The Annals of the World, History 1 · Age of the world 6 (12 of 18)

The Annals of the World · History 1 · Age of the world 6 (12 of 18)

p. 283Whiles he was at Babylon, he received, as Aristobulus reporteth, his fleete, which partly went out of the Euphrates, into the Persian sea, under the command of Nearchu…, and partly had been built in Phaenicia and Cyprus: of the Phaenician ships, there were two, each of them of five tire of Oares, and three, of four tire, of three tire high, twelve: and 30 vessels, of 30 Oares a peece, all which had been taken in pieces, and carried overland to the city Thapsacus, and there put together again, and came by the Euphrates unto Babylon, Alexander caused certain other ships also to be built at Babylon, of those Cypresse trees which he found in their gardens there, for as for other timber fit for shipping, there was none to be found in those parts. And moreover there was brought unto him, lying at Babylon, all other provisions for shipping, out of Phaenicia, and other cities, lying along the sea coasts in Asia, and wrights, and mariners of all sorts, [Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 741. Arrian. lib. 7. pag. 161. out of Aristobulus.]

Moreover Alexander caused a Port to be made among the Babilonians, big enough to receive a thousand saile of ships of war, adding galleries and docks thereto, and sent Miccalus a Clazomenian born, with 500 talents into Phaenicia and Syria, to perswade or hire as many seamen as possibly he could, to come and serve him: for he had a purpose to make several plantations upon the Persian gulf, assuring them that those, would be as rich to dwell in, as any places in Phenicia were, [Arrianus, ibid.]

All which preparation by sea, was to set upon the Arabians, under this colour, that among all other nations, they onelyonly had never sent any Embassadors unto him; nor shewed any duty or respect unto him: whereas indeed, it was out of an immoderate desire he had to be soveraign over all alike, and whereas he had heard that they worshipped two gods onelyonly, Jove or Heaven, and Bacchus, he thought himself not unworthy to be worshipped as a third God among them; if he could overcome them, and restore to them, as he had done to the Indians, their pristine liberty, [Strabo and A…ria. ut sup.]

And whereas he had heard say that Arabia, lying upon the sea coast, was of as large an extent as all India, and had many Islands lying upon their coast, he sent Archias, and Androsthenes, to wi…, that Androsthenes of Thasus, (of whom Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 766. and Theophrastus, lib. 2. of Plants, cap. 7. maketh mention.) and Hieron of Solos, with three ships of 30 Oares apiece, from Babylon, with charge, that sailing round about that Chersonese, or Peninsula of Arabia, they should discover and inform themselves of the ports of all that region: of these, Arenias brought him word, that there were two Islands which lay out in the sea, at the mouth of the river Euphrates, the one a lesser, consecrated to Diana, one hundred and twenty furlongs off from the land (which Alexander, as Aristobulus saith, caused to be called Icarus:) the other a greater one, a day and a nights sail off from the shoare, in the same latitude, called Tylus: But Hieron, which went further than any of the rest, brought him word that the Cherso…se was of a vast extent, and had a foreland which ran far out into the Ocean: which they also who came with Nearchus by sea, out of India, descried to be not far off, before they stood in for the mouth of the Euph…ates, [Arrianus, lib. 7. and in the end also of his Indica.]

Whiles his ships of war were in building, and the haven a digging in Babylon, Alexander himself fell down the Euphrates, to the mouth of the river Pallacopa: distant from Babylon, some 800 furlongs, where rowing up and down, and, as Aristobulus saith, steering sometimes his own boat himself, he espied some certain ditches, which he caused to be scoured by such as were in his company; damming up the mouthes of some, and opening others of them: And espying one dike among the rest, in the Arabian side, toward the fenny and mo…ry places thereof, having an outlet, hard to be stopt up, by reason of the rottennesse of the soile, he opened a new mouth, 30 furlongs off from the other, in somewhat a more firme and hard ground, and forced the water course that way: He saw there also many monuments of old Assyrian Kings and Princes, which lay buried in that fenny Country, and midst of those loughs, [Strabo, lib. 16. p. 741. Arria. l. 7.]

And sailing through those loughs into the body of Arabia, he there built a city, and a wall about it, planting there a colony of mercenary Greeks, and volunteers, and such as through age or otherwise, were growen unserviceable for the war, [Arria. ib.]

p. 284And now he began to laugh and scoff at the Chaldeans, and their predictions, for that he had both entred Babylon, and was come safe out of it, with his fleet; and therefore sailed the more bodily thorough those loughs of Arabia, having Babylon still on his left hand, [Id. ibid. Appian. toward the end, lib. 2. De Bell. Civil.]

And when at last, a part of his army wandred up and down in those parts, they knew not whither, for want of a Pilot, he sent them one, which brought them into the right channel again: then there arose a mighty wind, which severed the ship wherein himself was, from the rest of the fleet, and hurled the Kings hood or bonnet off from his head into the water; but his Turbant or Diademe, which was fastned to it, was rent from it, and driven by the wind upon a great reed, which grew up close to a sepulchre, of one of the Kings, which there lay buried, as I said before; which one of the marriners espying, swam unto it, and took it up, and in his return for fear of wetting it, clapt it upon his own head, Aristobulus saith that the marriner which did it, was a Phenician born, and that he was well scourged for presuming to put the Kings Diademe or Turbant upon his head: yet Alexander upon this accident, consulted a wizard about it, and was by him advised to offer a magnificent sacrifice to the gods, and to be very diligent and devout therein, [Diodor. see Appian, in his Syriaca, pag. 124. in the Greek and Latin edition.]

When it was told Alexander, that the Athenians and Etolians would not obey his edict, concerning the restoring of their banditoes, he presently gave order for a thousand tall men of war to be built, with which he purposed to make a war in the west, and to begin it with the destruction of Athens it self, which yet never took effect, [Justin lib. 13. cap. 5. see Curtius lib. 10. cap. 4.]

Alexander returning to Babylon, Year of the World 3681 there gave himself over to ease and company keeping; so addicted to gluttony and drunkennesse, that in the Diaries kept by Eumenes Cardianus, and Diodorus Erythraeus, it is often found, such and such a day or night, Alexander was carried drunk to bed, Athenae. lib. 10. cap. 11. with Phillinus in Plut. lib. 1. Sympos. cap. 6.] one example whereof, Elian. [lib. 3. Var. Histor. lib. 23.] reciteth out of the said Eumenes, which I thought good here to insert, to the end it may appear, that some use may be made of my treatise of the Macedonian year, comparing therewith, the dayes of our Julian Calendar, mending first that place in Elian, where it is written foreign, without all sense, and making it mensis foreign nomine, (i. e.) of the monethmonth called Dios, as thus: On the fifth of the monethmonth Dios (our Septemb. 28.) he drank drunk, at Eumaeus his howse; nor did any thing all that day, but rise and give order to his Captains, whither they should march to morrow, and telling, he would be going very early. And upon the seventh day (our Septemb. 30.) he dined with Perdiccas, and there he fell to drinking again: and on the eighth, (our Octob. 1.) he slept all day, and upon the 15 of the same monethmonth (our Octob. 8.) he fell a drinking again, and the day following (our Octob. 9.) he slept it out all day according to his wonted fashion. VponUpon the 24. (our Octob. 17.) he supped at Bagoas his lodging, which was 10. furlongs off from the Kings palace, and then upon the third (or rather the fifth) he slept it out again.

Alexander, The Julian Period. 4391 seeing Babylon to excell, Year before Christ 323 both in greatnesse, and all other things, purposed to enbellish it all that might be, and to make it the place of his residence, for ever after, [Stra. lib. 15. pag. 731.] and resolved to rebuild the Temple of Belus, and raise it out of its old dust; and, as some say, to make it more magnificent than ever it was before: and when in his absence the Babylonians went on more slowly in the work than he would have had them, he intended to set himself and all his army to work about it. But because the work, would take up a great deal of labour and much time, therefore he was not able to go thorough with it, as he desired, for he was taken short by death, [Id. lib. 16. pag. 738. with Arrianus lib. 6. pag. 159.]

Alexander dreampt, that Cassander killed him, whereas he had never seen the man in all his life, and shortly after, when he happened to see him; he called to mind his dream, with a great deal of horror at the first: but then again understanding that he was a son of Antipater, he cast off all such fear of any hurt from him, especially of poyson, which yet was at that time ready prepared for him, merrily uttering certain Greek verse, purporting, that so many dreams, so many lies, or to that effect.

When Cassander saw the outlandish people prostrating themselves, when they came unto him, having never seen the like done before, he fell a whickering; whereat Alexander grew into such a cholor, that wrapping both his hands in his long hair, he beat his head against the wall, [Plut. in Alexand.]

As there went a report that Antipater had sent a poison by Cassander to deliver it to his brother Iolla Cup-bearer to the King, Year of the World c. and by him infused into the last draught that he ever took, so was it said also, that at the same time, Alexander had sent Craterus with a company of old souldiers to make away Antipater, [Curt. lib. 10. cap. ult.] Concerning the poison, of which Alexander is said to have died, see Andraeas Schottus, p. 285and his collections thereupon made out of sundry authors, in the Comparison which he makes, of the lives of Aristotle and Demosthenes, [to the first year of the 114 Olymp. and Mathaeus Raderus, upon Curius, lib. 10. cap. 7.] As for Craterus and his old souldiers sent away with him into Macedon, though Justin, and Arrian, and Plutarch, report this passage, as of a thing done before the death of Hephaestion; yet that it ought to be referred to this time, and not to that, appears, as by many other arguments, so especially by this; for that at the time of Alexanders death, Craterus with his old maimed souldiers was not come into Macedonia, but was still in Cilicia.

Those that would of the Macedons, which found themselves disabled thorough age or other impotency of body to follow the war any longer, were dismissed by Alexander, to return into their own country: and the number of them at this time, came (as Diodor. lib. 17. year 2. Olymp. 113. sayes) to 10 thousand; or as [Justin, lib. 12. cap. 12.] to 11 thousand: to every of which, he not onelyonly gave their full pay for the time past, but also money in their purses, to carry them home withal: And if any of them had children, begotten of wives which they had married out of Asia, he willed them to be left with him, fearing least that mungrell kind might happily in time stir up some rebellion in Macedon, in contending with the wives and children which were left there: and promised that when they were grown up, and trained in Marshal Discipline after the Macedonian manner, they should have them again sent home unto them. Justin saith, that such as returned, had their full pay continued to them, as before, during life. Plutarch, that the children of the deceased, succeeded in their fathers pay: adding further, that Alexander wrote to Antipater, that they which so returned, should have the prime places assigned them in the Theaters, and should there sit with Garlands upon their heads; and that at their parting, they all wept, and so did the King himself.

Together with these, were dismissed also, sundry of the Nobility, upon the same occasions, as Clytus, Gorgias, Polydamas, Adamas, Antigenes, and the principal of all, Craterus, who was assigned as a Captain to conduct them, as a man of all others most loyal, and most dear unto the King, and next unto him Polysperchon; least if Craterus should happen to die by the way, as he was at that time but weak and sickly, they should want a noble Commander to conduct them. Then commanded he Craterus to take charge of Macedon, Thrace, Thessaly, and of the liberty of Greece, in Antipaters room, sending for Antipater to repair to him; and to bring with him an army of young lusty Macedons, in lieu of these old ones which he had sent home unto him.

Craterus, when he was sent to carry some certain old decayed souldiers into Cilicia, he received some instructions and commands from Alexander in writing, the chief heads whereof, Diodorus Siculus, out of the Kings own Commentaries relateth to be these, That he should cause a thousand tall ships somewhat bigger than the ordinary sort, of 3 tire of oares, to be built in Phoenicia, Syria, Cilicia, and Cyprus for his wars against the Carthaginians, and others bordering upon the sea coasts of Africk and Spain, and Islands adjoyning as far as Sicily: To take order, that his way along the sea coast of Africa, as far as Hercules his Pillars, might be ready for him; to lay out 1500 talents, upon six Magnificent Temples to be built: And that he should make Ports in several places fit to receive so great a Fleet. That he should transplant men out of Europe into Asia, and likewise out of Asia into Europe, to inhabit such new Cities as he should build in either of them, to the end that by enter-marriges, and mutual affinities, he might establish a peace and concord between the two main Continents of the World. These were his then designs, of which Lucan speaks, in this manner, [lib. 10.]

—Oceano classes inferre parabat: (i. e.)

His purpose was th' Atlantic Sea to sail;

Nor fire, nor water, nor the Lybian sand,

Nor Ammons Syrts could bound his vast desires.

He would into the Westerne Clime have gone,

Where the Sun stoops to fall int' Tethis lap;

And to have marcht quite round about the Poles,

And drunk Niles water, where it first doth rise,

Had not death met him, and his journey stayed.

Nothing but nature could a period bring,

To the vast projects of this mad-cap King.

A little before his death, came Ambassadors to him out of Greece, to acknowledge him for a god, and they wearing Crowns themselves, set all Crowns of gold upon his head.

And Pencestes, returning out of Persia, with about 20 thousand Persians, brought p. 286also a great company of Cossaeans, and Tapurians along with them to babylon for his service, because these nations bordering upon Persia, were reckoned the most warlike of any other. To him also came Philoxenus, bringing an army out of Caria, and Menander with another out of Lydia, and Menidas with an army of Horse: Alexander commmended the forwardnesse of the Persian nation, and especially Pencestes for his just discreet government among them, and ranked both them, and also those which came from the sea side with Philoxemus and Menander, with his Macedon squadrons. Also he caused his navy to be often exercised; and whereas there were often sea fights made in the river of Euphrates, between the Triremes, and the Quadriremes, (i. e.) between the ships of three, and those 4 of tire of oares, upon the River Euphrates, and as well the Marriners, as the Commanders in them laboured hard to outdoe their adverse party, he ever bestowed Crowns, and honoured them that did best herein.

When upon a time, as he was bestowing those companies which came with Philoxenus and Menander, among his Macedon Squadrons, he happened to be a thirst; as Arrianus reports out of Aristobulus, and went a little aside, from the throne whereon he sate, and some also of his Nobles which sate on either hand of his throne, left their seats also and attended him, it fell out, that a certain mean party, (some say one that was committed to custody, but without irons upon him) came through the middest of all the bed-chamber-men, and other Officers, which stood thick about the throne, and sate himself down upon the kings seat: and when the Bed-chamber-men, durst not pull him out, because there was a Persian law to the contrary, they rent every man his cloaths, and beat their faces, and thumpt their breasts, as at a thing exceeding ominous to the King; which when Alexander heard, he caused the fellow to be had presently to the rack, to know whether he had done it upon any designe or compact with others or no, and for what purpose: But when he answered that what he had done was only out of a light humor, and toy which came in his head, the wisards told him that it was by so much the worse signe; and Diodorus saith, that by their advice, the poor fellow was presently killed for his labour; to the end, that if there were any ill luck in it, it might all fall upon his own head: The same also, saith Plutarch, adding, that upon the rack, being asked who he was, answered that his name was Dionysius, a Messenian born, with some other answers which he made them.

Some few dayes after, when the King had sacrified to his gods, in thanksging for his good successes; and had added thereto something more than ordinary by the advise of the Priests or Wisards, he fell a feasting with his Nobles; and sate up at it, ti… late in the night: he also distributed beasts for sacrifices among the souldiers, and gave wine among them to be drunk. And when he was now breaking up, and going away one Medius a Thessalian, had prepared a banquet, and invited him and all his company to it; at the banquet there sate twenty guests; to every of which, Alexander drank a several health, and they the like to him again, as Athenaeus reports out of certain memorials, commonly attributed to Nicobulus, [lib. 10. cap. 11. & lib. 12. cap. 18.]

Now when Alexander had called for a cup, containing two gallons and an odde quart, as Ephippius Olynthius, in a book which he wrate of the deaths and burials of Alexander and Hephaestion, reported by Athenaeus, [lib. 10. cap. 11.] and commanded Proteas a Macedon, to pledge him; Proteas cried, let come, and having in many words spoken much honour of the King, took the cup, and drank it off with such a grace, that all the table commended him highly for it: a while after, Proteas called for the same cup again, and drank it off to the King; and Alexander took and pledged him a great draught, but could not drink it off, but let the cup fall out of his hand, and lay along upon the cusheon, and presently fell sick and dyed, and this was that Herculean fatal cup to Alexander, of which besides Diodore, and Plutarch, [Seneca also in his 83 Epistle,] maketh mention; with which we may compare also, what Athenaeus saith, [l. 11. c. 17. and Macrobius, l. 5. Saturnal. c. 21.]

Aristobulus saith, that when he gr…w light headed with his fever, and withal very thirsty, he called for a draught of wine, and that cast him into a phr…nsie; and …o upon the 30 day of the month Daesius, that is, upon the 24 of our May, departed. Others say that he dyed upon the 6 day of the month Thargelion, with the Athenians, as Elian hath it, [lib. 2. Var. Histor. cap. 25.] which answers to our 18 of May: In the Diaries or Day books, kept of the Kings actions, it is said that he died the 28 of the month Daesius, or 22 of our May: wherefore sure it is, that dye he did in the month Daesius, according to the Macedon account, and in the month of May with us; though upon what day of the month, Authors do not agree.

Out of the said Diaries, what things fell out in the time of his sicknesse, Arrianus and Plutarch do very particularly declare, but who was the true author of those D…aries, or daily remembrances of what he did or said, neither of them tells us; whether Eumenes p. 287Cardianus, or Diodorus Erythreus, or else Strattis Olynthius: for he also wrate a Diary of his actions in foure books, and one particular book of his death, as Suidas teacheth us: But whose soever Diaries they were, forasmuch as we can have nothing more plainly or more assuredly delivered, than what we find in them, therefore have I thought it good here to set down what I find in Plutarch, delivered out of them, comparing all along, the dayes of the Macedonian Daesius and our month of May, together, out of my own discourse of the Macedonian year.

foreign, &c. (i. e.) the eigteenth day of the month Daesius (May, 12.) he slept in a bath for his fever. The next day (May 13.) having washed, he went to his chamber, and spent that day there at dice with Medius, then washing again, toward the evening, and having been at his devotions, he ate his supper somewhat greedily, and the night following had a sore fit of a fever. Upon the 20 day (May 14.) having washed, he offered Sacrifice very solemnly again, and lying along in a bath, he heard Nearchus while he related to him such things as had happened in his voyage; and what wonders he had seen in the Ocean, (foreign) (i. e.) (our May 15.) when he did the like, his fever increased upon him. The day after (May 16.) his fever grew very sharp upon him, and he was carried to lie in a Chamber near the great pool, or swimming place, where he had speach with his Commanders, of putting approved men in places of office, when they happened to fall void, foreign (foreign) (i. e.) upon the 24. (May 18.) finding his sicknesse to encrease upon him, he offered sacrifice, to which he was carried, and commanded the chief Commanders and Captains which were then in Court, to stay with him; but the Centurions and Corporals, to attend without and watch. Being carried into the innermost lodgings of the Court, (foreign) VponUpon the 25 day (May 19.) he had a little ease, but his fever left him not. But when the Captains came to him, he spake not at all unto them foreign, and likewise upon the 26, (May 20.) whereupon the Macedons, thinking that he had been dead, came flocking with a great noise to the Chamber door, and threatned the Nobles which were there, if they would not let them in. The doors hereupon being set open, every common souldier passed by his bed side. The same day, Pithon and Seleucus, who were sent to Serapis his temple, to know whether Alexander should be removed thither or noe, brought answer back from the Oracle, that he should stay where he was, foreign, (i. e.) VponUpon the twenty eight day, (May 22.) in the evening he died.

Now whereas I said, that the Macedons all passed by the Kings bed side, it is to be understood, that they came in at one dore, and went out at another, [Lucian in Pseudom.] And allbeit he was grown weak and faint with the violence of his sicknesse, yet he raised himself upon his elbow, and gave every one of them his hand to kisse as he passed by, [Valer. Max. lib. 5. cap. 1.] and which is more, and may seem incredible in it self, look in what posture he put himself, at their first coming in, in the same …he continued, till every man to the very last, of all that army, had kissed his hand, [Curt. lib. 10. c. 7.]

When the souldiers were gone, he then turned him to his Nobles, and demanded of them, whether they thought they should find them a King like to himself or no? and when no man answered him to that question; then again he said, that as he could not tell that himself, so that one thing he foresaw, and could foretell, how much Macedon blood would be shed, before this controversie would receive an end, and with what vast slaughters, and effusion of blood, they would solemnise his funeral, and sacrifice to his ghost, when he was gone; and so gave order for his body to be carried to the Temple of Ammon, and there buried, [Justin l. 12. c. 15.] And when his Nobles asked him to whom he would leave his kingdom, his answer was, fortissimo, (i. e.) to the strongest, and withall, took off his signet, and gave it to Perdiccas: whereby they all conceived, that his meaning was, to commend the government of his kingdom to his care and trust, till his children should come to age, [Em…l. Probus in Eumene.] And again, when Perdiccas asked him, When he would have Divine Honours performed to him? his answer was, When they were all grown happy.

Eratosthenes in his Canons, (mentioned by Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 1. Srom. saith) that 12 years passed between the death of Philip, and the change, (i. e.) the decease of Alexander, which is the very number given him, [lib. 1. Maccabae, cap 1. 8. and in both the Chronicles of the Jews, as also in Tertullian, lib. cont. Judaeos. cap. 8. in Porphyrie, cited by Euseb. pag. 124. in Scaligers Greek edition of him, In Rufinus, In Josepus, his Antiquities, lib. 12. cap. 2. in Orosius, lib. 3. in Ierom and Theodoret upon Daniel cap. 11.] though A. Gellius, [lib. 17. cap. 21.] giveth him but 11 years. Julius Africanus, and out of him Eusebius, 12 years and six months, [Diod. Sic.] 12 years and seven moneths, Livie, and after him Emil. Probus in Eumene, allow him 13 years.

Nor is there any lesse difference among Authors, concerning the years of his life, than there is of his reign. Whereof Cicero in his fifth Philippic speaking, saith, What shall I speak of Alexander the Macedon, when he set himself upon great achivements from his very youth, was he not take off by death in the 33 year of his age, which is lesse by ten years, p. 288then with us a man can by law, be made a Consul. Justin [in the last chap. of his 12 book,] saith that he died at the age of 33 years and one month: yet [Philostratus, lib. 2. de Vit. Sophista: in Herodes. Euseb. in Chron. and in his first book, de Vita Constanti. and Jerome, upon c. 8. and c. 11. upon Daniel,] and sundry other writers following Eusebius, [in Chron.] allow him to have lived no more than 32 years: All which are neverthelesse to be reduced to that rule delivered by Arrianus, [lib. 7. pag. 167.] foreign, &c. (i. e.) He lived, 2 years, and took up 8 months of the 33 year: as Aristobulus saith; But he reigned twelve years, and those 8 months over.

Immediately upon Alexanders decease, there arose such a difference and dispute between the Horse and Foot Companies of the army, for the settling of the present State of things, that they were ready to fall all in pieces, and to take up armes about it. Yet by the advice of the Nobles and Commanders, it was at length accorded, that the Supreme authority, or rather a bare name and shadow thereof, should be committed to Aridaeus, brother to Alexander, and son to his father Philip, begotten upon one Philinna of Larissa, a common dancer; as [Athenaeus, lib. 13. cap. 13.] reports out of one Ptolomaeus, son of Agesarchus, in his History of Philopater, and a whore to boote, [as Justin. lib. 13. cap. 2. and Platarch in the end of his Alexan.] say. And having by common consent proclaimed him King, they called him by the name of Philip; to whom also was joyned, the son that Roxane then went withal, and was eight moneths gone with child, begotten by Alexander, as Justin in the place aforesaid hath it, or six, as Curtius, [lib. 10. cap. 10. sayes.] As for his son Hercules, who then lived at Pergamus, because he was gotten upon Barsine, who was never married to Alexander; therefore was there no regard had of him in this settlement of the kingdom. And because Aridaeus himself was but a weak spirited man, not thorough any natural infirmity of his own, as Plutarch noteth in the end of the life of Alexander; but by such slibber-sauces, and drugs as Olympias had procured to be given him, therefore was Perdiccas, to whom Alexander delivered his Signet at the hour of his death, made Regni foreign: (i. e.) Lord Protector, or Steward, and in effect absolute King it self. The charge of the army, and of all affairs, was committed to Meleager, the son of Neoptolemus, with or under Perdiccas. The command of the Horse, which was the most Honourable charge in all the army, and which after Hephaestions death was given to Perdiccas, was now assigned to Seleucus, the son of Antiochus, yet with, or under Perdiccas, as the other was. The oversight also of the kingdom, and treasure thereof, was commended to Craterus his trust, [Diod. in the beginning of his 18 book, Justin. lib. 13. cap. 1, 2, 3, 4. Curt. lib. 10. cap. 10, 11, 12. Plutarch, in Eumene & Alexan. Dioxippus and Arria. in their books written of what passed after the death of Alexander, in Phot. Bibliot. cod. 82. & 92. Appian. in his Syriaca. pag. 120. 124.]

Censorinus in his discourse, De die natali, notes, that the years of Philip, are to be reckoned from the death of Alexander, taking alwayes the rise therein from the first day of that monethmonth, which with the Egyptians is called Thoth. For the Egyptian Astronomers applying this computation of times for more easie reckoning sake, to their own account, make the head thereof to be the first day of Thoth, in the beginning of the 425. year of Nabonasar; to wit, upon the 12 of November, according to the Julian account, 4390. in the seventh monethmonth before the true time of Alexanders death. And from the beginning of that monethmonth Thoth it is, that Ptolomei in his Manual Canons of Astronomy (not yet published) deduceth the Epochs or risings of all the Stars, of which he in his Preface Ad Syrus. saith, foreign, &c. Here are fixed the Epoches, or heads of all accounts, according to the Meridian of Alexandria, which is in Egypt, from the first day of the Egyptian monethmonth Thoth, of the first year of Philip, who succeeded Alexander, the Founder of this City. Not of Philip the father of Alexander, (as some have imagined) but of Philip, brother and next successor unto Alexander; whom the Alexandrians for Honours sake, call, as indeed he was, their Founder: adding, foreign, &c. (i. e.) For from the first day of his (meaning Philippus Aridaeus) reign, the times of the Manual Canons of Ptolomei, (who in them followeth the common account, or Calendar of the Egyptians) being taken, and according to the rectifying of the Egyptian year (reduced to the Alexandrian account, which Theon also used in his Canon) are reckoned; as we find also, in the Greek Collections published by Scaliger, in his Eusebian Fragments, [pag. 48.] Whence it is also, that in the Epistle to Apollophanes (falsely attributed to Dionysius Areopagita: found in Hilduinus, in his Areopagatica) these Astronomical Tables are called, The Canon of Philippus Aridaeus.

And now had the dead body of Alexander laien seven dayes, as Justin sayes, (for Elian sayes 30.) [Var. Histor. lib. 12. cap. 64.] upon his Throne, whiles all mens thoughts were taken up about the settling of the present state, and could not heed, what belonged to the solemn Obsequies belonging to the deceased: and yet was there not in all that time found any putrifaction, or the least discolouring of the flesh upon his body: but the very vigor of his countenance, which is the proper effect of the spirit that is in a p. 289man, continued still the same; wherefore the Chaldeans and Egyptians, were commanded from thence forward to take care of the body; and they when they came about it, durst not at first approach to touch him, as if he had been still living: but anon after, saying their prayers, that it might be no sin unto them being but mortals to lay their hands upon so divine a body, they fell to work, and dissected him; and the golden Throne wherein he lay, was stuffed all with Spices, and hung about with Pennants and Banners, and other emblemes of his high State and Fortune, [Curt. lib. 10. in fi.]

The care of his funeral, and providing a chariot to carry the body into the Temple of Ammon, was committed to Aridaeus, whether the King, as Justin hath it, [lib. 13. cap. 4.] and Dexippus, as we find in Scaligers Greek fragments of Eusebius, [pag. 84.] or rather to some other Aridaeus, of whom we shall see more anon, out of Diodorns, year 2. Olymp. 114.] in which provision making, he spent two whole years, [Dodor. year 3. Olymp. 114.] and Olympias seeing him lye so long unburied, in great grief of heart, cried out, and uttered these words; O my son (said he) thou that wouldest needs be counted among the gods, and keptst such a do about it, canst not now have that which every poor man hath, a little earth and burial, [Elian. Varia. Histor. lib. 13. c. 30.]

Mean while Sisygambes the mother of Darius, hearing of his death, sunk under the burthen of her sorrow for it; and covering her self with mourning attire, when her neece and nephew, Drypetis and Oxathres, came and fell at her knees, she lookt away from them, and would neither eat nor see the light any more, and so the fifth day after, dyed of hunger, [Diod. l. 17. in fi. Curt. l. 10. cap. 8.]

Roxane being great with child, and seeing her self therefore, courted by the Macedon army, grew into emulation with Statira, eldest daughter to Darius, and one of Alexanders wives, as her self was: and by her letters invited and requested her to come unto her: but as soon as she came, she caused both her and her sister Drypetis, Hephaestions Relict, to be murthered; and threw both their carcases into a well, and cast earth upon them: not without the privity and assistance of Perdiccas, as Plut. [in the end of the life of Alex.] saies.

Roxane was a while after, delivered of a son, whom they named Alexander: and the common souldiers proclaimed him King, [Arria. in Biblioth. Phot…, ca. 92.] with Pausanias in his Attica, and Dexippus, in Scaligers Greek fragments of Eusebius, [pag. 48.]

Perdiccas gave order for the purification or cleansing of the whole army by a solemn sacrifice; because of the death of the King, and great dissention fallen among them thereupon. Now the Macedonian manner of cleansing the army was thi…: They cut a dogg in two: and laid the one half on the one side, and the other, on the other of the field, where the army was to come, and to make them passe solemnly, and, as it were, in procession between them: Now as the army passed, Perdiccas caused some 300 souldiers, which followed Meleager, when in the first assembly of the Macedons, alter the decease of Alexander, he arose, and in a mutinous manner left them, and threw them among the Elephants, to be trod in pieces by them: all which he did in the open sight of the army, and in the presence of Aridaeus himself, whom (nothing differing from a very Innocent) Meleager had caused to be, as it were, wrapt in purple clouts like a child, and put into the Royal Throne, as Plutarch [lib. 2. de fortuna Alexandri,] saith. And Meleager for the present, because no violence was offered to his own person, stirred not: but presently after, seeing his life was sought, fled to a Sanctuary, and was there taken and slain; [Justin, lib. 13. cap. 4. Curt. lib. 10. cap. 12. Arrianus in Photius.]

D…odorus [lib. 2. year 4. Olymp. 18.] affirmeth that Alexander made his last Will and Testament, and left it to be kept at Rhodes; and Ammia, [Marcellinus, lib. 23.] seems to say, that therein his will was, to leave all in the hands and power of one man: and Q. Curtius, Some, saith he, have been of opinion, that a distribution of the Provinces was made by Alexander, in his last Will and Testament: but we have found, that, that was but an Idle report, though delivered by sundry Authors, [l…b. 10. c. 13.] Neverthelesse, the Author of the first book of Machabeis, seemeth to follow that first opinion, as delivered and believed by so many Authors, as it was; and saith that Alexander in his own life time, parted his kingdom among his most illustrious and noble officers. And the Chronologer of Alexandria (out of whom, those barbarous and broken Latin fragments publ…shed by Scaliger, pag. 58, and 59. are taken) affirmeth, that, that division of the Provinces, which Justin [lib. 13. cap. 4. Curtius lib. 10. cap. 13. Arrianus in Photi… B… blioth. ca. 92. Dexeippus ibid. ca. 82.] and other writers report to have been made by Perdiccas, was none other than that which was comprised in that will: which, as may be gathered out of them all, comparing one with another, was in this manner.

In Europe all Thrace, with the Chersonese and other nations bordering upon Thrace as far as Salmydessus, a city standing upon the Euxin sea, was committed to Lysimachus, the son of Agathocles, a Pellaean born: but that Region which lay beyond p. 290Thrace, belonging to the Illyrians, Triballi, and Agrians, and Macedonia it self, and Epirus, stretching as far as the Ceraunian mountaines, with all Greece, was assigned to Antipater, and Craterus: and so much for Europe.

In Africa, all Egypt, and what ever else Alexander had gotten, in Cirenaica, or Lybia, with all that part of Arabia which borders upon Egypt, was allotted to Ptolomei, the son of Lagus, who, as Pausanias in his Attica sayes, was by the Rhodians, honoured with the surname of foreign, (i. e.) a Deliverer. The truth is, that the Macedons ever held Ptolomei for a base son of Philip, Alexanders father: for his mother Arsinoe, being great with child by Philip, was by him put off, and married to a poor fellow of Macedon, called Lagus: whereupon it was, that when after a while, (as Plutarch in a discourse of his, De ira cohibenda: (i. e.) of suppressing a mans choler, saith, Ptolomei to put a jeer upon a poor schoole-master, would needs ask him, who was Peleus his father: he asked him again, and I pray Sir, said he, Who was Lagus his father? intimating thereby the basenesse of his birth by the fathers side, [See Curtius, lib. 9. cap. 1. Pausanias in his Attica. pag. 5. in the Greek edition of him at Fracford, and Suidas in the word Lagus.]

But, to return to where we left, Cleomenes, who was left by Alexander, to gather up the tributes and other incomes of those parts, was commanded to deliver over that Province unto him, and to hold his office, as under him: and because Ptolomei presently upon the death of Alexander entered upon that Province, and died not till full 40 years after; thence it is that Lucian, foreign: (i. e.) in his discourse of long-lived men) and in the fragments of Eusebius, published by Scaliger, [pag. 49. and Porphyrie, ibid, pag, 225. and Clemens Alexan. Stromat. 1. and Eufeb. in Chron. and Epiphanius in his books of weights and measures:] and others say, that he reigned 40 years in Egypt, after whom his posterity down to Cleopatra, held that kingdom, under the title and name, and common notion, of Ptolomeis.

In the lesser Asia, all Cappadocia and Paphlagonia, and all the Regions lying upon the Euxin Sea, as far as Trapezond, a Colony of the Sinopenses, which Alexander, being taken up with the more weighty war against Darius, had not leisure to subdue as he went, were assigned to Eumenes Cardianus; with a charge to make war upon Ariarathes, who onelyonly ever stood out against Alexander. As for Antigonus, he was made Governour of Pamphylia, Lycia, Lycaonia, and Phrygia the Great. The lesser Phrygia, which lies upon the Hellespont, was committed to Leonatus. The government of Lydia, not onelyonly of the inland country, but also along the sea coast, taking in Eolia and Ionia, was given to Maenander; who had it formerly by grant from Alexander himself, [as Arrianus, lib. 3. pag. 56. saith,] for whom, the name of Meleager, is mis-put by Diodorus. Caria was given to Cassander the son of Antipater, and Cilicia, and Isauria, to Philotas.

In the upper and greater Asia, all Syria, and Phoenicia, was committed to Laomedon, a Mitylenaean borne. The pety kings of the Isle of Cyprus, for a while held every man his State, as they had it granted to them respectively by Alexander. Neoptolemus was set over Armenia, Arcesilaus over Mesopotamia, Archon over the Province of Babylonia; Atropates, father in law to Perdiccas, was left Governour of Media by Alexander himself. In this par…age making, [Justin. lib. 13. cap. 4.] and Orosius [lib. 3. cap. 23.] say that Atropates was made Governour of Media the greater, and Perdiccas his father in law, of the lesser; not remembring that Atropates, and Perdiccas his father in law were all one man. But having afterward better considered of the matter, in a second distribution made by Antipater in Triparadiso, he acknowledgeth that Media was assigned to Pithon, [lib. 15. pag. 660.] Nor is it likely, that the son in law would any way diminish the authority of his father, The Rule and Government of the hither Bactria and Sogdiana, was put into the hands of Philippus: yet so, as that Oropius was joyned with him in the Satrapie of Sogdiana, who yet, as Dexippus saith, when he had received that kingdom of Alexanders bounty, was put from it again for treason: But in the Government of Persia, Pencestes of Hircania, and Parthia, (for they went together, as Strabo, lib. 11. pag. 514. witnesseth) was Phrataphernes, in Carmania, Tlepolemeus, in the further Bactria and Parapamisus, Oxyartes, or Oxathres, the father of Roxane, Alexanders wife, in Aria and Drangiana, bordering upon Taurus, Stasanor of Solos, in the Province of Susa, Scynus, in Arachosia and Gedrosia, S…byrtius, as they were there placed by Alexander, so were they now suffered to continue in them. All the coast of India from Paropamisus, and from the place where the Acesines and Indus meet, down to the very Ocean, was committed to the charge of Pithon the son of Agenor, as that of the Oxydracans and Mallians to Eudemus, al. Eudemon, Commander of the Thracian companies: and the rest of India, to King Porus, and Taxiles, and to the son of Abisarus, who, as appears by what hath been said before, were all placed in those charges, by Alexander himselfe in his life time.

p. 291When, upon this division so made, everyman had his share, as it were allotted him from heaven, they hence took occasion to encrease their power, at their pleasure for the most part: for not long after, as if they had not had governments, but kingdoms given them, so they bare themselves not as Deputies, but as absolute and soverign Kings and did not onelyonly acquire great matters to themselves, but also left the same to their posterities after them, [Justin. lib. 13. cap. 4.] and so that vast Empire and name of the Macedons, immediately upon the death of Alexander, came to be rent and torn into several kingdoms, [Livius lib. 45.] yet no man took upon him the title of a King, so long as any of his children, survived, so respective were they of him, that though they had every of them the power of a King in his hand, yet they willingly refrained the title, so long as he had a lawfull heir of his body living, to succeed him, [Justin. lib. 15. cap. 2,] All which was long before foretold by the Holy Ghost, [Daniel 11. 4.]

Concerning the instructions given by Alexander to Craterus, Perdiccas referred the consideration of them, to the generall assembly of the Macedons; which though they could not mislike, yet because they were exceeding high, and difficult beyond measure, to be brought to passe, therefore they ordered by a general consent, that none of them should be gone in hand withall, [Diodorus year 2. Olympiade 114.]

The old Greek souldiers, which Alexander had left and planted in garrison and colonies in the upper Asia, and several provinces thereof, being toucht with a desire of returning home; and seeing their native Country the rather for that they saw themselves, as it were ejected and cast out into a far remote corner of the World, joyned in an association, and revolted from the Macedonian state; chusing for a head of this conspiracy, one Philo an Enian born: and now they were gotten to the number of 20 thousand Foot, and three thousand Horse together, all old tried and expert souldiers. Against these, Perdiccas dispatcht away Pithon, who had been one of the squires of the body to Alexander, and a man of a high spirit, and long versed in the mysterie of war, with three thousand Macedon Foot, and eight hundred Horse, drawn out by lot, with letters and instructions to the governours in all those parts, to furnish him, with 10 thousand Foot, and eight thousand Horse more. Now Pithon purposed to win unto him by all fair means possible, those old Grecians, that so joyning them with such other forces as he had of his own, he might be the better able to set up for himself, and reduce all those upper provinces, under his own subjection: which Perdiccas perceiving, to crosse his purpose therein, gave him expresse order; that having overcome those Rebels, he should put them every man to the sword, and divide the spoil of them among his souldiers. But Pithon, having by intelligence, with one Lipodorus, who commanded a brigade of three thousand men among the Rebels, gotten the victory of them, went no further, but upon capitulation, licensed them to repair every man to his own home: which notwithstanding the rest of the Macedons, remembring the order given them by Perdiccas, fell upon them, and flew every man of them, and shared what they had among themselves. So Pithon, failing of his ends, returned with his Macedons to Perdiccas, [Diod. ibid. Prolog. Trogi, lib. 13.]

As for Ptolomei, he, having quietly gotten into the possession of Egypt, demeaned himself fairely in all things toward the people of the land; and possessing himself there of eight thousand talents, got an army together, of such as would serve for pay, sundry others also, for pure love, seeing his fair and impartial distribution of justice in his place, came into him. And being duly enformed that Perdiccas had a purpose, to wrest Egypt out of his hand, he leagued himself firmly with Antipater, [Diod. ut. sup.] and by good turns and gratifications, obliged the neighbouring Kings and Princes to his devotion, [Justin lib, 13. cap. 16.] and finding that Cleomenes, whom Perdiccas had put to him for a Lieutenant, was no better than a spie upon him, cut his throat, and placed strong garrisons of his own, over all the land of Egypt, [Pausan, in Attic. pag. 5: in the Greek and Latin edition.]

Leonatus and Antigonus, were commanded to put Eumenes by strong hand into the possession of Cappadocia and Paphlagonia. But Antigonus, out of the haughtinesse of his spirit, and presuming of himself, refused to obey Perdiccas his command herein. But Leonatus, coming with his army down out of the upper provinces, promised Eumenes to undertake the service for him. Neverthelesse, when Hecataeus, Tyrant of the Cardians, coming to Leonatus, advised him rather for the present to go and aide Antipater, and relieve the Macedons, which were besieged in Lamia; he resolved forthwith to crosse the seas, and to put over into Macedonia; and moved Eumenes himself, to go along with him, and to make an end with Hecataeus. But when Eumenes would not, and alleadged withall, that he stood in some fear of Antipater, Leonatus believed him, and kept nothing from him, of all that was in his heart: yet finding that he could not draw him over to his party, went about privily to murder him, and had done it, p. 292had not Eumenes, perceiving his purpose, got him privilie out of his quarters, for he stole away by night, with his carriages, having onelyonly 300 Horse in his company, and 200 of his guard; and five thousand talents in gold, after the rate of silver. And so coming to Perdiccas, disclosed all Leonatus his counsels to him; whereupon Perdiccas took him in for a bosome friend, and swore him of the Council, [Plut. and Emil. Pro. in Eumene.]

Leonatus, coming to help Antipater, was there slain in a fight by the Grecians, [Diodorus year 2. Olymp. 114. Justin, lib. 13. cap. 5. Plutarch in Phocion, Arrianus in Photius.]

Thimbro, having caught Harpalus in Crete by a slight (which Harpalus had, as I shewed before, fled thither out of Asia, and carried all the Kings mony with him:) slew him, and got into his own hands all that treasure, and with his army and fleet, left Cydonia, a city in Crete, and with 6, or (as Diodorus hath it) 7 thousand men, sailed to the countrey of Cyrene, being invited thither by the banditoes of the Cyrenians, and the Barcenses, [Diodorus & Arrianus, ut supra. Strabo, lib. 17. cap. 837.]

There, in a fight against the Cyrenians, Thimbro made a great slaughter of them, and took many prisoners; then seizing of their Port, and ready to take the City it self; he drew them to a composition, upon these tearms, That they should pay him down five thousand talents ready money, and deliver into his hand, half their chariots ready furnished for a service: He sent Embassadors also to other neighbouring cities to joyne with him, pretending that he would make war upon Lybia, and subdue it: and moreover he laid hold on all the Merchants goods, that were in the Port, and gave them to the souldiers, to scramble for, thereby to make them the forwarder in his service, [Diodor.]

Mnasicles, a man of Crete, one of Thimbrons Captains, but of a turbulent disposition, fell off from him to the Cyrenians, and by declaiming against Thimbrons cruelty and perfidiousnesse, perswaded them to break covenant with him, and to stand for their former liberties and freedom; whereupon, when they had payed only six hundred of the five thousand talents, they would pay no more. And Thimbron, to cry quittance with them, seized on 800 of their men, whom he found in the Port: and coming with his own men and the Barcenses, and Hesperitans, all which joyned with him before the walls of the Citie, did what he could to take it; but failing of his purpose, retired to the Port. [Id.]

The Cyrenians, leaving a sufficient guard to keep the town, drew out the rest, and went a forraging into the neighbouring parts, and when these sent to Thimbro for help, he presently went with all the strength that he could make to relieve them against the Cyrenians: Mnasicles, espying this oportunity, and that there were few or no souldiers left in the Port, moved those who were left in the City, to sally out, and set upon the Port: and they being quickly perswaded, followed him, and fell upon it; and by reason of Thimbrons absence with his men, easily took it: and such goods as they there found in specie, belonging to the Merchants, restored it all faithfully to the owners; and Mnasicles fell presently to work, and fortified the Port against Thimbron, if he should return: This went ill on Thimbrons side, for that he had not onelyonly lost the place, but with it, all his Provisions that were in it; yet upon the taking of another town called Taricha, he renewed his hopes again, [Id.]

Thimbrons Mariners and sea Souldiers, being turned out of the Port, knew not what to do for victuals, but were fain to go a free-booting into the country for it: and this, when they were daily forced to do, at last the Boors of the Country, knowing their haunts, laid wait for, and slew a great number of them, and took as many prisoners, as they had slain: They that were left, got a shipboard, and sailed away toward other confederate places. But being on their way, there fell a violent tempest, which sunk many of them in the sea; those that escaped, some were driven a shoare in Egypt, and some in the Isle of Cyprus: All which put such heart into the Cyrenians bellyes, that they stuck not now to encounter Thimbron in the open field; which they did, and in a battle slew many of his men, [Id.]

Craterus departing from Cilicia, with six thousand of those old Souldiers, which came at first with Alexander into Asia, and four thousand more, of such as came to him upon the way, besides 1000 Persian Archers and Slingers, and 1500 horse, hasted all he could to the succour of Antipater, and came into Thessaly; where yeilding the precedencie in all things to Antipater, they both sate down in camp together, upon the bank of the river Peneus. And in the month of Munichion (our April) next, fought a battle with the Grecians, and overthrew them, [Id. with Arria. and Plut. in the lives of Phocion and Demosthenes.]

After Jaddus his son Onias succeeded in the Priesthood at Jerusalem, [Joseph. Antiq. lib. 11. in fi.] and there sate one and twenty years, [Scalig. in Graec. Eusebius, pag. 50.]

p. 293Thimbro, having hired new souldiers from Taenarus in Laconia, where they wandred up and down, out of pay, began a fresh to make war upon the Cyrenians, and they on the contrary, praying in aide from the Africans and Carthaginians, made up an army, with their own men, to the number of 30 thousand. and put all upon the hazard of a battle: wherein after a long and bloudy fight, they lost a many of their men, and Thimbro had the better of the day. Then the Cyrenians, having lost all their own Commanders, made Mnasicles their General. Thimbro growing proud of this victory, set upon the port of Cyrene, and took it, and made every day an assault upon the City it self, to take it. But the siege continuing, and provisions failing, the Cyrenians began to mutiny among themselves; the end whereof was, that the common people, who bare the sway for matter of power, thrust the richer sort out of the City, and they, being so thrust out, repaired, some to Thimbro, and others into Egypt, [Diod. ut. sup.]

They who fled into Egypt, dealt with Ptolomei, to restore them into their Country; and by his means, returned with forces both by land and sea, under the command of one Ophellas a Macedon, which coming to the ears of those which were gone to Thimbro, they prepared to fly over, and to joyn with Ophellas, but their intention being disclosed under hand to Thimbro, he put every mothers son of them to death. Then the leaders of the Commons of Cyrene, taking a fright at the return of their banditoes, made their peace with Thimbro, joyned with him, and in a main battle, were all utterly vanquisht, by Ophellas. [Id.]

Thimbro, in his flight, was lighted on by some certain African Carters, who took and carried him to one Epicides, who held a Town, called Teuchira, in those parts, under Ophellas: and the men of that place, with Ophellas his leave, first scourged him with whips, and then sent him to be crucified at the port of Cyrene. But for as much as the Cyrenians continued still in combustions among themselves, therefore Ptolomei himself made a journy thither by sea; and having by his presence setled all matters there, came back again by sea as he went, [Arrianus, in Phot. Biblio.]

Perdiccas, having King Philip, and the Royal Army all at his command, made a journey against Ariarathes, the petty King of Cappadocia, for that he had not received Eumenes for Governour there, as he was commanded. Ariarathes, at that time, had gotten together a great army, 30 thousand Foot, and 15 thousand Horse: In two severall fights, Perdiccas slew four thousand of his men, and took six thousand prisoners; and among them Ariarathes himself: and both him and all that were allied to him, he first tortured, and then crucified. The rest he pardoned, and having setled all matters in Cappadocia, committed the Government of it to Eumenes, according to the first establishment, [Diodor. with Arria. and Plut. in Eumene, and Appian in his M…thridatica, pag. 175.]

Eumenes committed the several cities of his Government, to his most trusty friends, and appointed them Garrisons, with Judges, and gatherers of his tributes, such as pleased him best, without any interposing of Perdiccas: which done, he returned with Perdiccas, both in respect to him, as also, that he might not be a stranger at Court, [Plut.]

Perdiccas, and Philip the King, leaving Cappadocia, went into Pisidia, with a purpose there to destroy two Cities, one of the Larandaeans, the other of the Isaurians, for these in Alexanders life time, had slain Balacrus the son of Nicanor, whom he had set over them. Laranda therefore they took at first assault; and putting all that were of age to the sword, they sold away the rest for slaves, and laid the City levell with the ground: those of Isau…us, seeing themselves besieged, set the City on fire over their own heads, with purpor…e to consume both it and themselves with it, to ashes. But the souldiers, to whom Perdiccas had given the spoil of the City, quencht the fire, and by that means, found great store of silver and gold there, [Diodorus year. 2. Olympiade 114.] Justin sayes, that this was done by the Cappadocians, when they saw Ariarathes overcome, [lib. 13. cap. 6.] and Orosius, treading in his steps, sayes the same. [lib. 3. cap. ult.]

Jollas, the son of Antipater, and Archias, came to Perdiccas out of Macedonia, bringing with them Nicaea, Antipaters daughter, to be his wife. Perdiccas, long before, whiles his estate was yet unsetled, had b…trothed her. But now, that he had gotten the Royal Army, and administration of the kingdom quietly into his hands, he purposed to marry Cleopatra, daughter to Philip, the father of Alexander, and Alexanders own sister, especially by the procurement and setting on of Eumenes, yet that he might the more easily procure a supply of the Macedonian youth, and that he might not have Antipater for an opposite in his undertakings, he married Nicaea when she came, being drawn thereto principally by the advise and perswasion of his brother Alcetes, [Diod. and Arria. with Justin, l. 13. c. 6.]

p. 294Cinna also, another daughter of Philips, and sister likewise of Alexanders, but not by the same mother, brought her daughter Adea, which was afterward called Euridice, to be married to Philippus Aridaeus: But Perdiccas and his brother Alcetes, between them, dispatcht her out of the way: whereupon the Macedons began to grow into a combust…on, and Perdiccas to quiet them, was fain to give her daughter in marriage to Arideus, [Arrian. in Photius.] where she is named, not Cynna, but Cynane: which yet in the same Arrianus, [lib. 1. de Gest. Alex. p. 5. is called Cyna: and by Diod. year 1. Olymp. 116. and by Athenae. l. 13. c. 2. Cynna.]

Perdiccas sent away Eumenes out of Cilicia, under a colour of looking to his own government in Cappadocia, but indeed, that he might have a care of Armenia, to keep it in due order; because Neoptolemus sought to make some innovations there: But Eumenes by fair words, prevailed so far with him, though a man of a high, and an intemperate spirit, as to keep him quiet, [Plut. in Eumen.]

Eumenes, finding that the Macedonian Squadron grew insolent and fierce, raised an army of horse out of the Provincials in those parts, remitting to them all paiment of tribute, and granting them other immunities. He furnished also them whom he most trusted, with horses at his own charge; kindling their affections towards himself with his largesse and bounteous favours bestowed among them, and keeping them in breath and exercise, by continual labours and journies, which he put them upon: so that in a short time he had gotten together six thousand three hundred and sixty Horse, [Id. Ibid.]

Antipater and Craterus together in Greece, made war upon the Aetolians; whom when Craterus his old souldiers, compelled by continual alarmes, to lye abroad in the snow, in the winter season, they were ready to perish for want of victuals, [Diodorus. Ibid.]

Eumenes carried Perdiccas his presents to Cleopatra lying at Sardes; for that Perdiccas was now resolved to rid his hands of Nicaea, Antipaters daughter, and to take Cleopatra to be his wife, and so much Menander, the Governor of Lydia, signified to Antigonus, who was an intimate friend to Antipater. [Arrianus,] And when Perdiccas, laying every day false crimes to Antigonus his charge, sought unjustly to put him to death, he made shew, as if he desired to come to a hearing; but under hand, finding a ship of Athens in the rode, got privily into her, with his son Demetrius, and some other of his friends, and fled away into Europe, there to joyn with Antipater, [Diodorus.]

When Aristander, a Southsaier of Telmessa, had given it out, that it was revealed to him by the gods, that the land where Alexanders body should rest, should prove the most happy of all others, and forever free from all forreign invasions and incursions of the enemies; much emulation grew among the Nobles of Macedon, who should get the body of him into his hands: but principally between Perdiccas and Ptolomei the son of Lagus, [Elian. l. …2. c. 64.] Perdiccas dealt with his friends to have it carried to Egos, [Pausan. in his Attica, p. 5.]

But Aridaeus, who had the body in his keeping, contrary to Perdiccas his will, went and carried it to Ptolomei: taking his journey, from Babylon, by Damascus, into Egypt. And although he met with many rubs cast in his way by Polemon, a fast friend of Perdiccas, yet he went through with it, and carried it into Egypt, as his purpose was, [Arrian. in Phot.]

For having spent two full years in preparations for this funeral, the sumptuousnesse, and magnificence whereof is at large set down by Diodorus; at length he removed the body out of Babylon, with an infinite company of workmen, to open and levell the waies where need should be, and others to attend the funeral following him: But Ptolomei with his whole army, went as far as into Syria to meet him, [Diod. year 3. Olymp. 114.] and there receiving the Corps, buried it first at Memphis, with all rites and ceremonies, after the Macedonian manner [Pausan. in his Attica. pag. 5.] and some few years after, removed it to Alexandria, [Curt. l. 10. c. ult.] which removal of it, yet was made by his son Ptolomaeus Philadelphus, and not by the father, [as Pausanias intimates in his Attica, p. 5. of which, see more in Srrabo, l. 17. p. 794.]

Perdiccas, calling a Council of Captains and friends in Cappadocia, propounded to them, whether he should march with his army first into Macedonia against Antipater, or into Egypt against Ptolomei: some were of opinion to passe over first into Macedonia, but it was resolved, that it was the best way to begin with Ptolomei in Egypt, least when he had put over into Europe, and was engaged there, Ptolomei should come and possesse himself of Asia. Hereupon, Perdiccas gave unto Eumenes, besides what he had already, the provinces of Caria, Lycia, and Phrygia, and the government of all that part of Asia which lyeth between the mountain of Taurus, and the Hellespont, commanding him moreover to take charge of all the gendarmery in Cappadocia and Armenia in chief, and with them to attend the motions of Antipater and Craterus, p. 295and to fortifie all places upon the Hellespont, and to stop their landing, in case they should offer to passe the sea in those parts. Moreover Perdiccas gave order to his brother Alcetes, and Neoptolemus, that they should in all things attend the commands and orders of Eumenes; but Eumenes he willed to do things, as he should think fittest for the present service, in his own discretion. Cilicia was taken from Philotas, and committed to Philoxenus: And Perdiccas himself moving from Damasc…s, to the end he might seem to have the better colour for what he went about to do, took Aridaeus, and Alexander the son of Alexander the great by Roxane, along with him; and so set forward towards Egypt, to fight with Ptolemei, [Diodor. Justin. lib. 13. cap. 6. Arria. Plut. Emil. Probus, in Eumene, Pausan. in his Attica. cap. 5.]

When Antipater and Craterus had heard by Antigonus, that Perdiccas having married Cleopatra, purposed to come for Macedon, and there as absolute King to remove them from their Governments; they presently struck up a peace with the Eolians, and leaving Polysperchon, to manage all matters in Greece and Macedon, hasted into Hellespont in Asia side, amusing and abusing those who were appointed to keep that passage, by sending daily Embassies unto them. They sent also Ambassadors to Ptolemei, who was otherwayes a deadly enemy to Perdiccas, and a friend to them, and in like danger of Perdiccas, as they themselves were, and desired him to joyn with them. As also to Eumenes and Neoptolemus; both which, were at that time at Perdiccas his devotion: and with Neoptolemus they prevailed to fall over unto them; but with Eumenes they could not, [Diodorus, Justin, ut sup. and Arrianus.]

Alcetes, Perdiccas his own brother, flatly refused to bear arms against Antipater and Craterus: and Neoptolemus envying the power of Eumenes, did not onelyonly underhand joyn in society with them, but laid a traine to have blown up Eumenes, and to have taken his life, and to have betrayed all his army into their hands: which when Eumenes had discovered, he was forced to fight it out with the traitor in a pitcht field: wherein he made a great slaughter of Neoptolemus his men, took all his baggage, and drew the residue to serve him, and grew strong by the accesse of so many good Macedon souldiers to his former army. Neoptolemus getting away with 300 Horse onelyonly, fled to Antipater and Craterus, and they again sent Ambassadors to Eumenes, to draw him over to their Party, promising that he should not onelyonly hold what he had, but also have more Provinces added to him. But when he answered, that he would rather lose his life than break his word to Perdiccas, they divided their army in two; with one Antipater marched into Cilicia, that going from thence into Egypt, he might there joyn with Ptolemei, against Perdiccas; and the other stayed behind with Craterus, to try it out with Eumenes.

Eumenes seeing the enemy coming on, and fearing least his souldiers, knowing against whom he was to go, would not onelyonly not go with him; but disband and flee from him, led them about by unknown wayes, where they might not easily hear how the squares went: and the rather for that there was a buzzing already among them, that Neoptolemus was recruted, and came on together with Pigris, with an army of Cappadocian and Paphlagonian Horse: and withal he so wrought it, by chusing his ground every where as he went, that he could force the enemy to come to a battle of Horse, wherein he knew he overtopt his enemy, and not of Foot, wherein he knew he was the weaker. His Foot was 20 thousand strong, some of one nation, some of another, and 5 thousand Horse; upon whose valour he principally relied for the victory. Craterus had but little above 2 thousand Horse, and as many Foot as Eumenes: but they were all Macedons, old souldiers all, and of approved valour, and such as he well durst put the day upon.

These met in Cappadocia; Craterus had the right wing, Neoptolemus the left. Eumenes put none of his Macedons to fight against Craterus, but onelyonly two Regiments of forreign Horse, led by Pharnabazus, the son of Artabazus, and by Tenedius of Phoenicia; willing them, without any shouting, or word speaking, to fall on roundly upon him: and himself with a company of 300 Horse, flew in like lightening upon Neoptolemus. And Craterus truly for his part, led on very bravely, and in his own person valiantly behaved himself, but his Horse floundering, a certain Thracian, or rather as Arrianus, a Paphlagonian ran him into the side with his Lance, and bare him to the ground: In the fall, one of Eumenes his Captains knew him, and did what he might to have saved him, all wounded as he was, and giving up the ghost. Men while, Eumenes and Neoptolemus met, and grapling each with other, fell both off their horses to the ground; that a man might easily see with how deadly a hatred they encountered each other, and that their spirits were more hostile than their bodies could be: being down, Eumenes wounded Neoptolemus in one of his hams, and his hamstrings being cut, he fell along; yet his courage bearing him up, he raised himself upon his knees, and fighting on, gave Eumenes three wounds; one in his arme, the other two in his thigh: but none of them being any way mortal, at the second blow, p. 296Eumenes made a full blow at him, and strook off his head; which was about ten dayes, after the former victory which he gat of him, [Id.]

Eumenes, seeing Craterus brought half dead out of the field, did what possibly might be done, to have saved his life: but when it would not be, he wept bitterly over him, and with out-spread arms lamented his case; and in regard both of his high place, and also, of the former love that had been between them, buried him honorably, and sent his bones home into Macedon to his wife and children, [Plut, and Emil. Pro. in Eumene.]

Both the Leaders being slain, and many others, especially of the better sort, taken prisoners; the rest of the Horse fled back to the main squadron of the Foot, as to a sure defence: and Eumenes contenting himself with what he had done, sounded a retreit, and set up a trophy upon the place, and buried dis dead. But the Foot army, which was brought as it were, into a noose, whence they could not escape, without Eumenes his leave, desired quarter: and taking their oaths for their loyalty towards him, had leave to buy victual, in the places adjoyning. But having gotten victual, and recovered their strength, contrary to their oath, they went away, and returned to Antipater, [Diod. with Arrian. and Emil. Probus.]

Perdiccas, with the two Kings, Aridaeus, and Alexander a young child, coming with his army into Egypt, encamped not far from Pelusium: where, whiles he busied himself in scowring an old ditch, an extraordinary inundation of Nilus, spoiled all his works. And although Ptolomei cleared himself, to the world of all those crimes which Perdiccas laid to his charge, yet contrary to the good liking and will of his Army, Perdiccas would needs proceed and make a war upon him, [Diodorus and Arrianus.]

When Perdiccas at last saw that many of his friends forsook him, and fled over to Ptolomei, he assembled all his Commanders and Captains, and what with gifts, what with large promises, what with fairwords, and his sweet behaviour towards them, made them all sure to himself again. And then removing his Camp without any noise, in the grasp of the evening, encamped upon the bank of the River Nile; not far from a certain Castle, called Murus Camelorum, (i. e.) a wall of Camels. And at day break, crossed the River with his Army and Elephants, and set upon the Castle, but was valiantly repulsed by Ptolomei, and glad to retreit to his Camp again. And the night following, he removed, and with all silence possible, came to a place over against Memphis, where the River parting, made an Island, fit to encamp in, but in passing the River, to come at it, he lost above two thousand of his men, of which no lesse than one thousand being long tost up and down in the water, were devoured by Crocodiles, and other monsters of the River. But Ptolomei took such bodies as were cast a shoar on his side the River, and bestowed all solemn Rites and Ceremonies of funeral upon them, and sent their bones to their friends and kinsmen in the Army. Whereupon, the minds of the souldiers, grew much more enraged against Perdiccas, and enclined to Petolomei than before, [Diod.]

Then arose there a mutiny and sedition in the Camp, wherein the chief Commanders, to the number a hundred, fel off from Perdiccas, and among them, Pithon himself; than whom there was not a braver man, for virtue and valour, and high esteem, among all Alexanders Nobles. But some of the Horse, conspiring together, made no more adoe, but went to his pavilion where he lay, and there slew him; when he had now held that principality three full years, at least, the third year running. [Id. with Arrianus and Iustin. lib. 13. cap. 8. Pausan. in Attic. pag. 5. and Emil. Prob. in Eumene.]

The next day, when the whole army was called together, Ptolomei crossed the River, and came to the two Kings; and presenting both them, and other of the Nobles with honourable gifts, and behaved himself in all fair and humble manner to them all. And when he had excused himself for what he had done, finding that the army was distitute of provision, he supplied them with plenty of corn, and all other necessaries for their use. And he made it openly to appear, that he was hartily sorry, and bemoaned the present state and condition of Perdiccas his friends: and as he saw any Macedon in any distresse or danger, he did, what possibly he could, to relieve him, and help him out. Now albeit, being so gracious with all there, as he was, he might easily have gotten to be L. Protector of the two Kings, as Perdiccas was, yet he so far prevailed by his counsel with them, that when they met about that matter, all with one accord, cast the Protector ship of the two Kings, Aridaeus, and Alexander the young child, upon Pithon, who was the man that had formerly quieted the commotions of the Greeks in the upper Asia, and Aridaeus, which had formerly the charge of convoying the body of Alexander from Babylon, with sovereign power over all the armies; in such manner and form, as Perdiccas had, according to the first establishment, [Diodor. and Arrian.]

p. 297Two daies after the death of Perdiccas, there came news of Eumenes his victory, gotten in Cappadocia, and of the death of Neoptolemus and Craterus, which had it come but two dayes sooner, had, no doubt, saved Perdiccas his life, for who, upon that successe, durst have stirred against him? But the Macedons, enraged for the death of Craterus, declared Eumenes for an open enemy, with 50 other Noble persons that were near about him; among which, was Pitho Illyrius, (for so I read them joyntly, in Justin, as also in Arrianus his Indica, [pag. 185.] foreign: (i. e.) Pithon, the son of Crateus, of Alcomene; which in Stephanus de Urbibus, is a City in Illyria) and Alcetas the brother of Perdiccas: Generals, against them, were Antigonus and Antipater; and to this purpose was Antigonus sent for out of Cyprus, and commanded, together with Antipater, to come to the two Kings presence in all hast, [Diod. and Arria. with Just. l. 13. c. 8. and Plut. in Eumene.]

In Egypt also were put to death, all that had any reference to Perdiccas, and his sister Atalanta, whom Attalus the Admiral of Perdicoas, lying then with the fleet before Pelusium had married: He hearing of the death of his wife, and of Perdiccas, weighed anchor, and came to Tyrus, where Archelaus a Macedon, and Governor of the place, entertained him with all respect and love, and gave up the City, with 800 talents, which Perdiccas had deposited and left in trust with him, into his hands.

Attalus, staying at Tyrus, received and relieved all such of Perdiccas his friends, as could escape and get away from the Camp, lying before Memphis, [Diodorus.]

Euridice, the wife of King Aridaeus, would not that the two Protectors should do any thing of moment without her: and they at first said no Nay thereto. Yet afterward, they told her plainly, that she had nothing to do with matters of State; only they said, they would have a care of her, till Antigonus and Antipater came. [Arria.]

Pitho and Aridaeus, the two Protectors, removing from Nilus with the two kings, and the army, came to Triparadisus in the upper Syria: where, when Euridice would needs be over-busie and medling in matters of state, and would many times crosse the Protectors in their waies, Pithon, offended therewith, and the rather, for that he saw the Macedons enclined to obey her commands, called the Macedons together, and before them all, resigned his Protectorship: Thereupon they chose Antipater to bee Protector in his place, with all sovereign power belonging thereunto, [Diodorus.]

The army now demanded of Antipater, performance of all those rewards for their long labour in the wars, which Alexander had made them. Antipater, when he had nothing to give them for the present, told them that their demands were just and reasonable, and that he would shortly look into the Kings Treasure, and find out whatever he had laid up: which speech of his gave the army little satisfaction: whereupon when Euridice also helped to lay load upon him, the minds of the common souldiers were stired up to a mutiny and sedition against him. At the same time Euridice made an open declamation against him, which was pronounced in the peoples hearing, by Asclepiodorus her Secretary. And Attalus seconded her, with another of his own; so that Antipater had much ado to escape alive out of their hands: But Antigonus and Seleucus stood up in his defence, and therein ran a hazard of their own lives alsoe.

Wherefore Antipater, having thus got clear of them, got him presently away to his own army, and then the chief Commanders of the Cavaleerie coming together, with much adoe, pacified the multitude, and so Antipater was sent for again, and willed to resume the sovereign power, and use it, as formerly he had done. [Diod.]

After this, Antipater made a new distribution of the Governments of the Provinces in Triparadisus: wherein he partly ratified what had formerly been done in that kind, and made some alterations, as the the present state of things required: And for Ptolomei, he was bid to hold what he had, for it was hard to remove him to any other Government, seeing he had in a manner gotten Egypt by way of conquest to himself. But Mesopotamia, and the Country of Arbela, were assigned to Amphimachus the Kings brother, Babylon to Seleucus, Parthia to Philippus, Aria and Drangiana to Stasander of Cyprus, Bactria and Sogdiana to Stasanor of Solos in the same Island, Media, as far as to the Caspian Gates, Perdiccas his son in law being now dead, was taken from Atropates, and given to Pithon the son of Crateas, or Cratenas, whereupon Atropates, calling the lesser Media from his own name Atroperia, turned it quite away from the Macedonian Government, and made himself absolute King of it: and in succession from him, it continued down to Strabo his time, as himself testifieth, [lib. 11. pag. 523.] Antigenes, (for whom Antigonus is falsely written in Diodorus) Captain of the silver Targateers, because he was the first that set upon Perdiccas, had the Province of Susa p. 298given him for his pains; and three thousand of the most turbulent Macedons in the late sedition to carry with him: The rest of the Provinces of the upper Asia, were left in the hands of such as had them before, save that Patala, the greatest City of all India, was upon this settlement, assigned to King Porus: as Arrianus saith; which we can hardly believe.

In the lesser Asia, Cappadocia, and with it Paphlagonia, were taken from Eumenes, and given to Nicanor. Lydia, (not Lycia as it is read in Diodorus) to Clytus; Phrygia the lesser, as far as to Hellespont, to Aridaeus. Caria to Cassander, with Phrygia the greater, Lycaonia, Pamphylia, and Lycia, to hold them as he did before. In Diodore, is here read Cilicia, instead of Lycia: which himself a little before said was given to Philoxenus; or rather as Arrianus hath it, was confirmed to him: for I shewed a little before out of [Iustin. lib. 13. cap. 6.] that Perdiccas had taken that Province from Philotas, and given it to Philoxenus.

This Antigonus (who because he wanted one eye, was nick-named, the Cyclops, [Elian. lib. 12. Var. Hist. cap. 14.] was by Antipater made General of the Kings army, and Commander of those Forces in particular, which Perdiccas had. He committed to him also the care of the two Kings, and sent him to make war upon Eumenes, being of himself very desirous of that imployment: whereupon it is, that [Appianus in his Syriaca, pag. 121.] sayes, that Antipater made him, foreign: (i. e.) Overseer of all Asia: and [Diod. lib. 18. pag. 626.] calls him foreign: (i. e.) absolute Commander of all Asia: but joyned with him his own son Cassander (the Governour of Caria) as his Master or General of the Horse; to the end, that if Antigonus should go about to set up for himself, he might have an eye upon him, [Diodor. and Arrianus.]

At the same time Antipater made Autolychus the son of Agathocles, Amyntas, the son of Alexander, and brother to Pencesta, Ptolemei the son of Ptolomei, and Alexander the son of Polyspercon, Squires of the body to the two Kings, [Arria.] and having gotten a great applause among all sorts of men for his well ordering, and due administration of things in his Protectorship, he set onward of his journey with the two Kings, toward Macedonia, [Id. & Diodor.]

Eumenes, hearing that he was declared an enemy by the Macedons, and that Antigonus was sent against him, declared the matter of his own accord to the army; least perhaps the fame of it coming otherwayes to their eares, might make matters worse than they were, or the novelty of it should damp their courage: at least he should thereby find how his army stood affected to him, and to dispose of himself, as he should see occasion, upon the general carriage of them thereupon: yet he told them plainly, that if an mans heart failed him upon this news, he should have free leave to depart, and go whither he would; with which word, he so wan and fastned all mens hearts unto him, that they all bad him be of good cheer, saying, That they would cut that Decree of the Macedons in pieces with their swords, [Iustin. lib. 14. cap. 1.]

Moreover when news of that Decree came to Alcetas the brother of Perdiccas, he presently fled, and ingratiated himself with the Pisidians; for whiles he was among them, when ever he got a booty from the enemy, he gave one half thereof to them, and was ever affable and courteous to them in his speech, often inviting the principal of them to Feasts, and honouring them with gifts and presents, whereby he wan the hearts of all unto him, [Diodor. pag. 623.]

Attalus also, who was chief Ammiral of the Navy, and who was with the first of them that fell off from Antipater, fled and banded himselfe with the rest of the now Banditoes: and gat together an army of 10 thousand Foot, and 800 Horse; and with these going to possesse himself of Cnidus, Caunus, and Rhodes, was by Demaratus the Ammiral of Rhodes, valiantly put off, [Arrianus.]

Eumenes took as many horses, Year of the World 3684 as he wanted out of the Kings breed, which was in the mount Ida: And when he sent an account for them in writing to the Kings Officers of the Revenue, Antipater laught at it, and said, that he wondered to see Eumenes so cautious, as to think, that either he himself would ever be accountable to them of the Kings goods, or look for an account of them from others.

From hence he marcht with his army, not into Etolia, as it is in the printed Copies of Justin; but as a Manuscript Copy hath it, into Etulia, or Etulane, which is a part of Armenia the lesse in Cappadocia (as Isaacus Vossius, a most learned young man, and my very good friend, observed out of Ptolemei) and there levyed monies of the Cities in those parts: and if any refused to pay contribution, he plundred them as so many enemies. And from thence again, he went to Sardes, and to Cleopatra, sister to Alexander the great, hoping that her presence would confirm his Centurions and other Officers of his army in their obedience unto him, as supposing that the right of Royal Majesty was on that side, on which the sister of Alexander stood, [Justin. lib. 14. cap. 1.] And when it so fell out, that Antipater took also Sardes in his way to Macedon, p. 299Eumenes would fain have put the matter upon a battle, in the fields of Lydia, both because he was the stronger in Horse, and because also he was desirous to let Cleopatra see, of what mettal he was made. But Clopatra, fearing lest Antipater and the Macedons might hereupon charge her to have been the author and abettor of this war against them, perswaded Eumenes to leave Sardes, Plutarch and Arrianus. Nevertheless Antipater when he came, forbare not to reproach her, with many fowl words, for having held correspondence with Eumenes and Perdiccas. But she, beyond what could have been expected from a woman, answered him again very stoutly, justifying her own actions, and laying the fault upon Antipater: yet so, as at last they parted fair, and upon good terms, [Arria.]

Eumenes therefore left the Country of Lydia, and marcht away into the upper Phrygia, and there took up his winter quarters in Celaene, [Plut.] and dispatcht away messengers to Alcetas, and his associates; advising them to draw their forces into a body, and to make head against a common enemy. But when they could not agree among themselves; nothing was done, [Arrian.] for Alcetas, and Polemo, and Docimus, could not agree, who should be chief: Whereupon Eumenes cryed out and said, This is according to the old saying, Exitii nulla habetur ratio, (i. e.) There is no fence against destruction, [Plutarch.]

Eumenes promising to pay his army within three dayes, set all the Towns and Cities of that Country, which was full stored with men and Cattle, to sale. Whereupon the Captains and Commanders took them off his hands, and receiving Engins of battery from him, went and entered by force upon them, and making sale of all, paid every man his company to the full, [Id.]

Antipater, not daring as yet to fight with Eumenes himself, sent Cassander, to try the fortune of a battle with Alcetas and Attalus; and fight they did, and parted upon equal termes, yet so as Cassander had the worse of it, [Arria.]

Cassander, falling out with Antigonus, upon his father Antipaters perswasion, grew friends again with him; yet meeting with his father in Phrygia, he advised him, not to keep himself far off from the Kings, nor to rely too much upon Antigonus. But Antigonus by his temperate and discreet carriage, and obsequious behaviour upon all occasions, did what he could, to make Antipater have a good belief of his sincerity to him, and loyalty to the cause. Whereupon Antipater, putting of all displeasure towards him, delivered into his hands, of those forces which he had brought with him out of Asia, 8500 Macedons, and as many Horse of his confederates, with one Moitie of his Elephants, being 70 in number, that with them he might go thorough with the war against Eumenes; so Antigonus took upon him the management of that businesse; and Antipater with the Kings, took his journey to returne to Macedon, [Id.]

But then his whole army cryed out for gelt, and he promised them pay, when he came to Abydus; and told them, that perhaps he would there bestow on them the whole donative, which Alexander had promised; if not, yet at last the greater part thereof, feeding them therefore with this hope; he drew them on quietly to Abydus: but when he came thither, he with the two Kings in his company, stale away by night, and put over the Hellespont, and went to Lysimachus. And the morrow after they followed him, without any further calling for their pay, So saith Arrianus [in Biblio. Photii. cap. 92.] and here Arrianus ends his ten books, which he wrate of the gests of Alexander.

Antigonus drew all his forces out of their winter quarters, to march against Eumenes, and to subdue him, who at that time lay in Cappodicia, [Diodor.] Now there were billets cast about every where in Eumenes his Camp, promising 100 talents, and good conditions and offices besides: to him that would bring in Eumenes head to Antigonus, [Justin lib. 14. cap. 1. Plut. in Eumene.] Which when Eumenes perceived, he forthwith called all the souldierie together, and first thanked them all, for that in so great a multitude, there was none found, that would falsifie his oath taken to him, in hope of so bloudy a reward, and yet withall cunningly intimated to them, that these billets were of his own divising, to sound thereby their affections toward him, to the end, that if the enemy should do the like hereafter, the army might imagine, that it was still but a device of his to try them: Whereupon they all cryed out, and vowed their service, in the defence of his person, and preservation of his life. [Justin.] And thereupon they decreed among themselves, that there should out of the principal of the army, be chosen a thousand men, for his dayly guard, and that they should watch every night by turns about him, and they which were so chosen, were glad of the imployment, and wilingly received from his hand, such gifts, as the Macedon Kings used to bestow upon their Nobles: for Eumenes now took upon him scarlet Hats, and robes upon them, which among the Macedons was ever esteemed for a principal favour from their Kings, [Plut.] p. 300yet one of his chief Commanders, called Perdiccas, with 3 thousand foot, and 5 hundred horse fell from him, and was gotten 3 days journey on his way: and Eumenes dispatcht away Tenedius a Phenician, with 4 thousand choice foot, and a thousand horse to overtake them: which he did, and falling on them unawares, in the night time, whiles they were all asleep, took Perdiccas prisoner, and brought back all his souldiers to Eumenes, who pickt out the chief Authors of that defection, and put them to death, and distributed the rest by small parcels, among his other companies, speaking them faire, & using them courteously, and thereby wan their affections to himself again, [Diodorus.]

After this Antigonus dealt, by a privie messenger, with Apollonides, one of the commanders of the Horse, under Eumenes, and by large promises, drew him to play the traitor with Eumenes, and in the midst of the fight, to forsake, and turne against him. Eumenes at this time encamped in the country of Orcynia, in Cappadocia, a place fit for horse to fight in; and thither came Antigonus with his army, and took up all the upper ground, near the foot of the mountains, his army consisting of 10 thousand foot, most part whereof were Macedons, and men of admirable force and courage, and two thousand horse, and 30 Elephants: And Eumenes in his army had no lesse than 20 thousand foot, and 5 thousand horse. The battle began very fiercely on Eumenes his side: but Appolonides with his regiment of horse, falling suddenly off to the enemy, gave the victory to Antigonus: in that fight Eumenes lost 8000 men, and all his Carriages, [Id.]

Yet Eumenes suffered not the traitor to escape, but whiles he was in acting of that vilany, took him, and hung him up: Himself fled by a contrary way to that which they that pursued him took, and turning back short, passed by the enemy, and came to the place where the battle was fought, and there encamped, and gathered together the bodies of his slain, and for want of other fewel in the place, took the doors and gates of the towns and villages thereabouts, off their hinges, and cleft them, and made piles of them to burn his dead withal, the Captains by themselves, and the common souldiers by theirs. In so much that Antigonus coming to the place afterward, stood amazed at this bold attempt of his, and undauntednesse of his high courage, [Plut.]

After falling by chance upon Antigonus his carriages, though he might there have taken many a prisoner, many slaves, with much stuffe, yet fearing lest his men, having gotten so much wealth, should grow lesse forward to fight, and if need were, lesse able to fly, by reason of their luggage, gave order that every man should see his horse well fed, and refresh himself, and then be ready to set upon the enemy: mean while he privily sent to Menander, who was set to keep the enemies luggage, to remove immediately out of the plain, to the foot of the mountain, for fear of being suddenly surrounded by the enemies Horse, which when he, seeing the danger, speedily did, the enemy said that they were very much beholding to Eumenes, for saving their children from slavery, and their wives from ravishment: But Antigonus told them that Eumenes did it not for their sakes, but to the end he might not shakle & hinder himself thereby in his flight, [Id.]