, which proved a fatal adventure to Mr. James Fryer, and might have been to the other alſo, had not God otherwiſe diſpoſed of him, having, as is hoped, more p. 268ſervice for him in the land of the living. Amongſt all the priſoners at that time taken, the ſaid Thomas Cobbet ſeemed to have had the hardeſt portion; for beſide; the deſperate dangers that he eſcaped, before he was taken, firſt by a bullet ſhot through his waiſtcoat, ſecondly by a drunken Indian, who had a knife at his throat to cut it, when his hands were bound, when the Indians came to ſhare the priſoners amongſt them, he fell into the hands of one of the ruggedeſt fellow, by whom within a ſew days after his ſurprizal, he was carried firſt from Black-Point to Sheepſcot river, in the ketch, which the Indians made to fail in, in the ſaid river, from whence he was forced to travel with his Pateroon, four or five miles over land, to Damariſcottee, where he was compelled to row or paddle in a canoe, about fifty miles farther to Penobſcot, and there taking leave of all his Engliſh friends and acquaintance, at leaſt for the winter, he was put to paddle a canoe up fifty or ſixty miles farther eaſtward, to an iſland called Mount-Deſert, where his Pateroon uſed to keep his winter …ion, and to appoint his hunting vovages; and in that deſert-like condition was the poor young man forced to continue nine weeks in the ſervice of a ſavage miſcreant, who ſometimes would tyrannize over him, becauſe he could not underſtand his language, and for want thereof, might occaſion him to miſs of his game, or the like. Whatever ſickneſs he was ſubject to, by chance of diet, or on any other account, he could expect no other allowance than the wigwam will afford: If Joſeph be in the priſon, ſo long as God is with him there, he ſhall be preſerved, and in due time remembered.

AFTER the end of the nine weeks, the Indian whom he was to ſerve, had ſpent all his powder, whereupon on a ſudden he took up a reſolution to ſend this young man down to Penobſcot to Mr. Caſteen, to procure more powder to kill mooſe and deer, which it ſeems is all their way of living at Mount-Deſert; the Indian was certainly over-ruled by Divine Providence, in ſending his captive down thither, for a few days before, as it ſeems, p. 269after the Indians in that place had been powawing together. he told him, that there were two Engliſh veſſels then come into Pemmaquid, or Penobſcot, which indeed proved ſo; yet was it not minded by him ſurely when he ſent his captive thither for powder, for it proved the means of his eſcape, which his Pateroon might eaſily have conjectured, if it had not been hid from him. As ſoon as he arrived at Penobſcot, he met with Mugg, who preſently ſaluted him by the name of Mr. Cobbet, and taking him by the hand, told him he had been at his father's houſe (which was the 1ſt or 2d of November before, as he paſſed through Ipſwich to Boſton) and had promiſed to ſend him home, as ſoon as he returned. Madockawando taking notice of what Mugg was ſpeaking that way, although he was willing that he ſhould be releaſed according to agreement (his Pateroon being one of this Sagamore's ſubjects, though during the hunting voyage of the winter, he lived at ſuch a diſtance from him) began to demand ſomething for ſatisfaction, in a way of ranſom, not underſtanding before that his father was a great preachman, as they uſe to call it: Reply was made him, that he ſhould have ſomething in lieu of a ranſom, viz. a fine coat, which they had for him on board the veſſel; which the Sagamore deſired to ſee, before he would abſolutely grant a releaſe; but upon ſight of the ſaid coat he ſeemed very well ſatisfied, and gave him free liberty to return home. Whilſt this Mr. Thomas Cobbet was a priſoner at Mount-Deſert, going along with the Indians to hunt on an extream cold day, he was ſo overcome with the ſharpneſs thereof, that all his ſenſes whore ſuddenly benummed, ſo that he fell down upon the ſnow, not being able to ſtir hand or foot, and had without doubt there periſhed in a little time, but the Indians he was going along with, miſſing him, preſently ran about the woods to ſeck him, and when they ſound him, they were either ſo pitiful to him, or ſo careful of their own good, as not to caſt away a likely young man, from whom they expected either much ſervice, or a good ranſom, for p. 270want of a little care and pains to preſerve his life; wherefore taking him upon their ſhoulders, they carried him into the next wigwam, ſo that he ſoon after revived, and came to himſelf again, without any farther miſchief.

AT another time, the ſavage villian, whoſe priſoner he was, ſo long as he had ſtrong liquor, for five days together was ſo drunk the he was like a furious mad beaſt, ſo that none durſt come near him, his ſquaws he almoſt killed in one of thoſe drunken fits.

THE ſaid Thomas was forced to get out of his fight into the woods all that night, for fear of being injured by him; where making a fire, he kept himſelf alive; the ſquaws being by God's ſpecial Providence ſo inclined to pity, that they came to him daily with victuals, by which means he was at that time alſo preſerved; all which put together, makes his deliverance the more remarkable, as an anſwer of prayer.

AS for the reſt of the priſoners (which are ſaid to be 50 or 60) they were left with thoſe who firſt ſurprized them at Kennebeck, and Seepſcot river: The women are employed it ſeems to ſew, and make garments for them; they having plundered many Engliſh goods at Arowſick. They are ſo much elated with their late ſucceſſes, in ſpoiling ſo many Engliſh habitations, that they ſeem not very ready to hearken to terms of peace, as their Sagamore Madockawando doth deſire: Nor are the Engliſh able to come near them with any of their forces this winter ſeaſon, in regard both of the remoteneſs of the place, and ſharpneſs of the cold, which uſed to be extream in thoſe parts. How their hearts may be inclined in the following year, or what the Engliſh may be enabled to do againſt them, is known unto God only, on whom we deſire to wait for a comfortable iſſue of theſe our troubles. But until they have ſpent all the plunder that is taken, it is no doubt, but they will ſeem averſe from having peace; 20 …ers to the weſtward did, whoſe hearts were hardened p. 271againſt all proffers of that uature, till they were deſtroyed; poſſibly ſome remnants of them that eſcaped in thoſe other parts, are got hither amongſt theſe, and do animate them all they can to hoſtility againſt us, till they make theſe as miſerable as themſelves, and ſo forced at the laſt to fly their country. Many have been the troubles we have met with from theſe our barbarous neighbours round about us, but God we truſt will deliver us out of them all, as he hath promiſed to do for the righteous, who may in the darkeſt night of affliction ſay, light is ſown for them, which ſhall ſpring up in the appointed time thereof.

NO farther news came to hand concerning the Engliſh priſoners at Kennebeck, after the return of Capt. Moor from Penobſcot, till the 5th of January; when one Francis Card with another young man, formerly an inhabitant of ſome place about Kennebeck, or of Arowſick (but then a priſoner with the Indians) made an eſcape from them, and got over to Caſco-Bay, and then to Black-Point, from thence he was conveyed to Piſcataqua ſoon after, and then to Boſton.

THE manner of his eſcape, as he reports was this: He was employed by the Indians to threſh corn at a barn a little lower in the river, than the place where the Indians commonly kept; being truſted alone, to go and come of himſelf, becauſe there was no ſuſpicion of any coming to carry him away, or ſeeming poſſibility to get away without being diſcovered, he found means to plot with another young man, who was ſent to look horſes; whoſe fleſh it ſeems is by thoſe wild ſavages, preferred before the beſt beef, ſo that having their choice of both, they took what they liked beſt. This being the employment of the young man, he had the better opportunity when he was in the woods to make a contrivance to get away. Thus being reſolved upon their deſign, they provided neceſſaries accordingly, and ſent ſuch a meſſage home to their maſters, as might occaſion them not to expect them very ſoon that night. Thus reſolved, they p. 272marched away as ſoon as they perceived the coaſt was clear; and having provided a canoe accordingly fit for the deſign, by the help of which they got over the water, by which they were to paſs, which was not frozen; and in the night time turned into a ſwamp, where they might make a fire to keep them from ſuffering with the cold, without being diſcerned; ſo that within two or three days they recovered the fort and garriſon at Black-Point, from whence they were ſoon conveyed to Boſton.

THIS Francis Card made this relation of matters when he came to Boſton, viz. that the priſoners which he left behind were well, and not much ill uſed, only put to do the ſervile work about the Indians. Woe muſt it needs be with chriſtians, when put not only to ſojourn, but to ſerve in thoſe tents of Kedar. Such of the women as were ſkilled in knitting and ſewing, were improved to make ſtockings and garments for their Pateroons: So it ſeems the ware-houſe at Arowſick furniſhed them with cloth, ſtuff, and linnen, and the inhabitants ſerved for artificers to cut it out, and make it up.

HE reported alſo that the Indians ſpake nothing of any peace; but rather being heightened with their late and great ſucceſſes, were contriving how to get poſſeſſion of the other places in the hands of the Engliſh on that ſide of the country, which God forbid ſhould ever come to paſs; but finding ſo eaſy work of their former exploits, they hope to accompliſh their purpoſes with the like facility in all other places where they come.

IT ſeems Squando is their chief leader, that enthuſiaſtical, or rather diabolical miſcreant; who hath put on a garb of religion, and orders his people to do the like; performing religious worſhip amongſt the Indians in his way, yet is ſuppoſed to have very familiar converſe with the devil, that appears to him as an Angel of light in ſome ſhape or other very frequently. This p. 273Francis Card alſo affirmeth, that there is not ſo great a number of the Indians as is here reported; for he faith, when they were going out upon ſome deſign, while he was in their hands, he had an opportunity to count them all, and could find but 98 of them that were men; neither could he diſcern that there were any of the weſtern Indians, unleſs Simon and Andrew, that formerly eſcaped out of Dover priſon; although it was before apprehended there were multitudes of them ſtocked thither.

Francis Card's declaration of their beginning, Auguſt 14th.

THE Indians came to Richard Hammond's, and there killed Richard Hammond, Samuel Smith, Joſhua Grant, there parting their company, eleven men came up Kennebeck river to my houſe, and there took me, and my family. Therefore the reſt of their company went to Arowſick, and there took the garriſon: About a fortnight after they came down Kennebeck river, and ſo went down to Damaril's Cove, and there burnt houſes, and killed cattle; then coming back parted their company; one party went to Jewel's iſland, and the other party went to Sagadahock, being in number 81. Thoſe that went to Sagadahock took a ſhallop; from thence came to Kennebeck river, and then went to killing and deſtroying of cattle and houſes; for they had intelligence of a ketch and a ſhallop at Damaril's Cove, and going there they took the ſhallop, and killed two men, being in number about 80. The next day made up their forces, went out to Black-Point, being about an 100 fighting men, and are now in two forts about 60 at a place, with ſix or eight wigwams between the two forts.

NOW the beſt place to land men is in Caſco-Bay, and in Kennebeck river; the one place being eight, the other about fourteen miles from the fort where I was kept; and if the army do not go now with ſpeed, they will be gone forty miles farther up in the country. At the firſt taking of me they carried me up to Taconet, p. 274and the men coming down, they brought me and two more men down for fear of our killing their women and children; for they kept their women and children at Taconet all the ſummer. As ſoon as the warm weather doth ſet in, they do intend to go away to Taconet, and there to build two forts, for there is their fiſhing places, and planting ground. Squando doth inform them that God doth ſpeak to him, and doth tell him that God hath left our nation to them to deſtroy, and the Indians take for truth all that he tells them; becauſe they have met with no affront. Now Mugg the rogue, being come again to the fort, doth make his brags and laughs at the Engliſh, and faith, that he hath found the way to burn Boſton, and doth make laughter at your kind entertainment; they make their brags how they do intend to take veſſels, and to go to all the fiſhing iſlands, and ſo to drive all the country before them; reckoning to be a great number in the ſpring. There is a great many Indians at Canada that have not been out this ſummer, both of Kennebeck and Damaraſcoggin, therefore a great many of theſe Indians at Kennebeck do intend to go to Canada in the ſpring to them. And they do give gifts both of captives, and of goods to the eaſtern Indians, to have them to go out with them; but as yet I do not know what they will do, for Madockawando and Squando are of ſeveral judgments, and ſo have parted, and Madockawando doth pretend love to the Engliſh; they do uſe our Engliſh captives as civilly as we can expect by ſuch a people. That this is truth, is declared by me, Francis Card, the 22d of January, 1676.

BY the report which he brings it doth not appear ſo difficult a matter to make an attempt to recover the place, and deſtroy them that hold it, as was before apprehended: Inſomuch as that deſign, that was under debate before the Governor and Council a little before, and was let fall for the preſent, as a matter not feaſible, hath ſince been ſet a foot with a freſh reſolution: And another thing alſo occurred about the ſame time, which put new life into the ſaid deſign, viz. an apprehenſion p. 275that there were ſeveral of the Narrhaganſets ſcattered about in theſe woods near Piſcataqua, who it was feared might join with thoſe of Kennebeck in the ſpring, and ſo come down upon the Engliſh plantations, and ſpoil them all that are thereabouts. For ſoon after Francis Card came to Boſton, ſome of Major Waldern's Indians at Quechecho, as they were hunting in the woods chanced to meet with three ſtrange Indians, two of which had guns; but thoſe of Quechecho were without. The other Indians began to inſinuate into them, to ſee if they could make way for their acceptance with the Engliſh: Thoſe Indians that this motion was made unto, in a moſt perfidious manner gave them encouragement in the buſineſs, and appointed a place where to meet them the next day, ſaying they would not have them now go home with them to their wigwams, leſt their women and children ſhould be frighted with the ſight of their guns; all which was ſpoken upon a treacherous account, by that means to betray them, for they had neither women nor children at their wigwams; but not having guns themſelves, as the others had, they durſt not then ſeize upon them. The next day therefore, according to appointment, their gueſts expecting a treaty, and a friendly compliance (yet coming apart, as was ordered the day before to be the more eaſily ſurprized) arrived at the place appointed; and there preſently the firſt, being thus treacherouſly brought into the ſnare, was diſpatched out of hand. The like was alſo done to the ſecond. The third was not at ſuch a diſtance, but he either diſcerned or ſuſpected what became of his fellows, and therefore made the more haſte to eſcape; but his deceitful friends were two quick for him, who ſhot him down before he could get out of their reach; ſo that they took him alive, as is ſaid; but he could not live much longer by reaſon of his wounds. Theſe Quechecho Indians cut off the ſcalps of their poor countrymen (which is their uſual manner, when it is too far to carry their heads) which being brought to Major Waldern's Indians, they were preſently diſcerned to be Narrhaganſets by the cut of their hair. This inſtance p. 276is a ſufficient evidence of the ſubtility, guile, and falſhood, natural to all theſe Indians, and may ſatisfy any rational perſon, what little truſt there is to be put in their words, promiſes, or engagements, though never ſo ſolemnly made, farther than they that make them, ſee advantage in the keeping and performing, Subtility, malice, and revenge, ſeems to be as inſeparable from them, as if it were a part of their eſſence.

WHATEVER hopes may be of their converſion to chriſtianity in after time, there is but little appearance of any truth in their hearts at preſent, where ſo much of the contrary is ſo ordinarily breathed out of their mouths.

THESE were the manners of the Gentiles in former times, while they remained children of diſobedience, until they were renewed after another image: Nor are theſe uncapable ſubjects for divine grace to work upon; yet are there ſome natural vices proper to every nation in the world, as Paul ſpeaks of the Grecians, from the teſtimony of one of their own poets.

BUT to return. Theſe things ſo concurring, and ſeveral gentlemen from about Piſcataqua repairing to Boſton, ſo repreſented the ſtate of things eaſtward before the Governor and Council, that it was apprehended not only neceſſary, but feaſible alſo to ſuppreſs the aforeſaid Indians in thoſe parts: Whereupon it was forthwith concluded that an expedition ſhould be made againſt them; to which end 200 ſoldiers, whereof about 60 were of the Natick Indians, who had given good proof of their valour and faithfulneſs to the Engliſh; all which were immediately diſpatched away the firſt week in February, by water, under the conduct of Major Waldern, as commander in chief; a perſon well approved for his activity, as well as fidelity and courage in matters of this nature. They had to encounter with rough and contrary winds, and much cold weather the firſt week after their ſetting out; but having ſo much experience of the favor and goodneſs p. 277of Almighty GOD, who is always wont to be preſent with his ſervants in like caſes, though he hath often for a time deferred, for the trial of their faith and exerciſe of their patience, yet uſeth not to fail his people, that put their truſt in him, and diligently ſeek his face; a ſolemn time being appointed for that end, to which we expect a comfortable anſwer. We that have ſent forth our friends on the public ſervice, being thus engaged to follow them with our prayers, at preſent in ſilence wait upon the Lord of Hoſts to give a bleſſing to the deſign; hoping our friends in this neceſſary, though difficult ſervice, thus called forth, have gone out with the like encouragement and reſolution that ſometimes Joab did. Let us be of good courage, and play the men for our people, and for the cauſe of our God. And let the Lord do that which ſeemeth him good.

UPON the 11th of February, two Indian ſquaws that had run away from Major Waldern's in the beginning of winter, out of diſcontent, becauſe the huſband of one of them, and ſome of the relations of the other were ſent away, came back with more wit than they carried away with them, though with leſs fleſh upon their backs; having wandered up toward Pigwauchet, till they were almoſt ſtarved there. they ſay ſome Indians were ſoon by them, pretending they were going to the head of Connecticut river, with hoſtile intents againſt the Engliſh; but they going away in the manner before deſcribed, little heed is to be given ſo the ſtories they tell upon their return.

THE 19th of February following, John Abbot, the maſter of Mr. Fryer's ketch, taken October 12th, at Black-Point, came in to the Iſle of Shoales, having made a deſperate adventure to eſcape. He gave a more probable account of things in thoſe parts.

HE faith they were firſt carried to Sheepſect river, where the veſſel in which they were taken was moored all the winter; in which time the Indians having ſpent p. 278all their ammunition and moſt of their proviſion, tho't it high time to be looking out for more; to which end they cauſed the ſaid Abbot to fit up the veſſel (being a pinnance of about 30 tons) as well as he could, with ſuch aſſiſtance as they could afford him; and ten of them ſhipped themſelves in the ſame, intending for Penobſcot; from thence to ſail up that river as far as they could; and then leaving their veſſel to proceed on with their canoes as high up the river as the ſtream would permit, and ſo to paſs on to Canada, to buy powder of the French there; it being at this time thirty-two ſhillings a pound amongſt the Indians at Kennebeck. But as Providence ordered it, after theſe mariners launched into the deep, a ſmall ſtorm with a contrary wind began to riſe; of which the Engliſh ſkipper found ways in his ſteering to make the danger ſeem more than really it was, inſomuch that they reſolved to put in at Capebonawaggon, three leagues to the eaſtward of Seepſcot, where eight of them went aſhore, leaving two Indians on board with the Engliſh ſkipper. After he had got ſo well rid of them, he contrived how to get clear of the other alſo; therefore he perſuaded them that the veſſel would not ride ſafely in that place, ſo that he prevailed with them to let him go to another harbour, called Damaril's Cove, two or three leagues more eaſtward. In the way as he ſailed, he ſo ordered his ſteering, that ſometimes the waves were ready to overtake the veſſel, which put his two Indians into a fright, ſo as they made all the haſte they could to get aſhore, as ſoon as they came within the harbour, urging him to go along with them; but he pretended a neceſſary excuſe to ſtay behind to look after the veſſel, but with intent, as ſoon as he ſhould ſee them aſhore, to hoiſt ſail for ſome Engliſh harbour, having no body on board with him, but a ſmall Engliſh child about three years old: It ſeems the Indians had a child or two of their own dead in the veſſel, who dying after they began their voyage, they were the forwarder to go aſhore with them, for burial: The ſaid Abbot now perceiving he had obtained his purpoſe (for he oſt reſolved on this p. 279project before) firſt greaſing the maſt with a piece of fat pork left by the Indians, as high as he could reach, that he with his own hands might the more eaſily hoiſt the ſail, ſo chooſing rather to caſt himſelf upon the Providence of God in the waters, than to truſt himſelf any longer with perfidious ſavages on the dry land, he came ſafe to the Iſle of Shoales before the evening of the next day, the 19th of February.

WITHIN a few days after John Abbot aforeſaid made his eſcape in the veſſel, there came an expreſs from Maj. Waldern (the commander in chief over our for…s ſent to Kennebeck to ſubdue the Indians in thoſe parts, and deliver the Engliſh captives that have been detained in their hands ſince Auguſt laſt) which giveth this account of their proceeding.

February 17th. This morning the wind north-eaſt, ſoon after ſouth and ſouth-weſt, we ſet fail with our veſſels from Black-Point, for Portland, but on the eaſt ſide of Cape Elizabeth, we eſpied John Pain (who was ſent out a ſcout) who brought word the way was clear of ice and Indians; whereupon we ſteered for Mary-Point, at the head of Caſco-Bay, and got there this night, but too late to get to the fort before morning.

Feb. 18th. We ſent this morning our ſcouts out by land, who returning about 8 o'clock, brought word they eſpied the tracks of three Indians, and found a birch canoe at Muckquit, about four miles off, by which we feared we were diſcovered; the companies about four o'clock were drawn forth, and juſt beginning their march, when we eſpied five canoes of the enemy about half a mile off; they landed over againſt us on an iſland, and hallowed to us, whereby we perceived they deſired a treaty; hoping to gain the captives, we ſent John Pain to them, they promiſed him to bring the captives by morning, and deſired peace. After this John Pain was ſent again, and ſtayed among the Indians in the room of Simon, who came to the Major. He was queſtioned, and anſwered as follows.

p. 280Queſt. How came you to know we were here?

Anſw. We continually kept out our ſcouts, and yeſterday our Indians left a canoe at Muckquit, which this day we miſſed, and perceived the Engliſh had taken it, and our men that left the canoe eſpied you a great way off at Portland.

Queſt. Why did you break your covenant with me?

Anſw. Blind Will ſtirred us up to the war here, and ſaid he would kill you at Quechecho. Simon having ſaid this, aſked the Major what his buſineſs was here, to whom it was anſwered, we came to fetch off the captives and make war as we ſee good. Simon alſo told us that the captives were all well, that we ſhould have them by morning, that Squando was there, and would give the captives to Major Waldern, that they intended peace, and had ſent to Boſton before ſlow, but that Mugg told them the Engliſh would be here ſ…ortly.

THE Major upon this diſmiſſed Simon, and ſent for Squando, to which Squando anſwered, he would meet him half way if he would come alone in a birch canoe. To this the Major anſwered, he would not venture himſelf in one of their leaky canoes, and that if he had no more to ſay, the treaty was ended: To this Squando anſwered, he would be with us again at ten o'clock, and bring the captives.

Feb. 19th. Wind north-eaſt, the weather thick: About noon we diſcovered a party of Indians in fourteen canoes about three miles above us in the bay; they landed on a point of land, and burnt one Engliſh houſe, and ſhouted to ſome of our men that were ſcouts, challenging them to fight: Immediately on the return of our ſcouts we marched againſt them as ſecretly as we could; upon ſight of us they fled; but Capt. Froſt came upon them with his whole body before they were half out of gun ſhot: In this ſkirmiſh p. 281we judged we killed and wounded ſeveral of them without any damage, yet ſome of their bullets hit ſome of our men. For the Captain's ſake immediately after this we hung out a flag of truce, and the enemy did the like. John Pain was ſent to them to demand the reaſon why they fired the houſe, and broke their promiſe.

Simon met him half way, and anſwered, the houſe was fired accidentally without order from Squando; that they had ſent for the captives who were a great way off, and the foul weather hindred their coming: He queſtioned John Pain alſo why we fought them while we were in treaty.

Pain anſwered, they broke it themſelves in not performing their promiſe, challenging our ſoldiers to ſight; the latter Simon denied, and anſwered the other as before: Simon told him they had two men wounded, and expected ſatisfaction, but alſo promiſed the captives the next day, and ſo leſt us.

Feb. 20th. The wind north-eaſt, and ſnow, it was reſolved to fail for Kennebeck the firſt fair wind, whither we had immediately gone upon our knowledge that we were diſcovered by the enemy, but that the wind and weather hindered us hitherto.

Feb. 21ſt. This morning the wind north-weſt, we ſet ſail for Kennebeck, and arrived at the harbour's mouth at four o'clock. About ſun ſet we ſet ſail up the river, and got to the lower end of Arowſick.

Feb. 22d. We ſet ſail this morning, but could not get to the head of the river for ice, whereupon we landed our ſoldiers at two o'clock, about twelve miles off Abound…ſſit fort, and immediately began our march; at 8 o'clock at night, came to the fort; we found no Indians, there we took up our quarters this night.

p. 282Feb. 23d. We ſent out ſcouts to diſcover the march of the enemy, but found ſo many tracks every way, that we knew not what way to follow them. At a council of war it was reſolved that Major Waldern ſhould ſail for Penobſcot, with two of the ketches, and part of the ſoldiers to ſeek after the captives, and fight the enemy if he had opportunity; the reſt to build a garriſon. In the abſence of our forces, the veſſels eſpied ſeveral fires below the river, and one Engliſh houſe was burnt; about ſun-ſet the ſoldiers returned to the veſſels.

Feb. 24th. This morning the Major with two boats and a ſhallop went to ſpy out a place to ſettle a garriſon, and found one againſt the lower end of Arowſick iſland, and the veſſels are brought to it.

Feb. 25th. We reſted here this ſabbath.

John Baker's houſe oppoſite the lower end of Arowſick, being judged the moſt convenient place for their purpoſe, as well for the conveniency of water for the ſoldiers, as for a cove wherein ſhips might ride, within command thereof, their veſſels therefore were immediately anchored there, where they reſted on the Lord's day, February 25th.

NEXT day, according to the advice of the commanders, Major Waldern embarked 60 men in two veſſels, with which he ſet ſail immediately for Penobſcot, leaving the reſt to be employed in making preparation for ſettling a garriſon in the ſaid place.

IN their way off from Gyobſcut-Point, they eſpied two Indians in a canoe, that waved their caps, as if they deſired to ſpeak with them. John Pain and Walter Gendal were preſently ſent; they gave them intelligence that many Indians were at Pemmaquid with Engliſh captives, upon which they bent their courſe thither; where arriving, they anchored at four o'clock the ſame day; ſoon after two Indians hollowe p. 283to them from Mr. Gardner's fort. John Pain was ſent aſhore to enquire who they were, and what was become of the captives. Sundry ſorts of Indians were found upon the place, with ſeveral Sagamores, the chief of whom, was Mattahando, who told them he was glad to ſee Engliſh men there, and that he deſired peace, and promiſed to deliver ſuch captives as were at Penobſcot, the next morning; adding alſo, that he deſired to ſpeak with Capt. Davis. After John Pain returned to the Major, he was ſent back with the ſaid Davis, and ſtayed aſhore till three Sagamores went on board, and ſignified as much to Major Waldern, as they had ſaid before to John Pain. While they were in diſcourſe, an Engliſh captive was eſpied in a canoe with his Pateroon, with whom they deſired to ſpeak, but it was not granted at that time, he being carried farther up the river out of ſight.

SOON after the Major went on ſhore with ſix men, yet carrying no arms with them. He found their words ſmoother than oyl, yet were there drawn ſwords in their hearts, of which ſome of their actions gave no ſmall ground of ſuſpicion; for they deferred all till the next morning; nor were they willing to let the man that was eſpied before in the canoe come on board to ſee his friends without leaving an hoſtage in his room, of which the Major was very glad, that he might have an opportunity of a little diſcourſe with one whom they might truſt. When they returned from the ſhore, a ſign was promiſed to be given for the appearance of the Indians by the firing of three guns.

THE next morning, February 27th, the Major with the ſame number as before, went to treat with them, they, with John Pain, firſt hallowing to them: Upon their coming on ſhore their perſons were ſearched on both ſides, and all arms laid aſide. The whole forenoon was ſpent in a treaty, whereat they ſeemed much to rejoice in expectation of a peace with the Engliſh; yet when Major Waldern deſired a preſent delivery of captives, with aſſiſtance of men and canoes to fight the p. 284Monoſcoggin Indians, enemies to them both, it was denied, though they could not have had a better teſtimony of their fidelity.

THEY alledged that the captives were given them by the Kennebeck Indians, and they muſt have ſomething for keeping them all winter, and therefore were not willing to let them go without a ranſom; and as for their canoes, they ſaid they had them in preſent ſervice, being then bound for Penobſcot. The price demanded, twelve ſkins a perſon, was yielded to; upon which they delivered William Chadburn, John Winnick, and John Worwood, which were all that they would own, or could be proved they had.

THAT part of the pay which was to be in liquor, was preſently laid down, the reſt was promiſed to be fent in the afternoon. The commanders debated what was farther to be done; one or two of the old Sagamores (who were believed) ſeemed ſincere about the peace, profeſſed that none of them had any hand in the war, but only ſome of their young men, whom they could not rule; but ſeveral of the company affirming they ſaw ſome of the ſaid Indians at Caſco engaged in hoſtility againſt the Engliſh, it was reſolved not to enter into any league of peace with them, but rather to fight them, or ſurprize them after they had diſpatched the buſineſs about the captives.

THIS being determined, the Major with five of his men went on ſhore, with part of the ranſom, the better to beget a confidence in them, and then to return on board again, and fit his men for further ſervice; but if he had not wiſely provided againſt all exigencies beforehand, he might have been prevented from ever going on board any more, for ſtepping aſide a rod or two from the place for better circumſpection, he eſpied the point of a lance from under a board, hid there, as were other arms near by, for a treacherous deſign that was in their minds, ſoon after, upon the receiving the reſt of the pay, to have been put into execution. p. 285Whereupon Major Waldern took up the lance and came towards them, charging them with falſhood and treachery, for hiding weapons juſt by, wherewith to deſtroy them as ſoon as they had delivered the goods. The Indians diſcovered their guilt by their countenances, ſome of them making towards him, thinking to get the weapon out of his hands; but he bid them ſtand off, threatning to kill every one that offered to touch him; and immediately waved his cap over his head (which was the ſign agreed upon for all the ſoldiers to come on ſhore in caſe of need) upon which token the ſoldiers all haſted away. In the mean time the Engliſh that went on ſhore to wait upon the Major, were forced to beſtir themſelves, both to ſecure the goods from being carried away, and to defend Major Waldern. Some of the ſquaws, with others of the enemy ran away; one of them catched up a bundle of guns that were hid near by, and ran off with them. Captain Froſt ſeized an Indian called Megunnaway, a notorious rogue, (that had been in arms at Connecticut laſt June, at the Falls, and ſaw the brave and reſolute Captain Turner, when he was ſlain about Green-River; and helped to kill Thomas Bracket at Caſco in Auguſt laſt) and with the help of Lieut. Nutter, according to the Major's order, carried him on board, while himſelf ſearching about farther, found three guns hid in a cow-houſe juſt at hand, wherewith he armed the other three men that were with him. By this time ſome of the ſoldiers were got aſhore, and inſtantly, according to their Major's command, purſued the enemy towards their canoes; in the chace ſeveral of the enemy were ſlain, whoſe bodies were found at their return to the number of ſeven, amongſt whom was Mattabando the Sagamore, with an old Powaw, to whom the Devil had revealed, as ſometimes he did to Saul, that on the ſame day he ſhould be with him; for he had a little before told the Indians, that within two days the Engliſh would come and kill them all, which was at the very ſame time verified upon himſelf. The body of our men overtook them before they all recovered their canoes, ſo that without doubt, divers others of p. 286them were ſlain likewiſe, for they ſunk a canoe, wherein were five drowned before their eyes, and many others were not able to paddle; four they took priſoners, whom they brought away with them. There was about 25 Indians preſent at this encounter.

MUCH more damage might have been done by our men upon the enemy, if they had known the moſt direct way to their canoes; but the Indians having prepared all things ready for flight, as well as for fight, the more eaſily made their eſcape. One of the captives was ſiſter to Madockawando, who was entertained very courteouſly by the Commander in Chief, and would have been carried forthwith to her brother, in hopes by her means to have gained the better terms for our remaining Engliſh captives, had it not been certainly known that he was gone from home upon a hunting deſign, and not to return in two months.

THE Engliſh took much plunder from the Indians, about a thouſand weight of dried beef, with other things. Megunnaway was ſhot to death the ſame day or the next; ſo that juſtice is by degrees purſuing thoſe perfidious villains, and one after another they are brought under the wheel of deſtruction. Simon, that arch traitor, ſeems as is ſaid, by his conſumptive looks, to have received the ſentence of death, which may bring him into the ſame place or ſtate with the reſt.

Feb. 28th, they ſet ſail for Sheepſcot, but the wind failing, they put in at Kennebeck, from whence Capt. Fiſk with 40 men, were ſent to the ſaid place to ſeek after plunder, where they found between 30 and 40 buſhels of good wheat, which they brought away with them; ſeveral other things they lighted upon here and there, ſome of which were brought away, ſuch as, one or two great guns, ſome anchors from Sagadahock, and boards from Arowſick, where they found an hundred thouſand foot, of which they brought home enough for p. 287the lading of their veſſels, leaving the reſt to be tranſported in a more convenient ſeaſon.

WHILE our ſoldiers were upon Arowſick, two of the enemy chanced to come upon the place, one of them inſtantly received his reward, the other received his payment in part, which however is ſuppoſed to amount to the whole, the canoe wherein he was eſcapeing, being found the next day all bloody, and ſplit aſunder.

March 1ſt, one of the Indian ſquaws, a captive, was ſent to Taconet fort, with a meſſage to the Sagamores to treat for the reſt of the captives. Five days were given her to return, which were not expired, when Major Waldern, with moſt of the ſoldiers were called to return home towards Boſton, where they arrived on the 11th of March, 1676—7, having firſt put in at Portſmouth; bringing along with them the bones, or rather the body of Capt. Lake, preſerved entire and whole, and free from putrefaction by the coldneſs of the long winter, ſo as it was when found, by the diſcretion of one that was near him when he was ſlain, eaſily diſcerned to be his, by ſuch as had known him before.

IT is ſuppoſed by thoſe that returned, that the enemy are by this encounter of the Engliſh ſo ſcattered and broken, that they will not be able to rally again ſuddenly, or make any attempt hereafter, if the preſent advantage be ſeriouſly purſued. Thus have out enemies, many of them, fallen into the pit themſelves, which they have been digging for others.

THIS day alſo letters were received from Major Pynchon, of Springfield, but without mention of any appearance of the enemy in that quarter; whereby we are encouraged to believe, that they have ſtumbled and fallen down backward, ſo that they ſhall never riſe any more to make farther diſturbance. That p. 288which crowned the preſent ſervice was the performing it without loſs of blood; all ſafely returning. Let them accordingly remember to pay a ſuitable tributs of thankfulneſs to him, under whoſe banner they went forth and returned in ſafety.

THE END.

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End of the text · William Hubbard, Narrative of the Indian Wars in New England (1775)