Narrative of the Indian Wars in New England, Letter 1 (4 of 4)

Narrative of the Indian Wars in New England · Letter 1 (4 of 4)

p. 181AFTER they had fallen into diſcourſe about the beginning of the war, as well as the ſucceſs and miſchief of it, they would have put the blame off from themſelves, and laid it upon the Engliſh: But he preſently convinced them by an undeniable evidence, that they firſt began the war: For ſaid he, upon this Pocaſſet, July 7th, 1675, you firſt fought with ſome of Rhode-Iſland, whereof one was my own ſervant, whoſe leg you broke, and the ſame day you ſhot at myſelf and company, before ever we meddled with you. They were ſo fully convinced herewith, that they found nothing p. 182to reply, but fell into other diſcourſe about a peace, which they ſeemed very deſirous to obtain upon any equal terms, as was ſaid before. There were about fifteen of the Indians preſent, beſides their Sunke Squaw (which is with us their Governeſs or Lady) in concluſion they engaged forever after to leave Philip, and to go out with him; which they did forthwith, as ſoon as he had obtained a peace for them with the Governor.

IT is here to be obſerved, that theſe were not properly Philip's Indians, but belonged to the Seaconet Squaw, who was nearly …lated to Philip, and her ſubjects had hitherto fought in Philip's quarrel, till they ſaw nothing but miſery and miſchief like to be the iſſue of it to themſelves, as well as their neighbours. About 20 or 30 of theſe Seaconet Indians have conſtantly gone out with Capt. Church ever ſince, and not only been faithful and ſerviceable to him, but very ſucceſsful in every enterprize they have gone about, nor hath he loſt any of them in any ſkirmiſh with the other Indians: And it is ſaid that this act of theſe Indians broke Philip's heart as ſoon as ever he underſtood it, ſo as he never rejoiced after, or had any ſucceſs in any of his deſigns, but loſt his men one time after another, till himſelf at laſt fell into the hands of thoſe under Capt. Church's command: For at the ſwamp when Philip was ſlain, Capt. Church appointed an Engliſhman and an Indian to ſtand at ſuch a place of the ſwamp, where it happened Philip was breaking away; the morning being wet and rainy, the Engliſhman's gun would not fire; the Indian having an old muſket with a large touch-hole, it took fire the more readily, with which Philip was diſpatched, the bullet paſſing directly through his heart, where Joab thruſt his darts into rebellious Abſalom.

THUS did divine vengeance retaliate on this notorious traitor, that had againſt his league and covenant riſen up againſt the government of Plimouth, to raiſe up againſt him one of his own people, or one that was in league with him, as he was with the Engliſh: The p. 183Indian that did this execution was called Alderman, of Seaconet, that had never done any act of hoſtility againſt the Engliſh. By theſe paſſages it is manifeſt, that as the hearts of all are in the hard of God, ſo he turns them as he pleaſes, either to ſavor his people, or to hate and deal ſubtilly with his ſervants, as ſeems good to him. Since this engagement with the Seaconet Indians (to leave Philip, and to go with Capt. Church) it is credibly affirmed, that ſuch hath been their ſucceſs, that ſince June aforeſaid, to the end of October following, there have been 700 Indians ſubdued, either by killing or taking captive, by means of Capt. Church and his company, part Indians and part Engliſh, beſides 300 that have come in voluntarily to ſubmit themſelves to the government of Plimouth. It appears thus by the ſequel of things, that after the Lord hath accompliſhed his work upon his people, and he is beginning to call his enemies to an account, and puniſh them for the price of their hearts, and for all their treachery and cruelty againſt his ſervants. Philip's Captains have run the ſame fate with himſelf, ſome before and ſome ſince his own fall.

IN June laſt one Tioſhq, a great Captain of his, his wife and child, or children being taken, though he eſcaped himſelf at firſt, yet came ſince and ſurrendered himſelf. The next noted Captain of Philip's Indians that was brought in after Philip's death, was called Teſpiquin, a notorious villain, next to Philip, he was called the black Sachem's ſon: It was this Teſpiquin that burnt ſo many houſes in Plimouth lately. Capt. Church with his company were in purſuit of him in September laſt, two days before they could get near him, at the laſt, on the third day, they found the track made by the ſaid Teſpiquin's party, as they went to fetch apples from the Engliſh orchards: This was ſomething of a blind track, therefore they were forced to take up their quarters that night without diſcovering any place of their rendezvous. The next morning about 9 o'clock they came to their firſt rendezvous, from which they were juſt gone: At 1 o'clock they came to the ſecond, p. 184and miſſing them there, they ſoon after came to the third track, wherein after they had marched a while, they perceived they grew very near them, by the crying of a child which they heard: The place was near Lakenham, upon Pocaſſet neck, ſo full of buſhes that a man could not ſee a rod before him: Capt. Church ordered his men to march up together in one rank, becauſe he diſcovered the Indians were laid in one range by ſeveral fires, ſo that by that time they all came up into an even rank very near together, within a few yards of them, as he had appointed, they all ſuddenly ruſhed together in upon them, and catched hold of them, not ſuffering any to eſcape, there being about fifty of them in all: Teſpiquin's wife and children were there, but he was abſent, as alſo one Jacob, and a girl that belonged to that company. The Captain's haſte would not admit of his tarrying till they came in, (though the Indians ſaid they might come that night) wherefore he thought upon this project, to leave two old Squaws upon the place, with victuals, and bid them tell Teſpiquin that he ſhould be his Captain over his Indians if he was found ſo ſtout a man as they reported him to be; for the Indians had ſaid that Teſpiquin could not be pierced by a bullet, for ſaid they, he was ſhot twice, but the bullets glanced by him and could not hurt him. Thus the Captain marched away with his booty, leaving this trap behind him to take the reſt: The next morning he came to ſee what his trap had catched, there he found Jacob aforeſaid (a notorious wretch) and the girl he miſſed before, but not Teſpiquin: But within a day or two after the ſaid Teſpiquin, upon the hopes of being made a Captain under Capt. Church, came after ſome of the company, and ſubmitted himſelf in the Captain's abſence, and was ſent to Plimouth, but upon trial (which was the condition on which his being promiſed a Captain's commiſſion under Capt. Church did depend) he was found penetrable by the Engliſh guns, for he fell down at the firſt ſhot, and thereby received the juſt reward of his former wickedneſs. About a fortnight after the ſurpriſing of Teſpiquin, was one Toteſon's company taken, p. 185wherein were above 50 perſons; but Toteſon eſcaped, and is ſtill out in rebellion, unleſs vengeance hath overtaken him ſince.

THE next that was ſeized was one Annawan, a very ſubtle, politic fellow, and one of Philip's chief counſellors; he had about twelve men, and as many women and children in his company, who were diſcovered by their ſhooting at the Engliſh horſes, and cattle; ſome of whom being taken, they made known the reſt. Capt. Church at that time had but five Engliſhmen, and twenty Indians. The place where this Annawan had betaken himſelf, was a ledge of rocks inacceſſible but at one place, which by a few hands might eaſily have been defended againſt a great number of aſſailants: But Capt Church by direction got up to their wigwams before they were aware of it; and preſently told Annawan that he came to ſup with him that night; whereupon the ſaid Annawan (who had fallen flat upon the earth, expecting to have his head cut off) looked up and cried taubut, in their language, thank you, as one being much affected with the generoſity of our Engliſh Captain; they found ſome of the Engliſh beef boiling in their kettles: After ſupper he had much diſcourſe with the ſaid Annawan, they lay down to ſleep together in the wigwam; Capt. Church laying one of his legs upon Annawan, and the other upon his ſon, that he might have notice if any of them offered to ſtir: After midnight Annawan roſe up, and Capt. Church was preſently awake, and intended to watch after his priſoner: He thought at firſt he might have gone forth upon ſome neceſſary occaſion; but not long after he returned again, having fetched out of a ſwamp hard by, two horns of powder, and a large belt of peag, ſuppoſed to be Philip's belt, all which he delivered to Capt. Church, in a way of thankful acknowledgement of his courteſy. Amongſt other diſcourſe that paſſed between them concerning the occaſion of the war, and carrying of it on, the Indian would fain have excuſed Philip, and laid the blame upon the praying p. 186Indians (as they are diſtinguiſhed from others by that character) and others of the younger ſort of his followe…, who coming with their ſeveral tales (which he likened to ſticks laid on a heap) till by the multitude of them, a great fire came to be kindled: They make much uſe of parabolical expreſſions; for ſo ſaid Solomon, where no wood is, there the fire goeth out; ſo where there is no tale-bearer the ſtrife ceaſeth, Prov. 26.20. But Philip had had large and long experience of the gentleneſs and kindneſs of the Engliſh, both to himſelf and to his people, ſo as unleſs he had borne an evil and malicious mind againſt the Engliſh, he would never have hearkened to thoſe ſtories, contrary to his faithful promiſe and allegiance.

THE ſaid Annawan confeſſed alſo that he did believe by all thoſe late occurrences that there was a great God that over-ruled all; and that he had found that whatever he had done to any or thoſe, whether Indians or Engliſh, the ſame was brought upon himſelf in after time. He confeſſed alſo that he had put to death ſeveral of the Engliſh, that they had taken alive, ten in one day, and could not deny but that ſome of them had been tortured, and now he could not but ſee the juſtice of the great God upon himſelf, with many other things of a like nature. But whatever his confeſſions of this nature were, being forced from him by the power of conſcience, after he was delivered up to authority, he was put to death, as he juſtly had deſerved.

IT is ſaid that Philip when he firſt began his rebellion, had about 300 fighting men under him, beſides thoſe that belonged to his kinſwoman Wetamoe, drowned about Taunton, that had almoſt as many under her; and one Quenopin, a Narrhaganſet Sachem that lived near him, and j…ined with him in his quarrel with the Engliſh: But it is certain that there are ſcarce any that are now left, that belonged to either of them: So a though the Almighty hath made uſe of them to be a ſcourge to his people, he hath now turned his hand p. 187againſt them to their utter deſtruction, and extirpation from off the face of the earth, peradventure to make room for others of his people to come in their ſtead.

As for the reſt of the Narrhaganſets that joined in Philip's quarrel, it is already declared what end they were come unto. As for the reſt of the Indians, whether Nipnet, Naſhaway, Pacomtuck, Hadley, or Springfield Indians, it is not ſo certain what is become of them; but after their ſeparation one from the other about July laſt, it was obſerved by all the tracks in thoſe woods, they went ſtill weſtward; and about the middle of Auguſt laſt, a great party of them were obſerved to paſs by Weſtfield, a ſmall town to the weſt of Springfield, and were judged to be about 200: News thereof being brought to Major Talcot, he with the ſoldiers of Connecticut colony under his command, both Indians and Engliſh, purſued after them as far as Auſotunnoog river (in the middle way betwixt Weſtfield and the Dutch river, and Fort Albany) where he overtook them, and fought with them; killing and taking 45 priſoners, 25 whereof were fighting men, without the loſs of any one of his company ſave a Mohegin Indian … Many of the reſt were badly wounded, as appeared by the buſhes being much beſmeared with blood, as was obſerved by them that followed them a little further.

IT is written ſince from Albany, that there were ſundry loſt beſides the 45 aforementioned, to the number of threeſcore in all; and alſo that an 120 of them are ſince dead of ſickneſs; ſo that vengeance ſeems to be purſuing of them as well as the reſt. Several of their friends that belonged to Naſhaway, and the places adjoining, repaired to Paſca aqua, hoping to ſhroud themſelves under the wings of ſome honeſter Indians about Quechecho, under pretence of a declaration ſent out by the Governor and council of the Maſſachuſets in the beginning of July laſt: But ſome of our forces under Capt. Hathorne and Capt. Sill, with the help of Major Walden, Capt. Froſt, and others reſiding in thoſe parts, being then in readineſs, ſeparated the p. 188vile and wicked from the reſt, and ſent them down to the Governor at Boſton, where 8 or 9 of … …ing-leaders, ſuch as one eyed John, Sagamore Sam, of Naſhaway, chief actors of the late outrages and bloody miſchiefs, had juſtice done upon them ſoon after. As for the maſſacres and calamities that befel the Engliſh further eaſtward, they ſhall in the ſecond part of this narrative be declared.

THE Indians being thus diſperſed ſeveral ways, were ſtrangely confounded and deſtroyed one parcel after another, until there was none left in the weſtern or ſouthern parts, that durſt make any oppoſition all the following part of the year. As for thoſe that fled weſtward toward Albany, we ſhall there leave them for the preſent, wiſhing we may never hear any more of them: A perſon of quality informs, that at Hartford in September laſt, he was preſent at the examination of one Choes, an Indian, formerly of Connecticut, but one of the Narrhaganſet fort the laſt winter, who confeſſed that he was one of that company of Indians that went weſtward the month before, toward Hudſon's river; but after the fight at Auſotunnoog, he ſaid he returned back to Connecticut for fear of the Mohawks; and that he lay hid about Farmington, till he was almoſt ſtarved; and then he went to the ſea-ſide to make uſe of the oyſter-bank at Stratford for his relief, where he was eſpyed by the Indians, and ſo brought to Hartford.

HE affirmed that there were above 250 fighting men amongſt thoſe Indians that fled weſtward, beſides women and children; and that near 200 of them paſſed the great river below Albany, and were ſheltered by the Indians of that place, called Moheganders; but about 80 of them tarried on the hither ſide of that river, near a Dutch village. But he being convicted of fighting againſt the Engliſh, was condemned to die, and executed about the ſame time. Some few of the reſt were ſkulking about the Narrhaganſet country the laſt fall, hoping to ſhelter themſelves under Uncas, but he not willing to give them countenance againſt the p. 189mind of his friends at Connecticut, hath ſince abandoned them to ſhift for themſelves, who have been moſt of them taken and brought in priſoners to the Engliſh this winter.

ABOUT the month of October laſt, Mr. Stanton chanced to come from Seaconk with 3 Indians in his company, Pequods or Mohegins, they hearing by a captive at one of the next towns, that there was a number of the enemy not far off, preſently left Mr. Stanton and purſued after them, whom they ſoon after overtook, and made them all priſoners: Amongſt them was an old man, not able to go their pace, but promiſing to come after them, they ſpared his life: But as ſoon as the men returned at night from hunting, the old man told them what had befel their women and children, whereupon the next morning they preſently following after them, overtook them, and ſo recovered the priſoners, and ſlew one of the three that carried them away; the other two hardly eſcaped; one of them is called Major Symon, being part a Pequod and part a Narrhaganſet, but of extraordinary ſtrength and courage; he perceiving the danger they were in, challenged to fight hand to hand with any five of them with their hatchets; but they unwilling to hang their ſucceſs upon the hazard of a ſingle combat, came all towards him at once, whereupon firſt diſcharging his gun amongſt the whole company, he broke through them all by force, and ſo eſcaped their hands, with one of his companions. This Symon hath been very active in killing and taking many of the enemy; ſome ſay that he with his own hands hath taken and killed above threeſcore; and either out of hatred to the enemy, or love to the Engliſh, is this laſt week gone with the ſoldiers to the eaſtward, in purſuit of our quarrel againſt them in thoſe parts.

AT another time not long before, when he was out againſt the enemy, he came ſuddenly upon a great number of them as they were ſpread under a ſteep bank, from whence leaping down into the midſt of p. 190them, he killed ſome and took others. Fighting it ſeems is a recreation to him, for he is ſeldom at home above four or five days together. Some ſay that in one of his former expeditions, being much wearied and ſpent he laid himſelf down to ſleep, but towards morning he fell into a dream, wherein he apprehended the Indians were upon him, when ſuddenly riſing up he eſpyed the Indians coming toward him, but ſuddenly preſenting his guns againſt them, he ſo frighted them, that they gave him an opportunity to make an eſcape from a multitude of them.

SINCE the beginning of December laſt, news coming down to Boſton that miſchief was done about Seaconk and Rehoboth, by ſome remaining Indians thereabouts, killing their ſwine and horſes, ſeveral perſons of Medfield went out after them, and purſuing them by their track, came upon a ſmall party, of whom they took three, one of which eſcaped while ſome of the company were going after the reſt. Thoſe that were taken confeſſed there was about 60 that were lurking up and down in thoſe woods. The ſaid two Indians were brought into Boſton the 8th of January.

A commiſſion was formerly granted to Peter Ephraim, an Indian of Natick, to go out in purſuit of them, with 29 of his company; a few of the Engliſh from Medfield went with him, who being ſoon tired with marching in the ſnow, returned. The Indians kept on in their deſign, and came acroſs a conſiderable party of the enemy, having traced them till they found where they lodged over night; they ſurrounded them early in the morning, as their manner is, and then offered them quarter if they would yield; eight reſolute fellows refuſed, who were inſtantly ſhot, the reſt were all ſeized. the whole number was 42. This was done about the middle of January, ſince which ſeveral ſuch exploits have been done by them. January 23d, the ſame company of Indians took 22 of the enemy, among whom …ere five able men, and five arms; they ſent the priſoners home by five of their company, the reſt went further in the chace.

p. 191January 26th, another parcel of the enemy were brought in, eight in number, of whom five were men, amongſt whom was the Indian called Cornelius, who three years ſince was indicted for killing an Engliſhman's cow; upon which he is ſaid to have uttered ſeveral threatning ſpeeches that he would kill Engliſhmen and their cows too; which was now remembered againſt him, when he was in particular called to account for having a hand in killing ſome of the Engliſh and Indians alſo in league with us, for which he was ſentenced to die, and was accordingly executed the 15th of February following.

CONCERNING the reſt of the Indians either in the colony of Plimouth, Connecticut, or the Maſſachuſetts, there is no occurrence more of moment come to light ſince the end of Auguſt laſt, ſave what is laſt mentioned before; yet it is very remarkable, that although terms of peace were offered to all that would come in and ſurrender themſelves (as appears by a declaration put out in July laſt) and that a Nipnet Sachem called John, did thereupon with a number of his company come in and offer themſelves, and were accordingly ſecured of their lives and other concernments; yet did that treacherous villain make an eſcape this winter from Capt. Prentice's houſe (under whoſe charge he was put, about Cambridge village) and with above 20 more fled away into the woods to ſhift for himſelf amongſt the reſt of his bloody companions; they were ſoon after purſued, but had gone too faſt and …oo far to be overtaken. Whether it were conſciouſneſs of their own guilt, that having had a hand in the blood of the Engliſh they feared vengeance hung over their heads; or whether they liked not the Engliſh manners ſo well as to be confined thereunto: Wild creatures ordinarily love the liberty of the woods better than the … of a cage. They made none acquainted with their deſign before they went away; and as yet little account can be given of them, only it is known that one or two of their number have ſince been killed, and that one or two of their families are entertained by Uncas, p. 192but what is become of the reſt is uncertain; there were but ſeven of the company men, ſo they are not capable of doing much miſchief. Some of late have travelled through the woods to Connecticut, but have met with no Indians, nor did they hear of any in their paſſing between this place and that.

AND becauſe in the preſent narrative there hath been frequent mention made of Uncas the Mohegin §§The tribe, though greatly diminiſhed, remains to this day.Sachem, and of his faithfulneſs to the intereſt of the Engliſh, I add in this place, that it is ſuſpected by them that knew him beſt, that in his heart he is no better affected to the Engliſh or their religion, than the reſt of his countrymen, and that it hath been his own advantage that hath led him to be thus true to them who have upheld him as formerly againſt the Pequods, ſo of late againſt the Narrhaganſets; yet hath he not long ſince been convinced of the truth of our religion, and vanity of his own, as himſelf hath ſolemnly confeſſed; which will evidently appear by the paſſage that follows, which I ſhall here repreſent juſt as it was from under the hand of that reverend perſon it relates unto, namely, Mr. Fitch, paſtor of the church at Norwich, near unto which Uncas's place is. There was a great drought the laſt ſummer, but as it ſeems, it was more extr…e in thoſe parts than with us about the Maſachuſets; and although probably the Engliſh might have prayed for rain themſelves without any motion from the Indians, yet their addreſs to the ſaid Mr. Fitch on ſuch an account, with the conſequences thereof, is very remarkable, which take in his own words:

"CONCERNING the drought, &c. the true narrative of that providence is this. In Auguſt laſt ſuch was the want of rain, that the Indian corn was not only … and parched up, but the apple trees withered, the fruit and leaves fell off as in autumn, and ſome trees ſeemed to be dead with that drought: the Indians p. 193came into town and did lament their want of rain, and that their powawes could get none in their way of worſhip, deſiring me that I would ſeek to God for rain: I appointed a faſt-day for that purpoſe; the day being come, it proved clear, without any clouds until ſon ſetting, when we came from the meeting, and then ſome clouds aroſe; the next day remained cloudy; then Uncas with many Indians came to my houſe, Uncas lamented there was ſuch want of rain; I aſked whether if God ſhould ſend us rain he would not attribute it to their powawes; he anſwered no, for they had done their uttermoſt and all in vain; I replied, if you will declare it before all theſe Indians, you ſhall ſee what God will do for us; for although this year he hath ſhewn his anger againſt the Engliſh, and not only againſt the Indians, yet he hath begun to ſave us, and I have found by experience twice in the like caſe, when we ſought him by faſting and prayer, he hath given us rain, and never denyed us. Then Uncas made a great ſpeech to the Indians (which were many) confeſſing that if God ſhould then ſend rain, it could not be aſcribed to their powawing, but muſt be acknowledged to be an anſwer of our prayers. This day the clouds ſpread more and more, and the next day there was ſuch plenty of rain, that our river roſe more than two foot in height."

BY all that is recorded in the foregoing narrative, there are none into whoſe hands it ſhall come, but will be ſenſible that the preſent time hath been a day of great rebuke and trouble to the poor people ſojourning in this wilderneſs, upon whom ſundry calamities have broke in at once this laſt, as well as in the former years: In many places they have been viſited with ſickneſs and mortality, more than in many years before, depriving them of many worthy and uſeful perſons; amongſt others the loſs of Mr. John Winthrop, the late worthy Governor of the colony of Connecticut, is as it ought to be, much lamented by all, who died at Boſton, the 5th of April, 1676, in the 73d year of his …, p. 194whither he was occaſionally called the laſt winter, to ſit with the reſt of the Commiſſioners of the united colonies, to conſult about the great affairs of them, now newly engaged in theſe troubles from the Heathen. He was the eldeſt ſon of the famous Governor of the Maſſachuſets, deceaſed March 26, 1649, Proles ſimilima parenti. The memory of the father, though he died ſo long ago, yet ſtill lives in the minds of the ſurviving generation, and is like to continue much longer by the remembrance of the many eminent virtues found in this the eldeſt of his offspring, who being …ot long after, or about that time called to take up his reſidence in that colony, was by the importunity of the people there, prevailed with to accept of the Governor's place, which for a long time after he ſuſtained in that colony, though annually choſen thereunto; being ſo well furniſhed with many excellent endowments, as well moral as political and philoſophical, which rendered him moſt fit to be an healer of that people. Though we are dealing in another ſubject, yet ſhall not we paſs by his tomb as we go along, without paying the homage due to the memory of ſo honorable a gentleman.

AFTER all the aforementioned calamities and troubles, it pleaſed God to alarm the town of Boſton, and in that the whole country. by a ſad fire, accidentally kindled by the careleſneſs of an apprentice that ſet up too late over night, as was conceived; which began an hour before day, continuing three or four days, in which time it burned down to the ground 46 dwelling houſes, beſides other buildings, together with a large meetinghouſe. Some mercy was obſerved mixt with the judgment; for if a great rain had not continued all the time (the roofs and walls of their ordinary buildings conſiſting of ſuch combuſtible matter) that whole end of the town had at that time been conſumed. Whereby we ſee that God by his providence can turn our dwellings into aſhes, without the help of either foreign or domeſtic enemies. Which conſideration may awaken all from ſecurity and confidence in theſe uncertain p. 195and unſtable poſſeſſions, that have no firmer foundation, that may ſo ſoon after their firſt erection be eaten up by the flames of fire, before the iron teeth of time have had leiſure to devour and feed upon them.

GOD grant that by the fire of all theſe judgments, we may be purged from our droſs, and become a more refined people, as veſſels fitted for our maſter's uſe.

A NARRATIVE OF THE INDIAN WARS IN NEW-ENGLAND FROM PISCATAQUA TO PEMMAQUID.

THE occaſion, riſe and progreſs of the war with the Indians in the ſouthen and weſtern parts of New-England, together with the iſſue and ſucceſs thereof, hath in the former part of this narrative been already declared. Before an enterance be made into a relation of thoſe troubles that befel the eaſtern and northern parts of the ſaid country from the Indians inhabiting thoſe parts, it will be requiſite to give ſome general deſcription of the place, as being leſs frequented, and ſo more unknown than the other, like Herald's that uſed to blazon the field before they meddle with the charge, as an hiſtorian once ſaid, that ſo the reader may not miſs the truth in a ſtory, by being unacquainted with the places connected with the diſcourſe. Briefly therefore, that more coſt and pains be not ſpent in the ſurveying a barren and rocky country, than will quit coſt (the liſt or border here being known to be worth more than the whole cloth) that whole track of land being of little worth, unleſs it were for the borders thereof upon the ſea coaſt, and ſome ſpots and ſkirts of more deſirable land upon the banks of ſome rivers, how much ſoever it be valued by them that know nothing thereof, but by the uncertain and fallible reports of ſuch as have only ſailed by the country, or viewed ſome of the rivers and havens, but never paſſed p. 196through the heart of the continent. The whole being ſcarce worth half thoſe mens lives that have been loſt theſe two laſt years in hopes to ſave it.

THIS north part of New-England, did firſt, like Zarah, put forth its hand, thereby inviting the adventurers to twiſt the ſcarlet thread of their hopes about the ſame; by that auſpicious beginning they were ready to promiſe themſelves great proſperity in having that advantage before others to plant and people that part of the country. But that fair opportunity was almoſt quite loſt by ſome fatal and miſchievous accidents happening ſoon after that noble enterprize was firſt ſet on foot, as hath been already in part, and may hereafter be more fully declared.

THE firſt place that ever was poſſeſſed by the Engliſh, in hopes of making a plantation in thoſe parts, was a tract of land on the weſt ſide of the river Kennebeck, then called Sagatawock, ſince Sagadahock Other places adjoining were ſoon after ſeized and improved for trading and fiſhing. The more remote and furtheſt northward at this time belonging to the Engliſh (Penobſcot forty years ſince being ſurprized by the French, and by them held to this day) is called Pemmaquid, diſtant ſeven or eight leagues from Kennebeck, and is the utmoſt boundary of New-England, being about forty leagues diſtant from the mouth of Piſcataqua river. Pemmaquid is a very commodious haven for ſhips, and hath been found very advantageous to ſuch as uſed to come upon theſe coaſts to make fiſhing voyages; ſouth-weſt or ſouth-eaſt from whence about ſix or ſeven leagues, lies an iſland called Monhiggon, of much uſe on the ſame account for fiſhing, it lying three or four leagues into the ſea from Damaril's cove, a place of like advantage for the ſtages of fiſhermen in former times. There have been for a long time ſeven or eight conſiderable dwellings about Pemmaquid, which are well accomodated with paſture land about the haven for feeding cattle, and ſome fields alſo for tillage; all the land improvable for ſuch uſes being already taken p. 197up by ſuch a number of inhabitants as is already mentioned.

IN the mouth of the river Kennebeck lies a conſiderable iſland called Arowſick, ſome years ſince purchaſed by Major Clarke and Capt. Lake, two merchants of Boſton, on which they built ſeveral large dwellings, with a watch uſe and many other edifices near the water ſide, it being intended by the owners for a place of trading as well as planting; there being many of late ſeated there ſit to carry on each deſign; where alſo was built a fort, which if it had been carefully defended, might have proved the defence and ſecurity of all that ſide af the country, as it uſed to be their magazine. Up higher beyond the river Kennebeck, four leagues eaſtward tow… Pemmaquid, is another conſiderable river called …pſcot, upon the banks of which were many ſcattered planters, who lately flying from their dwellings for fear of the Indians, left as was judged, a thouſand head of neat cattle for the uſe of the Indians that made the late inſurrection againſt the inhabitants of thoſe parts, beſides their fields and barns full of corn. There is another river that iſſues into Kennebeck a little higher up into the country, called Pegypſcot, that comes down from behind Caſco-Bay. This Pegypſcot is the ſeat of the Amoſcogging Indians, who have had a great, if not a principal hand in the late miſchiefs.

SOME few leagues to the ſouth of Kennebeck lies the famous and ſpacious haven called Caſco-Bay, the north eaſt cape of which is made by an iſland called Saguin; the ſouthern or oppoſite point of land is called Cape-Elizabeth. Within the boſom of this bay, being about eight or nine leagues over at the mouth of it, are a great number of ſmall iſlands, many of them being inhabited by fiſhermen and others; one of the principal of thoſe is called Jewels-Iſland. There are many places about this bay ſit to make commodious habitations, and on the ſouth ſide of it is a ſmall village called Falmouth; all, or moſt of it lately deſtroyed by the Indians.

p. 198NOT far from Caſco, to the ſouthward or ſouth-weſt, ſtill is a river called Spurwick, over againſt which lies Richmond-iſland, not far from the main land, being divided therefrom by a ſmall channel, fordable at low water; it hath for a long time been the ſeat of Mr. Jordan, in right of Mr. Winter, the former if not the firſt proprietor thereof, whoſe daughter … married.

THE next plantation ſouthward is called Scarborough, a ſmall village ſeated upon Black Point, over againſt which is another point, for diſtinction from the former, called Blue-Point. This Black-Point was lately the feat of Mr. Joſſelin, being a parcel of the province of Maine, or falling within the precincts thereof, and was formerly by patent granted … ſaid Joſſelin or his predeceſſors, ſince purchaſed by …. Scotto, of Boſton.

SACO river lies next in order to Piſcataqua, a navigable river, where Major Phillips had a commodious …tuation lately; at the mouth of which river lies Winter-Harbour, encompaſſed on one ſide by a neck of land, formerly the property of one Mr. Winter, whoſe name it ſtill retains, but lately purchaſed by Major Pendleton, where he enjoyed a very comfortable ſeat and habitation.

THERE is another harbour lying a little ſouthward of Saco, made by that which is called Cape-Porpuiſe; a convenient ſeat for fiſhermen, as are moſt of the other places above-named. Between Cape-Porpuiſe and Piſcataqua there are but two ſmall towns more, (tho' ambitions of great names) the one called Wells, and the other York. Wells is ſeated upon a ſmall river or creek, affording a ſmall harbour ſit only for barks and ſmaller veſſels; on each ſide of which town lies a ſmall river, the firſt called Kennebunk, the ſecond Maguncuck. The other town is York, formerly known by the name of Agamenticus, from a high hill of that name not … therefrom. The point of land which lies between the ſaid towns, is called Cope-Nidduck, making a ſmall harbour likewiſe, into which iſſues another p. 199pretty river, on the banks of which is ſituate the town of York. All or moſt of the forementioned towns and plantations are ſeated upon and near ſome greater or leſſer river, whoſe ſtreams are principally improved for driving of ſaw-mills, thoſe late inventions ſo uſeful for the deſtruction of wood and timber, eſpecially of firrtrees, which do ſo abound in thoſe coaſts, that there is ſcarce a river or creek in thoſe parts that hath not ſome of thoſe engines erected upon them.

THE upper branches of the famous river of Piſcataqua being alſo employed all of them that way, namely, Sturgeon Creek, Salmon Falls, Newechewannick, Quechecho, Oyſter River, Swamſcot, Greenland, Lamprey-Eele River, together with the towns of Exeter and Dover, ſeated upon or near ſome of the main branches thereof. whoſe principal trade is in deal-boards, cut by thoſe ſaw-mills, ſince their rift timber is near all conſumed. On each ſide of that fine navigable river of Piſcataqua, down towards the mouth of it, are ſeated on the north ſide, the town of Kittery, (a long ſeattering plantation made up of ſeveral hamlets) on the ſouth ſide the town of Portſmouth, to which belongs the great iſland lying in the mouth of the ſaid river, a place of conſiderable trade of late years, which, together with Strawberry Bank, the upper part of the ſaid town of Portſmouth, are the magazine, and chief or only place of trade and commerce for all the plantations betwixt it and Caſco-Bay. All the ſaid plantations have in theſe two laſt years, 1675 and 1676, felt more or leſs of the rage and cruelty of the barbarous and perfidious Indians belonging to that ſide of the country, as ſhall more particularly be declared in what follows, after a ſhort diſcourſe of the firſt planting of that ſide of the country, which may ſerve as a kind of prologue to the the following tragedy.

THIS part of New-England began firſt to be planted about the ſame time with Virginia, viz. in the year 1606. There the firſt letters patent granted by the King, for the limitation of Virginia, did extend from p. 200… and was divided into … and the ſecond colony; the … appropriated to the city of London, the other to the cities of Briſtol, Exeter, and town of Plimouth, each of which had laws, privileges, and authority for the government, and advancing their ſeveral plantations alike, as faith Capt. Smith in his hiſtory of Virginia and New-England. This ſecond colony of New-England, promiſing but little advantage to the undertakers, by reaſon of its mountainous and rocky ſituation, found but few adventurers forward to promote the planting thereof, after the death of Sir John Popham, who was the firſt that ever procured men or means to poſſeſs it; for when the main pillars are removed, what can be expected but that the whole building ſhould fall to the ground. Yet notwithſtanding the diſcouragements the firſt planters met with in their firſt winter ſeaſoning, in that cold and rocky deſart (which made them all return home in the year 1608) Sir Francis Popham, his ſon, having the ſhips and proviſion which remained of the company, and ſupplying what was neceſſary for his purpoſe, ſent divers times to the coaſt for trade and fiſhing, of whoſe loſs or gain, as faith my author, himſelf was beſt able to give an account: And ſome of the ſhips ſent by him, and the Earl of Southhampton, with other noble adventurers, did bring home ſome of the natives of the place in one of the following years, by whoſe informations ſome of the firſt undertakers were encouraged once more to try the verity of their hopes, and ſee if poſſibly they might find ſomething that could induce a freſh reſolution to proſecute ſo pious and honorable a work.

BUT in the mean time before there was yet any ſp…ech or endeavour to ſettle any other plantation in thoſe parts, that about Sagadahock being thus abandoned for the preſent, by the firſt undertakers, the Frenchmen immediately took the opportunity to ſettle themſelves within our limits, which being underſtood by thoſe of Virginia, they diſcreetly taking into their p. 201conſideration the inconveniences that might ariſe by ſuffering them to harbour there, Sir Samuel Argal was ſent with a commiſſion to diſplace them, which he with great diſcretion, dexterity, and judgment, performed about the year 1613, which made way for the plantation at Nova Scotia, granted afterwards by King James to Sir William Alexander, one of his Majeſty's moſt honorable council of Scotland. The ſaid Argal ſeized the forts which the Frenchmen had built at Mount Manſel, St. Croix and Port Real, and carried away their ordnance and proviſions to the colony of Virginia, to their great benefit. The ſaid places were held by the Engliſh many years after, till about the year 1635, by commiſſion from the Scotch Lord aforeſaid; but how his right came afterwards to be alienated to any of the French nation, doth not concern us with reference to the buſineſs in hand, further to enquire.

THINGS remaining in this poſture for the ſpace of near ſeven years, ſome of the firſt adventurers apprehenſive of better hopes of good that might enſue by a freſh attempt, reſolved to ſet the deſign a foot a ſecond time, to which end ſeveral ſhips were ſent on that account in the year 1615, but with as bad ſucceſs as the former; for in the year before, viz 1614, Capt. Smith, deſirous to promote the colony of New-England, as well as that of Virginia, came thither with two veſſels, and returned back to England in the leaſt of them. with intent to be there again that next year to promote the ſaid plantation; but after he was gone, one Thomas Hunt, maſter of the ſhip he left behind, like a diſhoneſt man, to prevent the carrying on the plantation, that he and a few merchants might wholly enjoy the benefit of the trade of the country, after he had made his voyage, ſeized upon 24 of the poor innocent natives, that in confidence of his honeſty, had put themſelves into his hands, then clapping them under hatches, carried them away to Malego, whither he was bound with the fiſh he had made upon the coaſt, for that market; but this vile act, although it kept him for ever after from any more employment in thoſe p. 202parts, yet that was the leaſt part of the miſchief that attended his wicked practice; for upon the arrival of the adventurers ſhips the next year, two natives of the place that had been ſome years in England, and coming back unto the ſaid ſhips as ſoon as they underſtood the injury ſo treacherouſly done to their countrymen, they contracted ſuch a hatred againſt our whole nation, that although one of the ſaid natives died ſoon after, yet the other called Epenow, ſtudied how to be revenged, which he ſo far found means to effect, that he fruſtrated this ſecond attempt of ſettling a plantation in theſe parts.

YET did not the adventurers caſt off all hope of carrying on their deſign. wherein Providence within a few years after ſo favored them, that one or more of the ſavages, called Tiſquamtum and Samoſet, carried away by Hunt, was brought back to Newfoundland, from whence he was ſoon after conveyed by the prudent endeavor of Captain Maſon (then Governor of the plantation began upon Newfoundland) into the hands of ſome of the adventurers, by whoſe means they hoped to work a peace betwixt the ſaid natives on that coaſt where the fire had been kindled before; for the adventurers employed Capt. Thomas Darmer, a prudent and induſtrious gentleman, to ſettle the affairs of the plantation, now a third time revived again about Kennebeck, about the year 1619. By his prudence and care a laſting peace was made betwixt the natives of the place and the Engliſh, who were but a little before ſo abhorred by them, for the wrong formerly received, ſo as the plantation began at laſt to proſper, and continue in good liking, and aſſurance of the friendſhip of their neighbours that had been lately ſo exaſperated againſt them. This Tiſquamtum beforementioned, was not a little inſtrumental and helpful to the plantation begun at New-Plimouth about the following year, 1620, in their weak beginnings, there being frequent mention of his name, as alſo of one Sameſet, a native of the ſame place, by the like providence brought back to Kennebeck, and from thence with Tiſquamtum came to the p. 203new planters at Patuxet, or Plimouth, and bro't them into acquaintance with Maſſaſoit, the great Sachem about thoſe parts; without whoſe friendſhip that new plantation would hardly have ſubſiſted long.

THIS ſtory premiſed, is the more to be obſerved in this place, becauſe the friendſhip upon the means and occaſions aforeſaid, confirmed between the Indians in theſe eaſtern parts and the Engliſh, had continued ſtedfaſt and conſtant to this year, when it was broken by another treacherous and wicked practice of a like nature, and parrallel to that of the aforeſaid Hunt, as may more fully be declared afterwards.

POSSIBLY the like ſatisfaction may prove the more probable means to procure a ſettled peace. But to return whence this digreſſion hath been made. Some years were ſpent to bring things to this iſſue: The adventurers were put to much care and pains before they could get their patent confirmed and renewed again…t Many obſtructions they met with from ſome interlopers that began to look into the trade of this country, and would irregularly have had a ſhare therein, or made it common to all traders, to which end they petitioned to a parliament then called, to bring about their ends, but at the laſt it was ſettled firmly in the hands of ſundry noble and worthy patentees, Lords, Knights, gentlemen, and merchants, commonly known by the name of the council of Plimouth, who had the abſolute power under the King for making all grants, and diſpoſing of all lands from the 40th to the 48th degrees of north latitude; all which was accompliſhed about the year 1621. Some printed relations that ſpeak of theſe tranſactions, write much of the flouriſhing ſtate, and hopeful proſperity of this plantation, publiſhed about fifty years ſince, yet did it never appear by what followed, that any conſiderable advantage did ever accrue to the firſt undertakers, from this their new plantation of the eaſtern parts, unleſs by the trade of fiſh and furs, which latter continued not long; as for the former, the chief benefit redounded only to p. 204them that managed it by their own particular ſtocks, and perſonal endeavors; and if without offence it may be ſpoken, the multitude of patents ſoon after granted to gentlemen of broken fortunes, have provided but places of an honorable exile or confinement, whither many deſerving perſons of better education than fortune, were ſent to ſhift for themſelves in a foreign land, without being further troubleſome to thoſe nearer home, on whom they had their hopes and dependance; yet it muſt not be denied but that ſome of the undertakers were at vaſt expence, caſting their bread upon theſe waters, where none of their friends and relations have as yet had an opportunity to find it: The reaſon of which is not hard to give, in reference to all thoſe lands and territories that lie to the eaſtward of Piſcataqua river. One main cauſe hath been the multiplicity of grants and patents for the dividing of the ſaid tract of land, for beſides the ſtrife that hath been occaſioned by the intricacy and indiſtinctneſs of their liberties and bounds, (enough to have maintained a greater number of lawyers than ever were the inhabitants) if the grantees had been ſupplied with monies proportionable to their ſuits and controverſies about their bounds and juriſdictions, which ſometimes they have been ready to deſide with their ſwords, witneſs thoſe fatal names impoſed on ſuch accounts upon ſome places belonging to thoſe parts, as Bloody-Point, Black-Point, Blue-Point, and every conſiderable parcel of land being by patent granted to ſeveral particular perſons, hindred the erecting of townſhips and villages, which if it had been otherwiſe diſpoſed of, might have been full of towns, and well peopled, and thereby the inhabitants had been able to have ſtood upon their guard, and defended themſelves againſt the common enemy, whereas now they were but like ſcopoe diſſolutoe, or like his arrows that being bound up in one bundle could not be broken by an ordinary force, but being looſe, were eaſily ſnapped aſunder by any ſingle band. Another reaſon might be, the employing of ſuch agents and inſtruments as either wanted ſkill or fidelity to manage what they were in…ſted with, which made many of the p. 205adventurers long ago complain, that (inſtead of bills of exchange and other returns which they expected) they received nothing but large inventories of the wants of their ſeveral plantations, and the ſervants ſent over to impove them, which were all the returns that many of them ever received for the large ſums of money many diſburſed for the carrying on their affairs. A third reaſon may be the ſeveral changes of government the inhabitants have paſſed under, which have occaſioned not only much vexation and expence to ſuch as were upon the place, but much diſcouragement to ſeveral others, who by the commodiouſneſs of the place would willingly have choſen ſtations in thoſe parts, had they ſeen any hope of a ſettled government ever like to be obtained; which is not hard to demonſtrate, by giving a little touch as we paſs along, on the ſeveral changes of government the places aforementioned have been moulded into, and the ſeveral proprietors that of late have claimed intereſt in the land. In the year 1624, a patent was granted by the council of Plymouth, the grand proprietors, to Capt. Maſon, for a large tract of land about Piſcataqua, but it not being diſtinctly bounded, himſelf with Sir Ferdinando Gorges, obtained a joint patent in the year 1639, for the land betwixt the eaſt of Sagadahock, and the weſt of Naumkeag, but that alſo interfering with the bounds granted before that time to ſundry gentlemen and merchants that had obtained a patent from the ſouth of Charles river, to the northward of Merrimack, Capt. Maſon's bounds were afterwards by conſent (as is ſaid) of his agent or agents, reduced to ſome branches about Piſcataqua river (who yet could not agree with thoſe that acted in the name of Shrewſbury men) but being wholly neglected by the pretended proprietor or his ſucceſſors, (till of late days) was by the deſire of the inhabitants yielded up to the Maſſachuſets government, near twenty years ſince.

IN the year 1630, a patent was granted by the ſaid council of Plymouth (ſigned by the Earl of Warwick, p. 209and Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and ſealed with the common ſeal of the council aforeſaid) to John Dy, Thomas Lupe, Grace Harding, and John Roach, of London, for a large tract of land on the ſouth ſide of Sagadabock, forty miles ſquare by the ſea-ſide, and ſo up into the country: John Dy aforeſaid, and his partners took in another as partner and aſſociate with them, Mr. Richard Dummer, of Newbury, in New-England, in the year 1638, to whom they delivered the original patent, with an order from them, and in their name to take up the land deſcribed in the patent, but he being denied opportunity to effect it, as alſo a ſhip formerly ſent by the patentees for that end, not accompliſhing their deſire, they not long after ſold all their intereſt in the ſaid patent, to one Mr. Rigby, a Lancaſhire gentleman, who made Mr. Cleaves his agent to manage the buſineſs of his purchaſed intereſt in the ſaid patent; to whom Mr. Dummer was ordered to deliver the original patent, which accordingly he did: What trouble was occaſioned ſoon after between the ſaid Mr. Cleaves and Mr. Umes, agent for Sir Ferdinando Gorges, is well known to the inhabitants of the place, and need not be here mentioned; nor yet how the ſaid Mr. Rigby came afterward to loſe his intereſt (at leaſt with the inhabitants) in the patent.

IN the year 1632, Sir Ferdinando Gorges not reſting in the joint patent obtained for himſelf and Capt. Maſon, obtained a diſtinct patent for himſelf, and got it confirmed by King Charles the firſt, of bleſſed memory, for all that large tract of land from Sagadahock to Piſcataqua river, and ſo about an hundred miles up into the country, by the name of the province of Maine. What benefit and improvement was ever made thereof by his agents or ſucceſſors, is beſt known to themſelves; but for the inhabitants, who upon one account or another had been induced, either by any precedaneous grant or liberty from himſelf, or his agents, to take up any land within the bounds of the ſaid province; they finding much inconvenience and trouble for want of an orderly and ſettled government, did at the laſt, p. 207petition the general court of the Maſſachuſets to be taken under their juriſdiction and government (reſerving the liberties and privileges of their former purchaſes and grants, as to title, poſſeſſion, and propriety to themſelves) which was granted them, though not only and altogether upon the grounds on which it was deſired by the petitioners. Yet notwithſtanding all this, were not things ſettled either to the comfort or content of the inhabitants: For ſometimes ſome demanded right of juriſdiction over them, by virtue of Sir Ferdinando's patent, ſometimes Commiſſioners employed by his Highneſs the Duke of York, attempted to ſettle a government amongſt the people; ſometimes they tried what might be done by agreement amongſt themſelves, but after their return for England, by one means or other, the government relapſed again into the hands of the Maſſachuſets, although a ſuperſedeas thereunto ſeems to have been put by an order from his Majeſty this laſt year.

BY theſe ſeveral viciſſitudes and changes of government, the flouriſhing of the ſaid province hath been much obſtructed, which elſe might have been much advanced, and the inhabitants been put into a capacity to have ſecured themſelves againſt the late barbarous incurſions of the Indians; and poſſibly thoſe exorbitancies that many of the preſent proprietors have run into, to the juſt provocation of the Indians, might thereby have been prevented, and ſo the miſchief alſo which hath enſued, might thereby have been averted: For a well ordered government would never have ſuffered thoſe things that now were connived at, which if they had been timely looked into by ſuch as had abſolute or poſitive and unqueſtioned power of rule in their hands, would have been otherwiſe ordered, the preſent miſchief that is come upon thoſe places, might thereby have been, if not prevented, yet more eaſily re…eſſed, than now it is like to be.

AS for the tract of land that lies eaſtward beyond Kennebeck, betwixt that and Pemmaquid, it is ſaid to p. 208have belonged to one Mr. Aldworth and his ſucceſſors, who was Alderman of Briſtol, and one that had a patent thereof, and employed ſome as his agents, that did ſometimes reſide upon the place, and was lately ſettled in ſome order of government by his Highneſs the Duke of York's Commiſſioners, by whom alſo was an agreement made betwixt the Sagamores of the Indians in thoſe parts, and the Engliſh, at a court kept by their appointment in Kennebeck, which if it had been obſerved, might in all probability have prevented in a great meaſure the quarrel which is now fallen out betwixt the Engliſh and the ſaid Indians: For upon ſome jealouſies of the riſing of thoſe Indians about twelve or thirteen years ſince, it was agreed that if any miſchief ſhould happen to be done by the Engliſh or Indians, one againſt another, though it were to the killing any perſon, neither ſide ſhould right themſelves, but complaint ſhould be made to the Sagamores if the Indians did the wrong, and to the court if it was done by the Engliſh; both which did promiſe ſatisfaction ſhould be made for the preventing any quarrel: The names of the Sachems, as likewiſe of them that were in power at the court, do ſtill remain upon public record. But matters of government in thoſe parts being ſince collapſed, no authority more than what was merely voluntary and perſuaſive being owned, things are now brought to that miſerable ſtate which follows next to be declared.

EVER ſince the firſt ſettling of any Engliſh plantatation in thoſe parts about Kennebeck, for the ſpace of above fifty years, the Indians always carried it fair, and held good correſpondence with the Engliſh, until the news came of Philip's rebellion, and riſing againſt the inhabitants of Plimouth colony in the end of June, 1675; after which time it was apprehended by ſuch as had the examination of the Indians about Kennebeck, that there was a general ſurmiſe amongſt them, that they ſhould be required to aſſiſt the ſaid Philip, although they would not own that they were at all engaged in the quarrel. The like jealouſies did appear in all the p. 209Indians that inhabited to the eaſtward of Piſcataqua, which plainly ſhews that there was a deſign of a general riſing of the Indians againſt the Engliſh all over the country (poſſibly as far as Virginia, the Indians there making inſurrections the ſame year) and that many if not moſt of them were willing it ſhould ſucceed, although the oldeſt and wiſeſt of them did not like it, fearing the iſſue, as they had cauſe: But many of the young men about Caſco Bay, and Amoſcoggan, were certainly known to flock thither the laſt year, and did, ſundry of them, come ſhort home: For herein they acted but like ſavages, as thoſe in Virginia did fifty years before, ſhewing themſelves friendly and courteous to their new neighbours, till they had an opportunity to do them miſchief. So that notwithſtanding many of the inhabitants in the eaſtern, as well as in the weſtern parts of the country, that were wont to trade with the Indians, were not willing to believe any ſuch purpoſe among them, but were ready to think ſome of the ruder ſort of the Engliſh, by their imprudent and irregular actions, had driven them into this rebellion; yet is it too evident that the ſaid Indians (who naturally delight in bloody and deceitful actions) did lay hold of any opportunity that might ſerve as a pretence for their barbarous practices The Indians about Wammeſet and Piſcataqua, that had joined with their countrymen in their riſing againſt the Engliſh the laſt winter, when they were pinched with hunger, in the cold winter following returned back to the Engliſh, and deſired to make peace, and firmly engaged to continue their wonted friendſhip; yea, ſome of them, as if they were really ſorry for their murders and cruelties, of their own voluntary motion came with the priſoners they had taken, and reſigned them up to the Engliſh, yet when their own ends were anſwered, and another opportunity was offered of doing further miſchief of a like nature, they preſently returned to their former practice, as is well known of Simon and Andrew, that had killed ſome, and led others captive the laſt ſpring from Bradford and Haverhill, p. 210who came in in the end of June to Major Waldern's, bringing home Engliſh priſoners with them, yet did the very ſame Indians within leſs than two months after join with the Amoſcoggan and Kennebeck Indians, in committing the ſad tragedies that were laſt acted in thoſe parts; yet was he and his partner ſuffered to eſcape for want of ſufficient guarding the priſon where they were put, in order for further trial. But ſerò ſapiunt phryges; it is hoped that we ſhall after ſome few more experiences of this nature, learn to beware of this ſubtle brood and generation of vipers. Ever ſince enmity was put between the ſeed of the woman and the ſeed of the ſerpent, it hath been the portion of her ſeed in every generation, and in every nation to meet with the ſad effects of that enmity; nor can they ever expect to find better dealing from any of the other ſort, further than either fear of their power, or hope of benefit by their favor, may induce them to another diſpoſition, as we the inhabitants of New-England have found by this late and ſad experience in reference to theſe Pagans in the weſt, amongſt whom our lot is caſt, they proving, as one ſays of the Mahometans in the eaſt, like a neſt of hornets, that if any one of them chance to be provoked, they will be all about his ears that comes near them. But it is now time to begin with the particulars of the tragedy itſelf, that the reader account not the prologue too long. It was on the 24th of June, 1675, when the firſt miſchief was done by the Indians about Mount-Hope, before twenty days were over, the firſt fire began to kindle in theſe more remote and northerly bounds of the ſaid country, or two hundred and fifty miles diſtance, and upon this occaſion, the 11th of July, 1675, a letter was brought to Kennebeck from one Henry Sawyer, an inhabitant of York, ſignifying the news of the Indians riſing about Plimouth, and that a courſe was taken to diſarm the Indians along the ſhore. This …umour did ſo far awaken the inhabitants of thoſe parts, that the very next day, at a general meeting of the Engliſh, at one Capt. Pa…tiſhal's houſe, ſeveral offered themſelves as volunteers to go up the ſaid river of p. 211Kennebeck, to make diſcovery of the Indians fidelity, or elſe to fight them if there was occaſion. The third day after, marching up the river to Quegeſeck, they met with the inhabitants of Sheepſcut river, which is a river lying about twelve or fourteen miles to the north eaſt of Kennebeck. Divers of the Indians thereabouts, by the perſuaſion of one Mr. Walker, that uſed to trade with them, brought down an inconſiderable part of their ammunition, as a few guns, a little powder and ſhot, with a few knives. About 7 of the Kennebeck Indians, and 5 of thoſe called Amoſcoggan Indians, about Pegypſcot (a river more ſouthward towards Caſco) made this pretence of bringing in their arms. Capt. Lake, Capt. Pattiſhall, with Mr. Wiſwall, in whoſe hands was ſettled a kind of military power for thoſe parts, were ſent for further to examine the ſaid Indians, of whom upon examination they ſaw reaſon to ſuſpect ſome, if not all, whereupon they ſent meſſengers a ſecond time to the Amoſcoggan Indians, and alſo a letter to Mr. Walker, to ſend down their arms and ammunition to them for their greater ſecurity. After Mr. Wiſwall was returned home, the 5 Amoſcoggan Indians aforeſaid, brought in their guns, but probably with no good intent; for an Indian called Sowen, having an ax in his hand, ſtruck at one Hoſea Mallet, a Frenchman, but was prevented from doing him miſchief; however, the ſaid Indian was preſently bound and put into a cellar. Some of the Engliſh that uſed to trade with thoſe Indians were ready to excuſe the Indian, ſaying he was drunk, or that he was a diſtracted fellow, but Mr. Wiſwall, with the other two examinants, looked upon thoſe as mere excuſes, and altogether groundleſs, for one of them to this day affirms that he was as rational and ſenſible as any of the reſt.

THE ancient Indians being aſked what they thought was meet to be done in the ſaid caſe, ſaid be was worthy to die for ſuch an affront, yet they would be glad if his life might be ſpared, offering to be jointly bound in his behalf, to pay 40 beaver ſkins at the next fall p. 212voyage, giving their hand … of their fidelity, and alſo leaving their arms in the hands of the Engliſh as a pledge of their faithfully keeping thoſe articles of peace concluded on betwixt them. If they proved themſelves honeſt men they were to have their arms again, which was accordingly performed the laſt June, 1676; they having in the mean time carried themſelves peaceably toward the Engliſh. The day after, viz. July the 19th, 1675, an Indian of great note amongſt them, called Robbinhood, with great applauſe of the reſt, made a dance, and ſung a ſong to declare their content in what was tranſacted; and ſo they parted, ſetting the Indians at liberty that had thus engaged for their friend Sowen, the Indian; but yet to this day not one ſkin of beaver was ever paid to the Engliſh, as was promiſed; the Indians all this while were well provided for victuals by Capt. Lake, with other ſupplies of rum and tobacco, even to the diſguſting of ſome Engliſh then preſent.

BUT the Indians left as hoſtages upon Sowen's account, however civilly they were treated, ran all away at the laſt, truſting more to the celerity of their own feet, than to the civility of their Engliſh friends, who after they were eſcaped, joined with a parcel of their fellows ſoon after, about twenty in all, in robbing the houſe of one Mr. Purchaſe, an antient planter … Pegypſcot river, and a known trader with the Indians, whatever wrong may be pretended by the ſaid Indians, as done them in their trading (of which more may be ſpoken afterwards) that will in no wife excuſe their perfidious treachery and falſehood, in breaking covenant with the Engliſh, diſſembling and ſeeking all advantages of cruelty againſt their Engliſh neighbours, of which in the following winter and ſummer, 1676, there will be a more full and undeniable diſcovery. This was done in the beginning of September, 1675. Thoſe Indians that firſt aſſaulted Mr. Purchaſe's houſe, did no other miſchief than pludering it of ſtrong liquor and ammunition, alſo killing a calf or two, with a few ſheep, but no more than what they eat, and ſpoiling a p. 213feather bed by ripping it open to turn out the feathers, contenting themſelves with the caſe, which they might more eaſily carry away. They offered no incivility to the miſtreſs of the houſe (her huſband and ſons being at that time from home) yet one of her ſons approaching near the houſe, and finding it poſſeſſed by thoſe new inhabitants, he rode away with all ſpeed, and yet no faſter than there was need, for an Indian followed him with a gun under his coat, to have ſhot at him, if he could by his flattery and diſſembling, have got him within the reach of his piece.

IT is ſaid that at the firſt they uſed fair words, and ſpoke of trading, but as they went away, told thoſe of the houſe, that there were others coming after that would deal far worſe with them, which within a ſhort time after came to paſs; for theſe were but the meſſengers of death, which was ſoon after inflicted, and that in a moſt barbarous manner upon ſundry inhabitants of the neighbouring plantations.

THE Engliſh in thoſe parts being much incenſed hereat, 25 of them ſoon after going up Caſco-Bay in a ſloop and two boats to gather Indian corn, and to look to what they had upon the ſaid Bay, near Amoſcoggan river; when they came near the houſes they heard a knocking, and a noiſe about the houſes, and preſently eſpyed two or three Indians, who as yet did not ſee them. The Engliſh being come a good way from their veſſel, endeavored to get between the Indians and the woods, which when they perceived, they ran toward the water ſide, but the Engliſh in purſuit killed one of them and wounded another, who however eſcaped away in a canoe acroſs the river, a third running back toward the woods, fled to the other Indians, and acquainted them with what was done, who preſently came down and lay in wait to intercept the Engliſh, that thought of no danger, but ſcattered themſelves all about the place to gather their corn, and lade the boats therewith, but before they were ready to go away, the Indians coming down, fired upon them, and forced p. 214them all into the ſloop; had not ſome of them been better prepared than the reſt, they might all have been cut off; for ſome little reſiſtance being made by them that were ready with their guns, it gave the reſt an opportunity to get all into the ſloop, yet not without many wounds. So with much ado, they all eſcaped with their lives, leaving the two boats a moſt laden with corn, a prey to the Indians, who preſently burnt one, and plundered the other of all that was therein; ſome are ready to think that the Engliſh did imprudently begin the quarrel, and not firſt enquire into what the Indians were about in the houſe, and ſeek redreſs according to the aformentioned agreement, made at the court in Kennebeck. But if this happened after what follows next to be related, viz. that which was done to old Mr. Wakely and his family, the Engliſh can be blamed for nothing but their negligence and ſecurity, in that having alarmed their enemies, they ſtood not better upon their guard, which is not very certain; for tis thought that within a few days after, or the next week, a more horrible outrage was committed upon the family of an ancient man, whoſe name was Wakely, an inhabitant of Caſco-Bay, who had ſome years before removed from Glouceſter or Cape-Ann, out of ſome diſcontent, which afterwards he often bewailed, reſolving either to have returned back, or elſe to have removed to ſome ſecurer place, but he was arreſted by the ſons of violence before he could effect his purpoſe.

THIS old man, together with his wife, his ſon, and his daughter in law, (then far advanced in pregnancy) with three grand-children, were cruelly murdered by thoſe barbarous ſavages at one time; another of his grand-children was taken alive and led into captivity, a daughter of his was ſaid to be carried to Narrhaganſet, which ſhews that they joined with the ſouthern Indians in the rebellion. When once theſe Indians had embrued their hands in Engliſh blood, they were emholdened to the like bloody attempts in the adjacent places.

p. 215THIS Wakely lived ſo far from his neighbours, or elſe was encompaſſed with creeks or rivers, that no relief could preſently be ſent to him; however, Lieut. Ingerſon, of Caſco, the next day with a file of men, repaired to the place where his houſe ſtood, to ſee what was the reaſon of the fire they diſcerned the day before, where they found the houſe burnt to aſhes, the bodies of the old man and his wife half conſumed with the fire, the young woman killed, and three of the grand-children having their brains beat out, and their bodies laid under ſome oaken planks not far from the houſe; one girl of about 11 years old, was carried captive by them, and having been carried up and down the country ſome hundreds of miles, as far as Narrhaganſet fort, was this laſt June returned back to Major Waldern's, by one Squando, the Sagamore of Saco; a ſtrange mixture of mercy and cruelty.

SOON after, Capt. Bonithon's and Major Phillips's dwellings were aſſaulted, one on the eaſt, the other on the weſt ſide of Saco river. It is ſaid they had ſeaſonable notice of what was intended againſt them by their barbarous enemies, thoſe Amoſcoggan Indians, by an Indian of Saco, their neighbour, better minded than the reſt of his countrymen, who obſerving a ſtrange Indian coming to his wigwam in company with ſome of his acquaintance, one of whom informed him, after the reſt with the ſtranger were gone, that the ſaid ſtranger came from the weſtward, and that his buſineſs was to perſuade the eaſtern Indians to fall upon the Engliſh in their dwellings here, as the reſt had done to the weſtward. Capt. Bonithon, either upon this information, or upon the knowledge of what was done a little before at Caſco, had left his houſe, and was retired over the river with his family to Major Phillips's garriſon. Thus two are better than one, for otherwiſe both might have been deſtroyed; for upon the 18th of September following, being the ſeventh day of the week, about 11 o'clock, thoſe at Major Phillips's garriſon ſaw Capt. Bonithon's houſe on fire, which by the good Providence of God was to them as the firing of p. 216a beacon, giving them notice to look to themſelves, their enemies being now come; for otherwiſe they might, to their great diſadvantage, have been too ſuddenly ſurprized, for within half an hour after they were upon them, when a ſentinel placed in the chamber gave notice that he ſaw an Indian by the fence ſide near a corn field; Major Phillips, not willing to believe till he might ſee with his own eyes, ran haſtily up, another of his men coming after, cried, Major what do you mean? do you intend to be killed; at which words he turned ſuddenly back from the window out of which he was looking, when preſently a bullet ſtruck him on the ſhoulder, grazing only upon it without breaking the bone. The Indians upon the ſhot, thinking he had been ſlain thereby (as they heard afterwards) gave a great ſhout, upon which they diſcerned that they were ſurrounded by them, whereupon they inſtantly fired on the enemy from all quarters, and from the flankers of the fortification, ſo as they wounded the Captain of the Indians, who preſently leaving the aſſault, retired three or four miles from the place, where he ſoon after died, as they were informed: He counſelled them to leave the ſiege, but they were reſolved not ſo to quit the place; nor were thoſe within leſs reſolute to defend it: One of the beſt men was ſoon after diſabled from any further ſervice, by a wound he received in one of the vollies made upon them by the aſſailants; but that did not in the leaſt daunt the reſt of the defendants, who continued ſtill to fire upon the enemy: This diſpute laſted about an hour, after which the enemy deſpairing to take the houſe by aſſault, tho't upon a device how to burn it.

FIRST, firing the houſe of one of his tenants, then his ſaw-mill, after that his corn-mill, hoping by that means to draw them out of the garriſon to put out the fire, but miſſing of their purpoſe in that, they called out, you Engliſh cowardly dogs, come out and quench the fire. They continued this ſport all the afternoon, continually almoſt without any intermiſſion firing upon them. The beſieged hoped for relief from the town, p. 217but none came, the Major ſtill encouraging his men to hold it out, which they manfully did all that night, when they were alarmed almoſt every half hour; and between whiles they could hear their axes and other inſtruments, knocking about the mills till the next day. Thoſe within the houſe conceived they were preparing ſome engine wherewith to burn the houſe, which really was the caſe, for about four or five o'clock in the morning, at the ſitting of the moon, the Major was called by his men to look out, when he ſaw a cart with four wheels, having a barricado built in the fore part to keep off ſhot, and filled with combuſtible matter, birch rinds, ſtraw, powder, andpoles 20 foot long, ready to fire the houſe; he bid them let them drive it within piſtol ſhot, before they made any ſhot againſt them; his men were a little diſcouraged at the fight of this engine; but he bid them be of good courage, and uſe means putting their truſt in God, who, he was confident would relieve them. The cart when brought a little nearer, became unweildy by reaſon of the barricado planted in it, and being to paſs through a ſmall gutter, one wheel ſtuck faſt in the ſlough, which bro't the cart ſuddenly to the left, whereby the drivers lay all open to their right flanker, when they fired upon them out of the ſaid flanker, and having ſo fair a ſhot upon them, and not being above piſtol ſhot from the place, they killed 6 of the enemy, and wounded 15, as they found afterwards, which no doubt made them too late to repent of their reſolution, not to follow their Captains counſel and example in leaving the ſiege; for now they preſently departed; ſo as at ſun-riſe, thoſe within the houſe eſpyed 40 of them marching away, but how many more were in the company they could not tell.

THE Indians it ſeems went towards Blue Point, where it is ſaid they killed ſeveral perſons; but theſe in the houſe feared they went for more help, and expected their return; but it ſeems their courage failed them as to another attempt upon an houſe ſo well p. 218garriſoned and manfully defended. Major Phillips ſent to the town for help, acquainting them with what had paſſed, but none was ſent them either that day or the next, ſo having ſpent almoſt all their ammunition, the people that were with him would not be perſuaded to tarry longer than tueſday morning, which conſtrained him and his family to remove to the town. About a fortnight after, the Indians hearing thereof, came and burnt down the empty houſe. There were 50 perſons in the ſaid houſe during the time of the ſiege, and but 10 able hands; they had 5 more that could do ſomething, but through age or minority, not able to make any great reſiſtance; yet it pleaſed God, in whoſe hands are all mens lives and limbs, who is never wont to fail them, who in time of danger are ready to confide in his power and goodneſs, as not to neglect the uſe of due means for their own preſervation, ſo to order things, that not one perſon of all thoſe 50 was either killed or mortally wounded. Major Phillips himſelf was wounded, but not dangerouſly, at the beginning of the aſſault, his mills with other edifices were the firſt day burnt by the enemy, and ſo were all the houſes at Saco, or moſt of them ſoon after, that were above the fiſhermens ſtages. One Mrs. Hitcock being carried captive by the enemy from the ſame place, died in the winter following, by eating ſome poiſonous root inſtead of ground nuts, as was reported by the Indians afterwards.

MUCH about the ſame time, five perſons going up the river of Saco, were all killed by the ſame Indians.

THESE tragedies being thus acted at Caſco-Bay and Saco, thoſe barbarous enemies diſperſed themſelves in parties, intending to do all the miſchief they could to the Engliſh inhabiting about that ſide of the country. In the ſame month of September they came down towards Piſcataqua, doing the like ſpoil upon the inhabitants of the ſeveral branches of that river, which they had been doing elſewhere. In the firſt place they burnt the two Cheflyes houſes about oyſter river, and killed p. 219two men that were paſſing along the river in a canoe, and carried away an old Iriſhman, with a young man taken from about Exeter, who both of them ſoon after made an eſcape to a garriſon at ſalmon falls in Kittery, by the help of an Indian better diſpoſed than the reſt, the firſt after ſeven weeks, the other after a month's captivity.

ABOUT the ſame time one Goodman Robinſon, of Exeter, with his ſon, were travelling towards Hampton, where, as they paſſed along, they were way laid by three Indians, viz. John Sampſon, Cromwel, and John Linde, who ſhot the old man, and left him dead upon the place; his ſon, hearing the guns, eſcaped their hands by running into a ſwamp, whither the Indians purſued him, but could not overtake him, ſo he got ſafe into Hampton about midnight, where he related what had beſel him by the way, and how narrowly he avoided the danger, intimating likewiſe, that he feared his father was killed, which was found too true, by Lieut. Saver, who the next day with 12 ſoldiers of …e town went to ſearch thoſe woods, where they found …e poor old man ſhot through his back, the bullet having paſſed through his body, and was ſtopped by the ſkin on the other ſide. Another perſon of Exeter, whoſe name was Foulſam, was at the ſame time driving a pair of oxen in the ſame road, where, ſoon after he heard the report of the guns when Robinſon was killed, he eſpyed the three Indians creeping upon their bellies towards him, to do as much for him as they had done for Robinſon, but leaving his oxen, he put on his houſe with all ſpeed, and ſo was delivered from the danger that the other fell into; it is reported that one of the Indians made a ſhot at him; but he was either got out of their reach, or elſe they miſſed their aim at that time. The ſame Indians had a little before mer with another Engliſhman in thoſe woods, one Charles Randlet, whom they carried captive, although he ſoon after eſcaped out of their hands, by the help of another Indian called James. It is ſaid there were four Indians of that company, and that the fourth was ſent p. 220away with Randlet, ſo that there were but three ſeen together at the killing and purſu… … the other aforementioned. One of the ſaid Indi… … viz. John Samſon, was killed by ſome of Capt. Hathorn's ſoldiers at Caſco Bay, in September following, 1676, when the ſcou…s of our forces came upon the Indians on a ſudden, and had a ſmall bruſh with them, but all the reſt made a ſhift to get away: As for the other two, viz. Cromwell and John Linde, one of them, it is ſaid, is ſince killed, or taken and ſold away, the other is at Kennebeck, whom vengeance may alſo in due time overtake, as it hath done the other.

WITHIN a few days after that barbarous fact at Oyſter river, two Indians, viz. one named Andrew, and the other Hopehood, the ſon of him called Robinhood, aſſaulted the houſe of one Tozer at Newechewannick, wherein were fifteen perſons, yet all women and children, who without all doubt had all of them fallen into the mercileſs hands of the too cruel and barbarous caitiffs, had not a young maid of about 18 years of age, firſt eſpyed them, who being endued with more courage than ordinarilly the reſt of the ſex uſe to be (the bleſſing of Jael light upon her) firſt ſhut too the door, whereby they were denied enterance till the reſt within eſcaped to the next houſe, that was better fortified; that young heroeſs kept the door faſt againſt them ſo long, till the Indians had chopped it in pieces with their hatchets, when entering the houſe, they knocked the poor maid down with their hatchets, and gave her many other wounds, leaving her for dead upon the place; after which they paſſed on toward the next dwelling, in their way meeting with two children that had eſcaped the houſe firſt broken open by them, they killed one of them, of three years old, which could not follow faſt enough, or elſe they that carried it could not convey it over a fence ſoon enough to ſave themſelves and it; and carried away the other of ſeven years old, which however was returned ſafe within half a year after. The poor maid that had ventured her uſe ſo far to ſave many others, was by a ſtrange Providence p. 221enabled to recover ſo much ſtrengh after they were gone, as to repair to the next garriſon, where ſhe was ſoon after healed of her wounds, and reſtored to perfect health again.

THE next day toward night more of the barbarous enemies being gathered together, they made an aſſault upon the neighbouring dwellings. The Engliſh as many as could be ſpared out of the garriſon (not above 8 in number) purſued after them about half a mile, but night coming on, it was judged beſt to retreat, leſt otherwiſe they might have been intercepted in their return home, by any of them lying in ambuſh, which is their uſual way of doing miſchief. After divers ſhot made on both ſides, but 5 of the enemy appeared; who yet took the advantage of Capt. Wincol's abſence, (whoſe dwelling was not far off) to burn his houſe and barn, with another houſe and two barns more, wherein was much Engliſh …orn, ſuppoſed to be above an hundred buſhels in one of them. After they had done this miſchief they fled away. The next day after, the ſame Indians, or others of their fellows, came upon the other ſide of the river, from whence they ſhot over ſeveral times, to ſome that were grinding in the mill, but after the exchanging of many ſhot on both ſides the river betwixt them, 6 of the enemy ſhewed themſelves in the twilight, uttering ſeveral inſolent and barbarous ſpeeches, calling our men Engliſh dogs, &c. yet all this while out of reach of their ſhot, and then they ran all away like dogs after they had done barking.

AFTER this thoſe very Indians, as was ſuppoſed, burned 5 or 6 houſes about Oyſter river, and killed two men, viz one William Roberts, and his ſon in law. The inhabitants of Dover, with ſome other reſolute young men, being much provoked by theſe many inſolencies and injuries done by the enemy, obtained liberty from the Major of the regiment, to try whether they could not meet with ſome of the Indians, by ſecret amputhes, and ſkulking amongſt the buſhes and p. 222trees, as the Indians uſed to do with them; to which end about twenty divided themſelves into ſeveral ſmall parties: Soon after as they were looking for the enemy, a party of ours eſpied 5 of the Indians, ſome gathering corn in the field, while the reſt of them were buſied in heating of an oven to bake ſome of the fruit which they alſo gathered in the ſame field. The Engliſh were at ſuch a diſtance that they could not make any ſign to their comrades, without being diſcovered by the Indians in the field; wherefore two of them crept as near as they could to the houſe, at one end of the field, where they ſuddenly ruſhed upon two of the wretches, and knocked them down with the butt end of their muſkets, which was not done ſo ſilently, but the other three in the field took the alarm and fled away, who might elſe as eaſily as the other two have been ſurprized.

THESE outrages thus daily committed, filled all the plantations about Piſcataqua with fear and confuſion; ſcarce any place where there was not reaſon for ſome to complain either of the loſs of their friends, or burning of their houſes; which cauſed moſt of them that lived ſcatteringly, at any diſtance from neighbours, either to garriſon their houſes, or elſe to deſert their own dwellings, and to repair to their next neighbours that were better fortified than themſelves; but all the inhabitants in thoſe parts in general were alarmed to ſtand upon their guard.

ON the 7th of October following, being a day of public humiliation, a man was ſhot down as he was riding between two garriſon houſes about Newechewannick, and died of his wounds two months after; about the ſame inſtant of time two young men were ſhot dead about a mile from that place; theſe two had their arms or guns with them, which were carried away by thoſe who killed them, together with their upper garments: It it not ſaid that theſe three laſt (though killed upon a day of humifiation) were ſurprized in their repairing to, or returning from the p. 223place of public worſhip, which would in a great meaſure have abated the ſorrow of their ſad funerals, if when they were ſuddenly arreſted by the harbingers of death, they had been found ſo doing. Soon after this they aſſaulted another houſe at Oyſter river, notwithſtanding it was garriſoned, and meeting with a good old man, whoſe name was Beard, without the garriſon, they killed him upon the place, and in a barbarous manner cut off his head, and ſet it upon a pole in deriſion. Not far off about the ſame time they burnt another houſe and barn.

UPON the 16th of October, being Sat…ay, about an 100 of the Indians were gathered together to aſſault Newechewannick; they began with one named Tozer, half a mile from the upper garriſon, at Salmon Falls: The ſaid Tizer was preſently killed, his ſon taken captive (but returned after ſome months reſtraint) ſeveral guns being ſhot at this aſſault, alarmed Lieut. Plaiſted, at the next garriſon, who like a man of a public ſpirit, immediately ſent out 7 men from the garriſon under his command, to ſee what the matter was, but being met by an ambuſh laid in the way as they went, loſt 2 or 3 of their company, the reſt hardly eſcaping back to the place from whence they came; whereupon the ſaid Lieut. Plaiſted immediately diſpatched away a meſſenger to Major Waldern, at Quechecho, which becauſe it ſeems to be the laſt time that ever that good and uſeful man ſet pen to paper, the letter ſhall be here inſerted.