The Annals of the World, History 2 · 6 (continued) (11 of 15)

The Annals of the World · History 2 · 6 (continued) (11 of 15)

p. 592It is reported also, that M. Crassus being Censor, and endeavouring to make Egypt tributary to the people of Rome, did strongly oppose Lutatius Catulus his Collegue in his Censorship; by which means a dissention growing, they of their own accords laid down their magistracy and power. [Plutarch in Crasso.]

Pompey had a great mind to recover Syria, and so to passe thorough Arabia, to the Red sea; that in like manner as he had in pursuit of the Albani, been almost at the Hyrcanian (or Caspian) sea, and as in the West, the Roman Empire was terminated by the Atlantick, so by his conquest in the East, it might be extended to the Red sea: he saw also the difficulty of taking Mithridates, finding him more troublesome in his flight, than opposition: promising therefore to leave him hunger, as a more formidable enemy, he disposed his ships for the intercepting of those Merchants that traded into the Bosphorus, threatning them with death, if he took them: and then taking with him a great part of his army, he begun his journey. [Plutarch in Pompeio.]

He invaded Syria Coelen and Phoenicia, and first of all he over-ran the Ituraeans, and Arabians, [Appian. pag. 244. Eutrop. lib. 6. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 6.] who inhabiting the hilly Country about Libanus, infested their neighbours with robberies, their retreats were very well fortified; upon the hills were Sinna, Borrhama, and other sorts of that kind, in the bottom Botrys, Gigartus, besides dens by the sea side, and a Castle p. 593seated upon a Mountain, called foreign, or the face of God, all which Pompey dismantled, and running thorow Biblus or Palaebiblus, a Country of Cinyrae, he set her at liberty, by cutting off her Governours head, [Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 755.]

Afranius, having subdued the Arabians near Amanus, came down into Syria, which wanting a lawful Prince, he reduced it into a Province, and brought it under the possession of the Romans, [Id. ibid.] and receiving a sum of money of the Antiochians, he called them to no account, but enfranchized their City, and left them to the exercise of their own laws, [Porphyr. in Graecis Eusebianis Scaligeri, pag. 227.] And in many things indulging the Antiochians, he restored the place of their publick confession which was fallen: he had great respect to them because they deduced themselves from the Athenians, [Johan. Malela Antiochenus, in Chronico.]

He gave Seleucea (Pieria) a very strong City, and adjacent to Antioch her liberty, because it had refused to admit Tigranes, [Stra. lib. 16. pag. 751. Eutrop. lib. 6.] But to the Antiochians he released their Hostages, and to the Daphnenses, a certain quantity of field for the inlargement of their Grove, being delighted with the pleasantnesse of the place and the plenty of waters, [Eutrop. lib. 6.] From whence Strabo notes the circumference of this Grove so sweetly watered with Springs was 80 furlongs, [lib. 16. pag. 750.] Sextus Rufus in Breviario writes, that Pompey consecrated this Grove of the Daphnenses, and added another thereunto. Jerom addes in his Commentary upon the 16 Chapter of Ezechiel, that it was by his order sown or planted by the hands of his souldiers: and in his Chronicle, he sayes it was consecrated to Apollo; which if spoken of the new Wood that was added, might perhaps be true. See the 3704, and 3833 year of the World, concerning the old Grove.

Cato Minor, was then in Syria, called afterwards Uticensis, a Philosopher of the Sect of the Stoicks, a young man then, but of great esteem, who (being for the great friendship betwixt his father and him invited to it by Dejotares King or Tetrarch rather of the Galatari) travelled thorough Asia, observing the manners, customes, and strength of every Province as he passed. He performed his journey alwayes on foot, his friends that accompanied him riding by. He coming to see Antioch in Pompeys absence, and beholding a great throng of people in white before the Gate, the men drawn up on one side of the way, and the children on the other, he disgusted it, supposing it had been done out of Ceremony to him; wherefore he commanded his friends to alight and walke with him; as they approached he which ordered and commanded the whole Multitude being an ancient man and carrying in his hand a Rod and a Crown, addressed himself first to Cato, and without so much as saluting him, inquired how Demetrius did, and when he would come thither; he had been Pompeys servant, but was made free, and because he could prevaile very far with him, he was reverenced by every body very much. Cato's friends then falling into laughter, Cato cryed out, O miserable City I and passed forward without any other answer; afterwards as often as he remembered it, he fell a laughing himself, [Plutarch in Pompeio, & Catone Minore.]

When Tigranes the Armenian was overcome by Phraates the Parthian, he desired aid of Pompey that was then in Syria: but Phraates presently after sent Embassadours to Pompey, accusing both the Romans and himself so earnestly, that they made him both afraid and ashamed; insomuch, that he neither gave Tigranes any assistance, nor (though many did excite him) waged war afterwards with Phraates: pleading he had no commands from the people of Rome for that Expedition, and that Mithridates was yet in being, for the present he was contented with what he had done, and would not ingage in any new, lest with Lucullus attempting too much, he should meet with misfortunes at last. Phraates accusations he did extenuate, not refuting them, but onelyonly that he might beget some difference betwixt him and Tigranes about their bounds: which succeeding, he promised to send three Commissioners who might judge of it. And he did send them indeed, who being received as Arbitrators by the Kings, composed all controversies betwixt them: Tigranes was angry he prevailed not for supplies. But Phraates desired Tigranes should be safe; whose assistance, if things came so about, he might expect for the future against the Romans; it being obvious to both of them, that whosoever of them overcame the other, he was sure of contest with the Romans, and was likely with the more ease to fall into their power. These causes therefore considered, they made peace, [Dio. lib. 37. cum Plutarch, & Appian. pag. 244.]

Pompey being thus imployed, Mithridates went round about Pontus, and possessed himself of Panticapaeum, a Mart Town in Europe at the mouth of the Pontick, [Appian. ibid.] He sent also Embassadours to Pompey (who was then in Tyria, and knew not that Mithridates was alive) which promised if he would restore him his fathers kingdom again, he would become tributary to the people of Rome; and when he urged that the King should come himself, as Tigranes had done, he refused to do it, p. 594as a thing not suitable to the person of Mithridates, but said he would send his sons and other of his friends, [Appian. pag. 245.]

These thing, being past, he summoned all people promiscuously, as well servants as free. He forged also great store of armes and darts, and other engins, sparing nothing, not so much as their oxen for the plow, which he killed that he might have their nerves for strings to their bowes. He laid a tax also upon all people, which was raised, but without Mithridates knowledge with great injury to many. He himself was at that time troubled with a certain ulcerous disease in his face, so as no body could see him but the Eunuch that had him in cure, which they finished at last. His army being ready at the sametime, consisting of 60 Cohorts, each of them containing six hundred men, and a numerous multitude besides, ships also, and places of convenience, which his Commanders had fortified whilst he was sick: He carryed part of his army to Phanagorium another Town situate in the mouth of the River too, that on all sides he might secure the passes. Pompey being all this while in Syria, [Id. ibid.]

In Bosphorus, whilst Mithridates was celebrating to Ceres, there suddenly happened an Earth-quake, the greatest in the memory of man, which destroyed many Cities, and did no small mischief in the fields, [Dio. lib. 37. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 5.] Not much unlike it, if it was not the same, was that Justin ex Trogo mentions, which devoured 170000 men, and many Cities with them: which prodigies the Aruspices did say portended great alteration of affairs, [Justin. lib. 40. cap. 2.]

At the same time, Castor that was Commander in Chief for Mithridates in Phanagorium, slew Tripho the Kings Eunuch by whom he had been formerly abused as he was entering into the Town; and when he had done; excited the people to take up armes for their liberty, who although the Castle was held by Artaphernes and the rest of Mitaridates children, yet getting wood and things combustible together from all places, they set it on fire, and constrained Artaphernes, Darius, Xerxes, Oxathres, and Eupatra, the children of Mithridates, to deliver up themselves: amongst these, Artaphernes was the onelyonly person, was full fourty years old, the rest were comely youths: but Cleopatra another Daughter stood our, whose generosity delighting her father, he sent a Squadron of Gallies and fetched her away: the rest Castor (when he had possessed himself of the Castle) sent over to the Romans, [Appian. pag. 245, 246. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 5.]

Those Castles that were near and newly taken by Mithridates, provoked by the bad example of the Phanagorenses revolted, a Chersnessus, Theudosia, Nymphaeum, and other places about Pontus, that were convenient in that war, [Appian.]

Mithridates, being very much incensed, did not onelyonly execute some of the runegades that he had taken, but many of his friends also, and Exipodras one of his children, [Dio. lib. 37. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 5.] and observing their great defects, and haveing the fidelity of his whole army in suspicion, by reason they were forced, and under extraordinary taxes, and thinking the adversity of his fortune would alwayes be in the mindes of a mutable and constrained people; he sent therefore his Eunuchs to the Princes of Scythia, to treate about marrying his Daughters, desiring they would with all speed come in with their Forces to his relief. They were conducted by 500 souldiers, who were not gone far from Mithridates before they slew the Eunuchs, because that they having great authority with the King, had been alwayes troublesome to them; and when they had done, they carryed the Ladies to Pompey, [Appian.]

Pompey, leaving Syria, passed into Asia; where he acted with no little ambition: a thing he had so much repehended in Lucullus. For whilst Mithridates had yet the command of Bosphorus, and also had gathered together a very considerable army; he, as if he had done all, disposed several provinces, and conferred gifts, [Plutarch.]

Also Livy tells us in his 102 book, how that he brought Pontus into the form of a province in Mithridates his life time. This, being added to Galatia, and divided into eleven Convents, was called by the name of Bithynia, [Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 541.]

Pompey, taking Mithridatium from Pontus, bestowed it upon Bogodiatorus, [Id. ibid.] He created Archelaus, son of that Archelaus who was in honour with Sylla and the Senate (as I have noted in the 3919 year of the World) Chief priest of Luna, a goddesse of the Comans in Pontus, instaured with a princely Dynasty; and added to the sacred revenue of that office the quantity of two scoeni, or 60 stadii of land, and commanded the inhabitants of Comana that they should be obedient to Archelaus. So that he was their Prince, and the chief Lord of all the Priests and Ministers of that Temple, inhabiting in the City which were no lesse than 6000: onelyonly he had not power to sell them, [Id. lib. 12. pag. 558. & lib. 17. pag. 796. cum Appiano, pag. 251.]

p. 595Appianus sayes, Attalus had the Dynastie of Paphlagonia conferred upon him by Pompey. [pag. 251.] Eutropius will have it bestowed upon Attalus and Polaemenes; and Sextus Rufus, and Jornandes tell us, that Polaemenes upon his death-bed, left the inheritance of Paphlagonia to the people of Rome. Armenia (the Lesse) he gave to Dejotares King of Galatia (or rather Tetrarch) because he was a companion in the Mithridatic war. [Eutrop. lib. 6.] For he thought Dejotares to be the most absolutely true and faithfull friend to the Romans, in the whole World. [Cicero in Philippica 11.] Wherefore he gave him Godolonites his part of Pontus, and all to Pharnacia and Trapezunte; the Colchi even to Armenia (the Lesse) and constituted him King of that Division: when as he had before by inheritance from his father, the Tetrarchy of the Tolistoborgians of Galatia, [Strabo. lib. 7. pag. 547.] for Pompeius lest Galatia to Tetrarchs of his family. [Id. ib. pag. 541. compared with Appian. pag. 351.] And a little after it came into the hands of three onelyonly, then of the two, and last of all into the sole power of Dejotares. [Strabo lib. 12. pag. 567.]

Mithridates, being deprived of so many Children, Castles, and indeed his whole Kingdom, did not for all this take to heart the lownesse of his condition, when he had also lost his Dignity, and was past all hope of any help from Scithia; but took his journy to the Eutropian Gauls, whose friendship he had before engaged, to the intent they might help him in such a dead lift: and taking his way thorough Scythia and Ister, that with them he might passe the Alps into Italy he hoped, for the dislike they had of the Romans, many Italians would joyne with him. [Flor. lib. 3. cap. 5. Appian. pag. 246. Dio. lib. 37.]

The souldiery disliked these high attempts, being afrighted with the boldnesse of the enterprize, and the length of the march, as also that they were to go against men, they were not able to deal with, even in their own Country: and they thought Mithridates being in so desperate a condition, was resolved to end his life rather valiantly, than like a slug. But yet they held out a while, and quietly let him go on in his designes, for he was no mean or contemptible Prince, even under the greatest misfortunes. [Appian.]

Aretas, King of Arabia Petrea, (or the rocky) even unto the Red sea, who had formerly been often troublesome and vexatious to Syria, and by the Romans (who came in vindication of the Syrians) was overcome in a fight, did notwithstanding still continue the war. Against him and his neighbours (Phraates now lying quiet, and Syria and Phenicia being well settled) Pompeius made an expedition, [Dio. lib. 37.] not altogether to the liking of the Souldiery: for they thought it not well to decline the prosecution of Mithridates: but thought it meet to set the force of the war against him, that was their old enemy, and was now recruiting his forces, and prepared (through Scythia and Panonia) to invade Italy with an army, (as we have said formerly) But Pompeius was the more confirm'd, that it was a more worthy deed to suppresse the force of a warring Foe, than to take the body of a conquered and flying enemy. [Plutarch.]

Pompey beginning his voyage, first gave very noble and handsome burial to the dead that fell under Triarius in that unlucky bout they had with Mithridates in Pontus, and which Lucullus left without interrement. Aretas, who before contemned the Roman arms, now, being struck with terrour, he wrote to Pompey, that he would both observe and performe whatsoever he should command. But Pompey, that he might find the deph of the designe, he set upon Petra; [Plutarch.] where he reduced the King and his Allyes without much adoe, into his power, and delivered them to custody, [Dio. lib. 37.] having taken their City Petra it self: [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 6.] although Josephus writes that he omitted them, and bent his forces against Aristobulus. But Plutarch sayes, that when he was gone a little from Pera, hearing the news of Mithridates his death, he returned out of Arabia, and came to Amisus.

P. Servilius Rullus, Tribune of the people at Rome, in the beginning of his migistrateship, published the Agrarian Law, concerning the creating of Decemviri, with chief authority, whose right and … it was to sell or dispose into Colonies, all the publick revenues in Italy and Syria, and what land soever had been gained by Pompey. Which in the Kalends of January: (which, as the year then went at Rome, fell even upon the beginning of the Julian October) in the beginning of his Consulship, Cicero opposed in a speech he made against Rullus, and freed all from the general fear they were in of that Law. [Cicero in 12 Agraria. & lib. 2. ad Attic. ep. 1. cum Plut. in Cicerone.]

And when by that Law power was given to the Decemviri, to sell all those lands which Mithridates had possessed, in Paphlagonia, Pontus, and Cappadocia, in his second Agrarian oration before the people: Cicero reprehended the injustice of that popular decree in this interrogation. Is it so? without any law made, without the vote of p. 596the Emperour, before the war is ended, whilst King Mithridates, having lost his army, and being expelled his Kingdome, yet makes his attempts in the utmost regions, and is defended by the Maeotis and those quabs, the straightnesse of the way, and the height of the mountains, from the invincible army of Cn. Pompeius; whilst the Emperour is engaged in the war, and in those very places the name of a war remaines: will the Decemviri sell those lands, which by the custome of our ancestors, ought to remain in the power, and at the disposure of Cnius Pompei us?

L. Valerius Flaccus, who had carried the Praetorship at Rome, was sent Praetor into Asia; which Praetor-ship of his in Asia was annuall, into which Quintus Cicero was the fifth that entred, as Mar…us Cicero his brother witnesses in his oration, for this very Flaccus, when he was accused of bribery.

Pharnaces, Mithridates his best beloved sonne, whom he had often appointed his heir in the Kingdome; plotted against his father, whether for that he thought his fathers Italian expedition would put him past all hopes of reconciliation with the Romans, or some other cause, or for covetousnesse. But those being taken that were guilty in the plot, and put to the rack, yet, by the persuasion of Menophanes; Mithridates pardoned his sonne. [Appian.] Dio (as Salianus notes) passes over this pardon in silence: and tells us once and again, that Pursivants were sent to take Pharnaces: who were by him perswaded to be his partie, and with them having taken Panticapaeum brought his father into his power: with this observation to boot; That Mithridates otherwise a very wise King never considered this, That armes and multitudes of subjects availed nothing without their good will and love: But on the contrary if they are perfidious there is least safety, where the greatest number; which observation also you may find in the following narration of Appian.

Pharnaces, knowing that they were much against the expedition into Italy in their minds, in the night time he went to those Romans, that fled over to Mithridates; and, aggravating the danger of their passing into Italy, which they well knew, and promising them great matters if they would stay; he perswaded them to fall off from his father: and presently, the same night, he sent messengers to other adjacent tents, and perswaded them also to the same opinion; in the morning first the Italian fugitives, and then all the other adjoyning camps cried up the businesse: and so did the navall forces, with a great shout, and many shouted to give notice of the defection; neither forewarned of the businesse, nor corrupted thereto: but either induced by the example of so many whom they saw they could not withstand, or taken with the novelty of the old Kings misfortune.

Mithridates, at the shout of the army, sent some to know what they would have. They, nothing dissembling the matter, said, They would have his sonne to be King, a young man instead of an old one, and he addicted to Eunuchs, and that had been the death of many sonns, captaines and freinds. When Mithridates heard this he went out to speake to them himself: whilst many of his guard fled over to the fugitives; who would not receive them unlesse they would do something that might manifest they were unfaithfull to the King; and withall shewed them Mithridates: whose horse as he was flying away they killed, and now saluted Pharnaces King: as if they had obteined their hearts desire; and some of them took a very large skin of parchment, in length and breadth, what they had brought from the temple: and put it about his head instead of a Diadem.

The old man, seeing this from the upper porch, sent one after another to Pharnaces to desire a safe passage away of him, but when none of them returned, fearing least be might be given up to the Romans, having praised those pursivants, and friends of his that yet stood by him sent them to the new King: some of whom the army slew in the way contrary to all expectation. [Appian.] When he had long from the walls imprecated his sonne in vain, and saw him inexorable he is said to have uttered these words, being about to die. O country Gods, if so you be any grant that some time or other, he may receive the same words from his children. And presently going to his wives and concubines he gave them poison. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 5.]

Two virgin daughters that were brought up with him, Mithridatis and Nissa, betrothed to the King of Egypt and Cyprus, earnestly entreated their father, that they might drink their poisoned potion before him, and desired him to forbear till they had done. [Appian.] But neither the poison Mithridates alway carryed about in his sword, nor the wound he had given himself with the sword, were sufficient to end him, although he walked about most violently, that so the poison, diffusing it self through his veins, might act more powerfully: but all this prevailed nothing, in regard he had so antidoted his body against poison, with dayly preservative medicines, which to this day are called Mithridatica; and the wound he gave himself with the sword, what by reason of his age, what by his present perplexities, and the distemper the poison wrought, was but weakly performed. When therefore he had not fully p. 597slain himself, but lingred; the wall being now broken down, and Bitoetus or B…thocus, a Souldier and Gaul roving about, being terrified with the majesty of his countenance, he called him back, and caused the souldiers trembling hand to put an end to his life. [Dio. lib. 37. compared with Livy, lib. 102. Flor. lib. 3. cap. 5. Valer. Max. lib. 9. cap. 2. Plin. lib. 25. cap. 2. Justin. lib. 37. cap. 2. A Gelloi. lib. 17. cap. 16. Appian. pag. 248, Aurel. Vict. de Vir. Illust. cap. 76. & Oros. lib. 6. cap. 5.]

This end did Mithridates choose at Panticapaeum in Bosphorus Cimmerius. A man neither to be passed over in silence, nor to be spoken of without respect, most valiant in war, of singular virtue, greatest, sometimes in fortune, but alwayes in mind; a most discreet General, and an excellent Souldier of his hands, as Velleius Paterculus describes him, [lib. 2. cap. 18.] and last of all, the greatest King after Alexander; as Cicero calls him in his Lucullus: by reason of which Elogies also, I have thought my self engaged to be no lesse careful in setting down his affairs, than those of Alexander.

Orosius writes thus of the time of the Mithridatic war, in the end of the first Chapter of his sixth book. The Mithridatic war, or rather the destruction of the Mithridatic war which involved many Provinces therein, was protracted for the space of fourty years. For it began to break out the 662 year after the foundation of Rome, as I said before, [lib. 5. cap. 19.] in which year also the first civil war began there; and in the Consulship of Cicero and Antonius (that I may use the words of that excellent Poet [Lucan,] —Barbarico vix consummata veneno) Scarce ended by the Barbaric poison (of Mithridates.) But in this time there are found but thirty years of that war; and how the most come to write fourty, is not easie to be found out.

We read in Justin, [lib. 37. cap. 1.] that Mithridates warred with the Romans fourty years. Appian, in the beginning of his Mithridaticks, [pag. 170.] allows to that Mithridatic war 42; [in Syriac. pag. 118. & Mithridaticis, pag. 249.] as Florus also, [lib. 3. cap. 5.] and Eutropius [lib. 6.] only 40. In Pliny, [lib. 7. cap. 26.] the Title placed by Pompey, in the Temple of Minerva shews this war to last 30 years onelyonly; and from the beginning of the first Mithridatic war, to the death of Mithridates, is found to be but 26 years; those years of the peace between the two wars reckoned and all; so that that war may be said to last thirty years, onelyonly to make up the even number; as Cicero [Orat. in L. Pisonem.] in his Consulship hints, that he defended C. Rabirius, who was guilty of Treason, for that he had slain Saturninus, by the authority of the Senate, fourty years before: which Dio [lib. 37.] by a more exact reckoning, affirms to have been transacted within 36 years, before that time: concerning whom, against that Pisconian Oration, Asconius Pedianus is to be consulted.

At that time Pompey was in Judea; for being angry with Aristobulus, he marched against him: Hyrcanus very much intreating him to do so, with the Roman Legions, and with Auxiliaries that he raised in Damascus, and in other parts of Syria. For having passed by Pella and Scythopolis; and being come to Coreae, when, in the beginning of Judea, towards the Mediterranean, he understood that Aristobulus was fled into Alexandrion, a goodly Castle, seated upon the top of an hill, but summoned him to come unto him; who being perswaded by many of his friends, not to commence a war against the Romans, came unto Pompey; and after he had debated his Title with his brother Hyrcanus as touching the kingdom: He by the permission of Pompey, retired into the Castle again. And this he did two or three times, alwayes flattering Pompey, through the hope he had of the kingdom; and making a shew, that he would be obedient unto him in all things: but in the mean while he returned and fortified the Castle, making preparation for war, for fear lest the kingdom should be transferred upon his brother Hyrcanus. [Joseph. lib. Belli, 1. Antiquit. 14, cap. 6.]

Pompey commanding that Aristobulus should deliver over to him the Castles, he wrote to the Governours concerning his businesse; who would not have obeyed him, unlesse the letters had been wrote with his own hands. Aristobulus submitted indeed, but in discontent repaired to Jerusalem, with full intent to prepare for war; whom Pompey immediately followed with his army, thinking it not fit to give him any time for preparation. [Id. ib.]

As Pompey was marching near Jericho, there came a messenger that brought him news, that Mithridates was killed by his son Pharnaces. [Ibid.] Which good news, they that brought the message presently shewed by wreathing about their Javlins heads with laurell; there was not any high place for him to speak to the Souldiers after the manner of the Camp, which is made with Turfes, cut and laid one upon another; but then for very hast, they took their Saddles, and laid them one upon another, and so raised a Mount: which when Pompey had ascended, he told them p. 598how that Mithridates had killed himself, and that Pharnaces had kept all things for himself and the Romans, [Plutarch in Pompeio:]

Whereupon the army, and not without cause, greatly rejoycing, gave themselves over to sacrificing and feasting, as if in Mithridates person alone, there had dyed multitudes of their enemies. Pompey also was very glad, that he had put an end to all his acts and expeditions, easier than he thought he should. [Id. ibid.] For he laid so much weight upon the life of him alone, that although he by conquest already possessed all that he had, yet he did not think the war was ended, as long as he was alive, [Cicero, pro Murena.] and Lucan also brings in Pompey thus braging of himself.

Idem per Scythici profugum divortia Ponti

Indomitum regem, Romanaque fata morantem,

Ad mortem, Sylla felicior, ire coegi. (i. e.)

Sculking 'bout Pontus, and whilst watch't to bring

Ruine to th' Romans that untamed King,

With better luck than Sylla, I've made die.

Pompey first encamping at Jericho, where are most excellent Dates, and Balsome the most precious of all other Oyntments: the next morning marched towards Jerusalem. Then Aristobulus being sorry for what he had done, came and met him, and promised him mony; and that he would yield both himself and the City up to him, onelyonly he desired that setting wars aside, whatsoever he did, he would doe it in a peaceable way. Pompey pardoned him, and sent Gabinius with the Souldiers to receive the mony, but was fain to returne without without either or City, for Aristobulus his Souldiers would not stand to Aristobulus his promise. Pompey hereupon waxed wroth, and committing Aristobulus into custody, marched in person against the City, which was strongly fortified, except toward the North, which was easily to be battered. [Joseph, lib. 15. cap. 7.]

The Citizens within the City being at dissention among themselves, those that were of Hyrcanus part, were of opinion that the City should be delivered up to Pompey, to whom many joynd, fearing the constancy of the Romans: but Aristobulus his faction commanded the gates should be shut, and preparations for war to be made, because he kept the King prisoner. These preventing the other seized upon the Temple, and cutting down the Bridge, by which they went into the City, stood upon their defence: but Hircanus partly having received the army within the City, delivered over to them, both the City and the Kings Palace; the custody of both which, Pompey committed to his Lieutenant Piso, who fortified the houses and other buildings that were near the Temple, but first offered to the besieged conditions of peace: which seeing they refused, he prepareth for to give a general assault, and was assisted by Hircanus in all things that were needful, [Id. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 5. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 8.]

On the north side of the City Pompey incamped, which was the easiest to be assaulted: here were also high towers, and a ditch made by hands, besides a deep valley which begirt the Temple, and also towards the City all places were very steep down when the Bridge was taken away, especially on that side that Pompey was incamped on. But the Romans daily raised Mounts, cutting down trees round about; and filled up the Trench with materials that the souldiers brought; which work indeed was very difficult, by reason of the vast depth of the Trench; especially considering the resistance that the Jews made from above, [ibid.]

But unlesse the custom of our Country (saith Josephus) had commanded us to rest on the seventh day, they could not have finished the Mounts, if we had resisted them. For the Law permits us to defend our selves against an assailing enemy, but doth not suffer us to hinder any work that the enemy doth, (but this is no written Law, but given by tradition from their Doctors) which when the Romans observed, they neither did so much as shoot a dart against the Jews, nor came to handy blowes with them; but onelyonly erected their Mounts and Towers, and planted their Engins, that they might use them the next day against us. This Josephus, [lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 8.] and King Agrippa in the same anthour, [lib. 2. Bell. cap.] saith, that Pompey especially chose those dayes for to carry on the war, on which they that were assailed were to keep the rest of the Sabbath.

Pompeys letters being read in the Senate concerning the death of Mithridates and the finishing of that war; at Cicero the Consuls proposal, there was a procession for twelve dayes decreed for Pompey, [Cicero, de provinciis Consularibus.] And the Romans kept Festival-dayes, as being freed rom a sore enemy, [Appian. pag. 250.]

Titus Ampius, and Titus Labienus, Tribunes of the people, propounded a law, that p. 599Pompey should weare a Laurel Crown, and the Triumphal habit in the Circensian playes, and in the Scenical playes, the Purple Gown, and a Laurel Crown: which yet he never did any more than once, [Vellei, Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 40. Dio. lib. 37.]

At Jerusalem the Trench being now filled, and the Tower fitted upon the Mounts, and the Engins that were brought from Tyrus planted, the Romans with shooting huge stones battered the Temple; but yet along while, the Towers being exceeding strong and beautiful, endured the assaults of the besiegers. The Romans being then very much tired, Pompey wondered at the constancy of the Jews, and amongst others, at this especially, that they constantly solemnized the whole service of God amidst all their enemies weapons, as if they had had a firm peace; for all the time of the assault they performed the daily sacrifices: the priests twice every day, namely, in the morning, and at the ninth hour, offering sacrifices upon the altar, yea, not intermitting their sacrifices in their greatest extremities, [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 5. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 8.]

When the Latinae feriae were solemnized at Rome (which were not Feasts that were alwayes upon a set day, but by the appointment of the Magistrates) a Comet appeared; and on the seventh day of the Julian November, two hours after midnight, the Moon was eclipsed: of which Cicero in the second book of his Consulship makes mention in these Verses.

Tu quoque cum tumulos Albano in monte nivales

Lustrati; & laeto mactasti lacte Latinas,

Vidisti & claro tremulos ardore cometas,

Multaque misceri nocturnâ strage putasti.

Quod ferme in dirum tempus cecinere Latinae;

Cum claram speciem concerto lumine Luna

Abdidit, & subitò stellanti nocte perempta est. (i. e.)

When Albans snowy heaps thou viewdst, and when

With glad milk the Latinae celebratedst, then

Comets of fire did tremble in thy sight,

And thou a conflict phancy'dst in the night.

Which time scarcescap'd Iniauspicious; when

The Moon withdrew her light and sight from men,

And on a sudden left a starry night.

In the third monethmonth of the siege of Jerusalem, the greatest Tower being shaken by the many batteries of the Ram fell, an… with the fall thereof brake down a great piece of the wall; by which breach multitudes of the enemies brake into the Temple. The first who ventured to ascend the wall, was Cornelius Faustus the son of Sylia, with his band of souldiers, and immediately after the Centurion Furius with his Regiment, and between them both, the Centurion Fabius with a valiant band of his souldiers. These compassing the Temple about, while some sought to hide themselves, and others made some small resistance, slew them all; where many priests, although they saw the enemies rushing in with their drawn words, yet being nothing at all dismayed, continued their sacrifices, and were slaine even while they offered and incensed in the Temple, preferring their duty they owed to their Religion before their own lives, [Ibid.]

All places were full of slaughters; some of the Jews were slain by the Romans, others by their own Countrymen of the contrary faction: Many threw themselves headlong down the rocks; others setting their houses on fire burnt themselves, not enduring to behold those things that were done by the enemy. Therefell here 12000 of the Jews; there were very few of the Romans slain, but many wounded: amongst them that were taken captives was Absolom, the Uncle and Father in law of Aristobulus (he was the son of John Hircanus) whom as Josephus writes in the 13 book and 20 chapter, was honoured by Alexander Jannaeus because he was contented to live a private and idle life, [Ibid.]

The Temple was taken on the fast day, C. Antonius and M. Tullius Cicero, being Consuls in the CLXXIX Olympiade, [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 8.] and the first of that year, [Euseb. Demonstrat. Evangel. lib. 8. cap. 2.] on the solemn fast of the third monethmonth; on which the City was afterwards taken by Sosius, [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. ult.] where it is to be taken for the third monethmonth of the civil year, beginning from Autumn, according to the Hebrews and other Eastern accounts, (as Josephus shewes in the first of his Antiquities, cap. 4. and St. Jerom in the beginning of Ezechiel:) to wit, the third monethmonth of the Syrians called by them, the former Canun, and by the Hebrews C…isleu: on the 28 day of which monethmonth the Jews even to this very day, keep a Fast in memory of the sacred Roll burnt by wicked Jehojakim: [Jeremy, XXXVI. 9. 22, 23.] p. 600which Fast (as is observed at the year of the World 3398.) was appointed for the first taking of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, when the Jews began first to serve the Babylonians, this event, this Peritrope is worth the observation, That on the same day of the same monethmonth, that the Temple should happen to be taken, and that after 543 years by Pompey, when the Jews began to serve the Romans; and again after 26 years by Sosius, when they began to serve Herod the Idumaean, and his posterity: and that 28 day of the monethmonth Cisleu, answers to the 28 day of the Julian December this year: and (which also is worth observation) it fell also on a Saturday, or the Jewish Sabbath, in which the Temple was won by assault, as Dio notes: and this is reckoned the 79 year, from the 170. of the Grecian Empire, in which it is read, that the yoke of the Heathen was taken away from Israel, [1 Maccab. 13. 41.] from whence, it may be gathered, what a small time they enjoyed their liberty.

Pompey entered into the Temple, and many together with him, and there beheld those things that were not lawful to be seen by any but the High Priest: and whereas there were in the Temple, the Table, the Candlesticks, with the Lamps, and all Vessels for Sacrifice, and the Censers all of Gold, and an huge heap of Spices, and in the Treasuries of Sacred Money, about 2000 talents; yet Pompey medled not with any of these, but the next day he commanded them that had the charge of the Temple, to purifie and cleanse it, and to offer their solemn Sacrifices to God, [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 5. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 8.]

Pompey restored the High Priesthood to Hircanus, both because he had shewed himself so forward all the time of the siege, and for that he hindered the Jews that were in the whole Country from joyning with Aristobulus, [Id. ibid.] With the Priesthood he also received the Principality; yet Pompey forbad him to wear a Crown, and from thence, besides the former 9 years, in which he was High Priest during the raign of his mother Alexandra, he obtained also the High priesthood other 24 years, [Id. lib. 20. Antiquit. cap. 8.] for which we take 23 years and an half.

Pompey put to death those that were the chiefest cause of the war, and gave great honours and rewards to Faustus and others who first had ascended the wall, [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 5. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 8.]

Pompey made the Jews tributary to the Romans, The Julian Period. 4651 [Id. Year before Christ 63 ibid. Euseb. Chron. Sever. Sulpic. Histor. Sacr. lib. 2.] and the Cities which they had formerly conquered in Coelosyria, he took from them, commanding them to obey their own Governours, and the whole Nation formerly advanced through prosperity, he contracted within their ancient bounds; and in favour of Demetrius of Gadara, a libertine of his, (of whose insolence, Plutarch wrote in the life of Pompey) he rebuilded Gadara, which the Jews had formerly destroyed: other inland Cities, as Hippon, Scythopolis, Pella, Dion, Samaria, Marissa, Azotus, Jamnia, Arathusa, he restored to the inhabitants, except those that were destroyed in the wars, and likewise the Sea Towns, as Gaza, Joppe, Dora, the Town of Straton, (which was afterwards magnificently rebuilt by Herod, and called Caesarea) Pompey set at liberty, and annexed all of them to the Province of Syria. [Ioseph. ut supra.]

Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, through their dissentions among themselves, saith Josephus, [lib. 14. cap. 8.] were the cause of this calamity to them of Jerusalem; for then we first began to loose our liberty, being subject to the government of the Romans: besides that, we have been enforced to surrender up to the Syrians, that Country we had lately taken from them in war, and the Romans have also exacted of us, more than ten thousand talents in a short time. Which afterwards the same Josephus affirms [in cap. 12.] that Crassus alone took so much out of the Temple, so that he may here be understood to speak of the tributes and pensions laid upon the people.

With these things that are delivered by Josephus their Country Historian, it will not be from the purpose to compare those things we have delivered by forraign Authours (who were contrary to the Jews in their principles) concerning those things were acted by Pompey against the Jews; amongst whom, Cicero is the principal, in whose Consulship these things were transacted; in his Oration for L. Flaccus, we meet with this Testimony of Pompeys abstinence. C. Pompeius, having taken Jerusalem, moved nothing out of that Temple: but, as all things else, so he acted in the first place most wisely in this, That in so spacious and calumnious a City as it was, he allowed no place of hearing the speeches of slanderous detractors; for I think the religion of the Jews was no offence, but a shame to this excellent Emperour. And as much as could be expected from a Heathen, he made a comparison between the Roman and the Jewish religion in this manner. Every City hath its particular religion, and we have ours. Whilst the Hierosolymitans stood, and the Jews were at league with us, yet their religion did abhor the splendor of the sacred rites of our Empire, the majesty of our name, and the institutions of our Ancestors; and now, which is more, that nation shewing their opinion of ut by their Arms, it is sufficiently manifest how dear they are to the immortall gods, in that they are conquered, farmed and made servile.

p. 601Out of Titus Livius, in the 102 Epitome of his book, we have onelyonly these words in effect. Cn. Pompeius subdued the Jews, and took their Temple, which till that time had been inviolate, unlesse we should think that Eutropius and Orosius (as they did many other parts of their Histories) borrowed this out of him. Thus Eutropius touches upon the businesse in his sixth book, Passing over against the Iews, the third monethmonth he took Ierusalem, the head of the Nation: twelve thousand of the Iews being slain, and the rest taken into league. Orosius [lib. 6. cap. 6.] writing that Pompey went from Petra in Arabia against the Jews; over whom Aristobulus having expelled his brother, Hyrcanus (being the first King of a Priest) reigned: shews that he took this part of his history not out of Josephus, but some other more unskilful in the Jewish affairs, who notwithstanding relates the transactions of Pompey in this businesse, nothing amisse, thus. He sent Gabinius with an army to Ierusalem, their City; and he presently came after himself, and was received into the City by the chief Elders: but being beaten off the walls of the Temple, by the common people, he set himself to oppose it. The place was not onelyonly fortified by the natural scituation, but a very great wall, and notwithstanding one Legion after another, night and day, without intermission, attempted the walls; he was three moneths in taking of it, and took it at length, with much adoe. Thirteen thousand (Josephus and Eutropius have 12.) of the Iews were slain there, the rest of the multitude were taken into truce. Pompey commanded the walls of the City to be thrown down, and levelled with the ground: and when he had beheaded some Princes of the Iews, he restored Hyrcanus to the High Priesthood, and brought Aristobulus Prisoner to Rome.

Strabo, in the sixth book of his Geography, thus. When Judea was now openly opprest with tyranny, Alexander was the first had made himself King instead of Priest: whose sons, Hircanus and Aristobulus, striving for the government, Pompey came in and deposed, and demolished their bulworks, and took Jerusalem first by force. That fence was all of stone, and well guarded: within well furnisted with water, but without altogether droughty. It had a ditch cut in the rock, 60 foot deep, and 250 wide. The walls of the Temple were made of the stone that were cut out of it. Pompey took it, as it is reported, by taking the opportunity of a fast day, in which they abstained from all manner of labours, having filled the ditch, and passed the wall by his scaling ladders. He commanded all the walls to be demolished, and as much as he could, destroyed and abolish all the receptacle of Robbers, and all those places where the Tyrants treasures were laid up. Two of them were sited in the entrance into Jericho, Thrax, and Taurus, the rest were Alexandrium, Hyrcanium, Machaerus, Lysias, and some places about Philadelphia, Scythopolis also next to Galilee; [pag. 792, 763.] and afterwards, Pompey taking away some places, that the Iews had by violence seized upon, preferred Hyrcanus to the High Priesthood. [pag. 764, 765.]

In Lucan, in the third book of Pharsalia, among other Nations that he conquered, reckons up Judea, in these words.

Me dom…us cognovit Arabs, me Marte feroces

Henichi, notique erepto vellere Colchi.

Cappadoces mea signa timent, & dedita sacris

Incerti Indaea Dei, mollisque Sophene:

Armenios, Cilicasque feros, Taurosque subegi.

To th' Arabs and the warlike Heniochi tam'd

And th' fleece-deprived Colchi I am known: my fam'd

Ensignes the Cappadoc'ans, and the Jews, wh'adore,

An unknown God, and soft Sophene fear full fore:

Taurus Armenia and Cilicia I've subdu'd.

Plutarch in Pompeio, He subdued Iudea, and took their King Aristobulus. Appian in Mithridaticis, concerning the same. He made war upon Aretas, the King of the Arabians of Nabathea, and the Iews also, who had revolted from their King Aristobulus, until he took Ierusalem, a City, in their conceit, most holy. [pag. 244.] and in Syriacis. OnelyOnly the Country of the Iews remained unconquered, whose King Aristobulus the conquering Pompey sent to Rome, and overthrew the walls of Ierusalem, the greatest and most holy City in all that Country. [pag, 119.]

Cornel. Tacitus, Histor. lib. 5. cap. 9. The first that conquered the Iews of all the Romans, was Cn. Pompey, and entred the Temple by right of conquest; there was first published, that their Temple was within, without any image, and an empty seat, and mysteries: the walls of Ierusalem were thrown down, but the Temple stood still. L. Florus, [Histor. lib, 3. cap. 5.] concerning the same. Marching through Libanus in Syria, and Damascus, he distributed the Roman Ensignes; be passed through those odoriferous Groves of frank incense and balms: The Arabians were at his service; the Iews assaid to defend Ierusalem: but this he entred also, and saw openly that grand mistery of that wicked Nation, as under a skye of beaten gold; p. 602concerning which, [see Lypsius, Elector. lib. 2. cap. 5] The brethren at odds about the Kingdom, he being made Umpire, adjudgeth the Kingdom to Hyrcanus, and claps irons upon Aristobulus, refusing to stand to the award.

And then Dio, [lib 37.] in the Consulship of M. Tullius Cicero, and C. Antonius. Pompey marched into Syria Palestina, because their inhabitants had invaded Phaenicia: this Country the two brethren, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus governed, … they by chance being at odds at that time for the Priesthood (which is with them all one with the kingdom) of the God, whomsoever he be, filled the City with seditions: Pompey therefore presently, without any blows, conquered Hyrcanus, for he had no forces able to resist him: and Aristobulus also being besieged in a certain Castle, was forced to accept conditions of peace: and seeing he would neither give him mony, nor yield up the Castle, he cast him into Prison, and then easily conquered the rest: but the winning of Ierusalem cost him much pains; indeed be easily obtained the City, being let in by those that favoured Hyrcanus: but the Temple that was seized upon by them of the contrary faction he took not, but with great pains, it was seated on an hill, and fortified with a wall of stone; neither if they had defended it all dayes alike, would it have been conquered; but, because they left off the defence of it on Saturdayes, and because they rested from all work on those dayes, they gave the Romans occasion of overthrowing the wall: for when they observed this custome of the enemies, they did nothing to the purpose on the other dayes; but when the week went about, and Saturday was come, then they fell to work heartily, and was the Temple by main force. And thus at length the Jews were overcome, nothing at all defending themselves; then were the treasures taken away, and the Kingdom given to Hyrcanus, and Aristobulus carryed away prisoner. These things happened at this time in Palestina.

Whilst Pompey made war about Judea, Ptolomaeus (Auletes) maintained 8000 horsemen at his own charge, and feasted a thousand guests with so many golden drinking cupps, alwaies changing the cupps, as they changed the dishes; as Varro relateth. [Plin. lib. 33.] to whom there was to be paid out of Egypt yearly the tribute of 12500 talents, as Cicero in an oration (which is lost) delivered. [Strabo. lib. 17. pag. 799.] although Diodorus Siculus related that the revenue of Egypt at this time was but only 6000 talents.

Seleucis in Palestine was built by Pompey. [Appian. pag. 253.]

Pompey, having left the government of Coelosyria, to Scaurus; from Euphrates as farre as the borders of Egypt, departed into Cilicia with two legions; carrying Aristobulus prisoner with him, with his two sonnes, and as many daughters: [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 8.] one of which called Alexander in his journey, escaped by flight, but the younger called Antigonus with his sisters was carried to Rome. [Id. lib. bell. cap. 5. fin.]

Appian writes that Pompey left Syria, at his departure thence, to be governed by his Quaestor Scaurus: [in Syriacis. pag. 119. cum lib. 5. bell. civil. pag. 676. 677.] Josephus ads in lib. 1. bel. cap. 8. that he gave the government of Syria, and Judea, also to Scaurus. Ammianus Marcellinus also in lib. 14. affirmeth, that Pompey having conquered the Jews, and taken Hierusalem brought Palestine into the forme of a province, committing the jurisdiction thereof to a Governour. indeed Hyrcanus then reteined the name of King, but without a crown: but such was the dulnesse of his wit, that the governours of Syria took the power to themselves, not only of ordering the tributes, but of disposing of all things at their own pleasure in Palestine, as we shal see hereafter in the government of Gabinius.

Cicero and Antonius being Consuls, on the 9 day before the calends of October was Octavius born, of Octavius and his wife Atia; (the sister of C. Julius Caesar) [Sueton, in Octavio. cap. 4. 5.] who afterwards was called Caesar Augustus. In whose reign our Lord Jesus Christ the Saviour of the World was born. [Luc. II. 1. 6. 7,] Julius Marathus reporteth, that a few months before Augustus was born, there happened at Rome a prodigy (or oracle) publickly knowen, whereby was declared that nature was about to bring forth a King over the people of Rome: at which the senate being affrighted made an act, that no mans child that was begotten that year, should be rear'd, but those whose wives were with child, (for every one was willing to draw this hope to himself, took order that this act should not be brought into the treasury, and then inrolled. [Sueton. vt supra. cap. 94.] concerning his birth day on the 9 of the Kalends of October, Augustus himself agrees with Suetonius in an epistle to his nephew Caius. [Gellius. lib. 15. cap. 7.] the new Kalendar [in Scriptionibus Gruteri CXXXIII.] and the Narbon stone. [ibid. pag. CCXXIX.] Dion also not dissenting who in the 56 book saith that he was born on the 23 of September: for in the Julian September of 30 daies, the IX of the Kalends of October which is the 23 of September, although in the Pomp…lian September which hath but 29 daies it is the 22 of the same month; but September, as the year was (before the correction appointed by Julius Caesar) at Rome, it fell in June of the Julian period 4651.)

Catilinus conspiracy breaking forth at Rome. Q. Martius Rex, and Q. Metellus Creticus both of them were generals in the Citie, and both of them hindred from triumphing p. 603by the false accusation of some few, whose custome it was to set to saile all things both honest, and dishonest, [Salust. in conjuration. Catilinar.]

The Philadelphenses reckon their yeares from the second year of the CLXXIX Olympiade. (Fasti Siculi) this Philadelphia is not farre from Judea: of which Josephus, [lib. 1. bell. cap. 5. and Strabo. lib. 16. pag. 760. & 763.] where he notes that about it the receptacles of the theives were this year taken away by Pompey, which perhaps was the cause of the first institution of this Epoch.

Pompey, marching about the rest of Cilicia, which did not ackowledge the Roman power, subdued it to the Roman without a blow. [Appian. pag. 244.] except that part that was possessed by the Eleuthero-Cilice, whose town being seated in the mountain Amanus, were afterwards conquered by Cicero the Proconsul of Syria.

Pharnaces sent to Pompey, the body of his father Mithridates done up in brine, yeilding up to him both himself and his Kingdom: [Dio. lib. 37.] Appian writes that he sent it to Pompey to Synope in a gally: and also those that had taken Manius (Aquilius) and many hostages both of Grecians, and Barbarians: and that he desired, that he might hold either his fathers Kingdome, or the Bosphoran only, which his brother Machan, had received from Mithridates. Plutarch saith that Pompey, when he came to Amilus, that he found many guifts brought from Pharnaces, and many of the royall family, and also the course of Mithridates, not very well knowen by his face, but was knowen by the scarrs, by them who desired to see that fight, for Pompey would not see it, but sent it to Synope.

For Pompey thinking that all hostility was extinct with his life; wreaked not any malice upon the dead body, but commanded it to be buried in the sepulchre of his fathers. [Dio. lib. 37.] he delivered therefore the body over to them, that should take care of it, and defraying the charges, he commanded it should be royally interred at Synope, and withall commended him for the excellency of his doings, as the most famous King of his age. [Appian. pag. 250.]

Pompey admired the wonderful rich apparell, and armes he ware: but Publius stole the scabbard of his sword, which cost 400 talents, and sold it to Ariarathes. Caius the foster-brother of Mithridates, gave privately Mithridates hat of wonderfull workmanship, to Faustus the sonne of Sylla who begged it of him, without Pompeys privity but Pharnaces when he afterwards understood of it, punished those that had imbecilled those things. [Plutarch.]

Pompey inrolled Pharnaces and Castor Phanagonasis among the friends and allyes of the people of Rome, [Appian. pag. 251. Dio. lib. 37.] and also gave the kingdom of Bosphorus to Pharnaces, because he had freed Italy from many difficulties; except the Phanagorenses to whom he granted liberty because they first of all troubled Mithridates by revolting from him, both as he was gathering up again his Forces, and when he had an army and fleet, and thus by giving example to others, were the cause of his destruction, [Appian. pag. 250.] But after the departure of Pompey, Pharnaces assailed the Phanagorenses and their neighbours, until that thorough famine they were forced to come out and fight with him, and so were overcome; whom without doing any more hurt unto them, he received into friendship with him, onelyonly taking hostages of them, [Appian. pag. 253, 254.]

Pompey recovered Castles in Pontus, the delivery up of which those that were in garison thought to defer till his coming before them; fearing, lest the treasure that was committed to their charge, others might take away, and lay the fault upon them, [Dio. lib. 37.] In Talaura, which City Mithridates used as a Wardrobe, were found 2000 cups of Onix stone, made and fastened together with gold, many cups also for hot and cold drinks, beds, chairs, all most splendid; bridles for horses, and trappings for brests and shoulders, all beset with gold and precious stones: in the receiving and reckoning of which, the Treasurer spent thirty dayes; part of them came from Darius the sonne of Hystaspes to his successours from hand to hand: part of them Cleopatra had deposited with the Coans and were of the treasure of the Ptolemaean Kings, which Mithridates had carried from thence, they being delivered him by the Citizens; part the King himself had prepared and got together, being extremely desirous of rich houshouldstuffe, [Appian. pag. 251, 252.]

At Rome at the time of the chusing Consuls, Cicero the Consul spake an oration for Murena, who was chosen Consul for the following year, and was accused for unlawfull bribing for the office, in which he saith that the army of L. Lucullus, which were come to his triumph, came to aid Murena in demanding the Consulship; of which triumph Cicero in his Lucullus thus maketh mention. When returned Conquerour from the Mithridatick war, he triumphed three years later than he ought to have done, through the false accusations of his enemies: for we that are Consuls, were almost fain to bring in the chariot of that famous man into the city, for C. Mummius had set the people of Rome against him, as if he had imbezelled much of the spoiles, and had protracted the war, and so p. 604perswaded the people that they should deny him his Triumph, but the noble men, and those that were most in authority, intermedling themselves with the tribes, they intreated so much by suit and perswasion, that at last they brought them to yield unto his Tryumph. [Plutarch. in Lucullus.]

He made his Tryumphant entry not troublesome for the long shew thereof, nor for the multitude of things that he brought thither, as many Captains had done before him; but he furnished the shew place (called Circus Flaminius) with the enemies weapons, of which there was great store, and with the Kings battering Engines, which was a pleasant sight to behold: and in their Triumph there was a certain company of men bravely armed, ten Chariots with Sithes, and 60 friends and Captains of the two Kings, and 110 long ships armed on, their beaks drawn also after them; a Statue of Mithridates of six foot high all of gold, and a Target set with precio…s stones: the Crown also of Tigranes was taken, and carried in Triumph: twenty cupboards of silver plate, of golden vessels and armour and coine 32. These were carried upon mens shoulders; eight mules golden beds, 56 carried silver bullion, and 107 that carried silver coine, little lesse than 2700000 Drachmes. Moreover, there were books of accounts carryed, what mony he had given to Pompey, and the treasures for the war against the Pirates, besides what he had given to his own Souldiers, which was 950 Drachmes a piece, and then he feasted all the Cities and Villages thereabouts. [Id. ibid.]

After the Triumph, and an account given of the Mithridatick war, he fell to a manner of living far more magnificent, than stood with the ancient temperance, and was the first among the Romans that brought in all manner of delicacies, after he had received the riches of the two Kings, Tigranes and Mithridates. [Nicolaus Damascen. Historiar. lib. 27. apud Athenaeum, lib. 6. cap. ult. & lib. 12. cap. 21.] Velleius Paterculus also confirmeth, that he was the first that brought in the profuse luxury in buildings, dyet, and houshold-stuff. [lib. 2. cap. 33.]

Pompey rebuilt Eupatoria, Year of the World 3942 which Mithridates Eupator had built, and so called from his own name, and destroyed it again, because it entertained the Romans; Pompey gave to it both lands and inhabitants, and called it Magnopolis. [Strabo. lib. 12. pag. 556. Appian. pag. 251.] He adorned Cabira in the forme of a City, and called it Diopolis. [Strabo. ibid. pag. 557] He appointed Laws and Statutes for the Bythinians, and them of Pontus; of which Pliny the Praetor of Bythinia makes mention in his Epistle to Trajan. [lib. 10.]

Pompey marched out of Pontus into Asia (properly so called) and wintered at Ephesus; Dio. lib. 37.] and when he had finished all both by sea and land, yet he commanded the Cityes of Asia to furnish him with a Fleet, equivalent to the price or rate of L. Sylla's imposition which he described. [Cicero pro. Flacco.]

L. Valerius Flaccus, who in the former year was Praetor at Rome, was this year Praetor of Asia. [Id. ibid.]

About the end of winter, The Julian Period. 4652 Pompey distributes rewards to his conquering army to every one 1500 Attic Drachmes, Year before Christ 62 (Plutarch confirmeth that he that had received least, received so many) and to the Tribunes and Centurions proportionable to their dignity; which sum of mony they reckon to be 16000 talents, [Appian. pag. 252.] to the Liutenants and Quaestors that defended the sea coast 2000 sestertium's, to each of the Souldiers fifty, as we read in Pliny, [lib. 37. cap. 2.] if that place be perfect.

D. Julius Silanus, and L. Murena being Consuls, Metellus triumphed over Crete, [Eutrop. lib. 6.] and indeed upon the Kalends of June, (for as much as can be gathered from the fragments of the triumphal marbles) which fell at that time in the Julian March: but the chief ornament of the Triumph, Pompey drew from him, which was the captive Captains. [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 40.] for he took from him Lasthenes and Panares, by the aide of one of the common people, being perswaded thereunto, [Dio. lib. 36.] but yet the Triumph of Lucullus and Metellus were much favoured by every good man, both through their own virtue, and especially in envy to Pompey. [Vellei. ut supra. cap. 34.] Appian also makes mention of the Triumph of Metellus Creticus, [Legat. 30.]

When Cato came to Ephesus to salute Pompey, as one that was elder and greater in dignity than he, Pompey seeing him come, would not suffer him to come to him, as he sate in his seat, but went to meet him as one of the chiefest noble men, and took him by the hand; embracing and saluting him, commended him in the presence of all men, both before his face, and when he was gone from him: but yet was glad when he was gone, as though he could not command freely in his presence; and also commended to him the care of his wife and children, which he never did to any almost that sailed to Rome, though indeed Cato was allied to them. [Plut. in Cato minore.]

p. 605Pompey, after he had partly by war overcome many Princes and Kings, and partly allyed them to him by firm conditions of peace, and had taken not lesse than 900 Cities, and restored 39 Cities that were either ruinated or destroyed in war (as was Mazaca the head City of Cappadocia) and had increased eight Cities and Countries with Colonies, and had instructed the greatest part of the Nations thorough the Continent of Asia that belonged to the Romans in his own laws, and ordained a Commonwealth for them; then at length he set sail from Ephesus, and went towards Italy, in very great pomp, thorough Islands, and Greece, [Dio. lib. 37. Appian. pag. 251. Plutarch. in Pompeio.]

When Pompey was come to Lesbos, he released the City of all taxes in favour of Theophanes, [Plutarch, ibid.] for the Mitylenians had delivered Marius Aquilius and others prisoners; to whom liberty was restored by Pompey in favour onelyonly of Theophanes, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 18.] This was Balbus Cornelius Theophanes a Mitylenian, a Writer of Pompeys Acts: whom he esteemed one of his most intimate friends, and made him a Citizen of Rome in the face of the whole army: to whom also the Grecian flattery when he was dead, bestowed divine honours, [Cicero, pro Archia poeta. Strabo, lib. 13. pag. 617. Valerius Maximus, lib. 8. cap. 14. Cornel. Tacitus, lib. 6. Annal. cap. 1. Julius Capitolinus, in Maximo & Balbino.]

At Mitylene Pompey beheld the poets play their prizes, where the only subject was his own acts and deeds: he was much delighted with the theatre, and drew a map and models of it, that he might make the like at Rome, but greater and more magnificent. [Plutarch.]

When he came to Rhodes, he heard the Sophisters dispute, and gave to each of them a talent. Posidonius hath written the disputation he made before Pompey, against Hermagoras the Rhetorician; of the generall question. [Id.] but Pompey as he was about to go into Posidonius his house, forbad his Lictour (as the manner was) to knock at the door, and he himself laid down the Lictours rod, at the door, to whom both the east and the west submitted. [Pliny. lib. 7. cap. 20.] concerning whose meeting Cicero thus relates in the second book of Tusculine questions, out of Pompeys owne mouth. I have often seen Posidonius my self, but I will tell you, what Pompey was wont often to declare vntounto me: that as he came out of Syria, and was come to Rhodes, he had a mind to hear Posidonius, but when he heard he was very sick, and in great pain with the gout, yet he would needs see that famous Philosopher, who when he had seen him and saluted him, and had given him very great complements, he told him, that he was very sorry that he could not hear him; but you may saith he, neither will I suffer that the paine of my body, shall frustrate the coming of so great a man to me: So he told me, that the Philosopher disputed very gravely and fully concerning this subject, That there was nothing good, but what was honest; and whereas he was all on fire as it were with paine, as if so many torches had been put to him, he often said in paine, all thou dost is nothing; although thou art troublesome, yet I will never confess thou art evil. Some also say, that Pompey came to Rhodes, at what time he went to the Mithridatick War, and being presently to march against Mithridates, then to have discoursed with Posidonius, and in his departure to have asked him if he would command him any thing, and that Posidonius should repeate that Verse in Homer,

foreign.

Rem gere praclarè, atque al…s praestare memento.

Act nobly, and remember to excell.

as it is in Strabo, [lib. 11. pag. 492.]

Valerius Flaccus being Praetor, commanded the Cities of Asia to furnish him with money and Mariners for a Fleet, but fewer ships by half than Pompey used. This Feet he divided into two Squadrons, that one should sail above Ephesus, and the other beneath; in which Fleet M. Crassus sailed from Aenus, (in Thrace) into Asia, and Flaccus out of Asia into Macedonia: and whereas every year Gold was wont to be exported (in the name of the Jews) out of Italy, and all the Roman provinces to Jerusalem: Flaccus commanded by a decree, that none should be exported out of Asia: whereupon there was apprehended at Apamea, and weighed before the Praetor himself in the Court by Sext. Coesius a Roman Knight, not lesse than a 100 pound weight of Gold at Laodicea; more than tvventy pound vveight by L. Peducaeus, at Adramitum by the Leiutenant Cn. Domitius, at Pergamus not much; and this Gold was laid up in the Treasury. These things are mentioned in his Oration for him, and defended.

Scaurus, who was left President of Syria by Pompey, marched into Arabia, but by the difficulty of the place could not come as far as Petra: but yet he wasted the p. 606countrey round about: although he himself endured much evill; for his army was afflicted with famine; although Hyrcanus by Antipater's meanes supplied him with corn, and other necessaries out of Judea. Antipater also was sent as Embassador from Scaurus, to Aretas, because he was his very familiar freind, to perswade him that by disbursing a summe of money, he might redeem his country from harrassing; who engaged unto him for 300 talents: and upon this condition the war was ended, no lesse with the good liking of Scaurus, than of Aretas. [Joseph. lib. 1. bel. cap. 6. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 3.] hereupon Scaurus caused a silver coin to be stamped in his Aedil-ship on the one side of which, a King clad in a barbarous habit kneeled before him, who had on him a loose coat and hose, and presented a crown unto him that was carried on a camels back; with these letters written about M. SCAVRVS AED. CVR. EX. S. C. M. Scaurus Curule Aedile by the decree of the Senate: and beneath; REX ARETAS, King Aretas. [Pighius his Annal. Roman. tom. 3. pag. 341. 362.]

When as Pompey had sent his Leivetenant Piso to demand the Consul-ship; the Romans both deferred the comitia til his coming, and chose Piso, who was there present, Consul, with a generall consent; this commendation of Piso by Pompey for him, wrought not only upon freinds, but also with enemies; for they were all in a generall fear of Pompey, before he had dismissed his army. [Dio. lib. 37.]

About the happening of Piso his Consulship, (in the Julian November) Pompey came into Italy, as may be understood out of Cicero. [lib. 1. ad Atticum. epist. 9. & 11.] and whereas it was fea…d that he would not come without his army, and that he would regulate the publick liberty after his own pleasure, and that he would make himself Lord of all Italy, and all the power of the Romans; as soon as he came to Brundusium, he of his own accord, dischargeth all his forces, before there came to him any decree either from the Senate, or people; [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 40. Plut. Appian. Dio.] Plutarch saith, that Pompey when he thus kindly discharged his souldiers, commanded them to meet him again at his triumph: but Dio affirmeth, that he did not so much as intend to use them at his triumph: [lib. 37.]

In an oration at Rome, Pompey declared that he had made war in the East with 22 Kings. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 6.] and that when he received Asia, it was the outmost province, but now when he restored it to his Country again it was the middlemost. [Pliny. lib. 7. cap. 26. Florus lib. 3. cap. 5.]

Q. Tullius Cicero, the younger brother of Marcus, was chosen Praetor by lot over Asia, and succeeded L. Valerius Flaccus. [M. Cicero. in. orat. pro Flacco. & lib. 1. epist. ad Attic.]

When he was to go into his province, he had a great mind that T. Pomponius Atticus his wives brother should go with him as his Leivetenant: but he thought it not beseeming him, that would not be Praetor to be a servant of the Praetor, [Cornel. Nepos in visu Attici.] which Quintus took very ill. [M. Cicero. lib. Epist. 14. ad Atticum]

P. Clodius, both for the revolt of Nisibis, and because that in womans habit, he had entred into a temple, into which it was not lawfull for a man to enter, and because he had defiled the wife of Metellus the high preist, and of C. Caesar, and had had to do with his own sister, being accused, I say, for these things, was quitted by the Judges who were bribed with money. [Cicero. lib. 1. epist. 13. ad Atticum. Liv. lib. 103. Plut. in Cicerone. Dio. lib. 37.]

Cicero, writes to Atticus that he had taken from the Consul Piso, Syria that was promised unto him, [lib. 1. epist. 13.] wherefore Marcius Philippus who had been Praetor, was sent successor to Scaurus; who was left in Syria by Pompey: who skirmished with the Arabians, who lived neer there and invaded Syria. [Appian. in Syriac. pag. 119. 120.]

In the ninth year of the preisthood and principality of Hyrcanus (to wit, from the death of his mother Alexandra; before Gabinius took the principality from her) in the month Panemus or June, that decree of the Athenians, in the honour of Hyrcanus seemeth to be published, which is extant in the lib. 14. Antiquit cap. 16. of Josephus: although he referrs that note of time to a preceding decree of the Roman Senate: which was set forth, both in the time of the former Hyrcanus the sonne of Simeon, and upon the Ides of December, as we have showen, at the year of the Julian period 4587. But this decree made in the honour of Hyrcanus the second sonne of Alexander was written on the XI day of Muncychion Attick, (about the 28 day of the Julian Aprill:) by Euclis the sonne of Menander the Almusian, being secretary, and delivered to the governours on the foreign of the Macedonian Panemus, or the XXVII day, (answering to the XX day of the Julian June) Agathocles being Praetor at Athens: as we have showen in the first chapter of the book; concerning the solar year of the Macedonians and Athenians.

Q. Cicero, first of all eased the cities of Asia, of the charge of providing marriners, p. 607and a Fleet, [M. Tullius, in Orat. pro Flacco.] and restored many Cities that were almost deferred; as Samos for one, a most noble City of Ionia, and another, Halicarnassus, a City of Caria, [Id. lib. 1. epist. 1. ad Quintum Fratrem.]

Pompey deferred his Triumph till his birth day, which he did on the third, and the day before the Kalends, of October (which was his birth day, falling then either in July or June of the Julian account) M. Messala, and M. Piso, being Consuls; as may be gathered from the Marble Fragments of the Triumphal Records, but more fully out of the Records of the Triumphs of Pompey himself, mentioned by Pliny, [lib. 7. cap. 26. & lib. 37. cap. 2.] and although he had a most magnificent Triumph of so many Kings for two dayes together, [as it is in Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 40. & Appian. in Mithridaticis.] Although this Triumph lasted two whole dayes, yet was not the greatnesse of it fully shewed, as Plutarch saith: for a great part of the preparation, which would have served to furnish another Triumph was not seen.

They who strive to compare Pompey in all things with Alexander the Great, will needs have him not to be full 34 years old; whereas in truth he was 40, if we believe Plutarch: and indeed Pompey himself, even from his youth, by the talk of his flatterers, believing that himself was like Alexander, he imitated both his actions and counsels, [Salust. Historiar. lib. 3. apud Nonium Marcellum, in voc. Emulus.] But Velleius very elegantly observes, that they were too much busied about the age of that great man, [lib. 2. cap. 53.] who were deceived, in the account full five years: whereas the setting right of these things was so easie from the Consulships of C. Attilius, and Quintus Servilius: Which fault Plutarch fell upon, whilst he correcteth others; whilst he now saith, that Pompey was but 40 years old, when as indeed he was 45.

Pompey made his first Triumph over Africa, the second over Europe, the third over Asia, and so made the three parts of the World, so many Monuments of his Victory, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 40. Plutarch in Pompey.] Whereupon this great Triumph was called The Triumph of the whole World, [Dio. lib. 37.] He was here by the whole Assembly saluted by the sirname of Great, [Liv. lib. 103.] with which sirname, given long a gone by the people he was contented, although by his famous deeds he might have received many new names, [Dio. ut supra.]

The preface of the Triumph (as it is described by Pliny, lib. 7. cap. 26. out of his own Records) vvas thus. When he had freed the sea coast from Pirates, and had restored the command of the sea to the people of Rome, he triumphed over Asia, Pontus, Armenia. Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, Syria, Scythians, Jews, Albanians, Iberia, the Isle of Crete, Bastarna, and above all these, over the Kings, Mithridates and Tigranes: to which Plutarch addes, Media, Colchis, Mesopotamia, and Arabia; and Appianus addes, the Heniochi, and Achaeans.

Pompey brought 700 ships that vvere vvhole: there vvas a vast number of vvaggons that carried the armour, and also the beaks of ships: after these vvent a multitude of captives and pirates, not bound, but clad in their Country habits: Noble-men, and Captains, or sons of the Kings, partly captives, partly hostages, to the number of 324. went before him, who sat on a lofty Chariot, [Appian.]

Amongst these was Tigranes, the son of Tigranes, the King of Armenia, with his wife and daughters, and Zosime the wife of Tigranes himself; Moreover the sister and five sons of Mithridates (Artaphernes, Cyrus, Oxathres, Darius, Xerxes) and two daughters, Orsabaris, and Eupatra. There was also led Olthaces the King of the Colchians, and Aristobulus the King of the Jewes, and the Tyrants of the Cilicians: also some women of the Royal Family of the Scythians, three Commanders of the Iberians; two of the Albanians, with Menander of Laodice, who was General of Mithridates Horse; also the hostages of the Albanians and Iberians, and of the King of the Commagenians: also many other Trophies were carryed, according to the number of battles, that either he or his Leiutenant had won in divers places, [Id. cum Plutarcho.]

The pictures of Tigranes and Mithridates though absent, were carryed, and how they fought, how gave ground, how fled. The assailing also of Mithridates was represented, and how he secretly fled away by night: and last of all his death was represented to the eyes of the beholders, the Virgins also that were the companions of his death being likewise set out in pictures: there were carryed also tables with the images of his sons and daughters that died before him, and the figures of the Barbarian gods in their own Country habits, [Appian.]

Pompey himself was carried in a Chariot set with precious stones, clad, as is reported, in the Coat of Alexander the great: there followed the Chariot; the companions of this expedition, the Colonels both of Horse and Foot. [Id.]

The day before the Kalends of October, which was his birth day; he brought a pair of Tables with the men of two precious stones, three foot broad, and four long, in which was a golden Moon of 30 pound weight; three Parlour Tables, nine Cupboards p. 608of plate of gold and pretious stones: three golden Images of Minerva, Mars, and Apollo: three Crowns set with pearls, a golden Mount square, portrayed with Stags and Lions and fruits of all kinds, compassing about a golden Vine, (of which formerly, at the end of the year of the World 3939.) A Bower of pearls, upon the top of which was a Sun-dial. Pompey's own image of pearle. Pliny, lib. 37. cap. 2.] Pompey also writes, that he carried trees in Triumph, namely the Elme tree, and the Balsome tree, which onelyonly groweth in Judea, [Id. lib. 12. cap. 4. & 25.]

There were also Carts, and other Vessels laden with gold, and diverse other Ornaments, among which was the bed of Darius the son of Hystaspes, and the Throne and Scepter of Mithridates Eupator, and a golden image of him, eight cubits to the breast, [Appian.] a silver Statue of Pharnaces, who first raigned in Pontus; and gold and silver Chariots, [Pliny, lib. 37. cap. 12.] and of silver coine 7000 Myriades, and 510 Drachmes. [Appian.] Moreover it was shewn in Tables, that all the tribute of the people of Rome was before but 5000 Myriades, but with these that he had gotten for the people of Rome, they now amounted to 8500 Myriades. [Plutarch.]

There was also carried a Table, containing a breviary of those things that Pompey had done in the east, inscribed with this Title: 800 ships with prows were taken; eight Cities built in Cappadocia, in Cilicia, and Coelosyria 20. in Palestina Seleucis: Kings conquered, Tigranes the Armenian, Artoces the Iberian, Orozes the Albanian. Thus the Title, [Appian.] the like to which Pliny makes mention of, [lib. 7. cap. 26.] placed in the Temple of Minerva, and dedicated of the spoiles. Cn. Pompeius Magnus, Captain General, having finished a war of thirty years, having overthrown, routed, killed, and having had yielded unto him, twenty one hundred eighty three thousand men, sunck and taken 846 ships, having had yielded unto him 1538 Towns and Castles, having conquered from the lake of Maeotis to the Red Sea, deservedly offers this vow to Minerva.

He brought into the publick treasury in plate, and in gold and silver coine 20000 talents, [Plutarch.] among other gifts that were dedicated by him in the Capitol, was the Cabinet of King Mithridates; as Varro and other Authours of that time confirm, which first of all inclined the Romans towards pearls and Jewels. [Pliny, lib. 37. cap. 1.] There also was dedicated all the most precious things of Mithridates, that were found in the new Castle, [Strabo. lib. 12. pag. 556, 557.] and that golden Vine that was brought out of Judea; [Id. in Josephus, lib. 14. cap. 5.] also six cups of the stone of Murrha, then first brought to Rome, which presently were commonly used, they being desirous to have plates and dishes of the same. [Pliny. lib. 37. cap. 2.]

When Pompey came triumphing into the Capitol, he put none of the captives to death, as those that had triumphed before him used to do: but paying their charges out of the publick mony, sent every one home into his own Country, except those that were of royal extraction. [Appian.] For that which Appian adds, that Aristobulus was put to death, and after him Tigranes, appears to be false from this, that Aristobulus afterwards returned into his Country. Josephus and Dio confirm, and that Tigranes was kept in chains with Flaviu…a Senatour, by the command of Pompey, and taken out of his custody by Clodius the Tribune of the people, which Asconius Pedianus confirmeth in his Commentary upon the Milonian Oration.

The Gazenses (being now freed from the command of the Jews) begin the account of their times from hence. Year of the World 3944 [Fasti. Siculi. anno. 4. Olymp. 179.] That the Gazenses began their year about the 27 day of the Julian October, we gather out of Marcus a Deacon of Gaza, in the life of Porphyry, a Bishop of Gaza,

That none should succeed Quintus Cicero in the Praetorship of Asia, his brother Marcus was the cause; as he himself in an Epistle to him shews: in which, among other things that were well done by him in the Province, he reckons this: That the thieveries of the Mysians were taken away, and murders in many places suppressed, and that peace was setled through the whole Province, and not only the robberies and thieveries of passengers, in the Countries, but more and greater in the Towns. [lib. 1. epist. 1. ad Quint Fra…r.]

When M. Cicero had sent a Commentary of his Consulship, written in Greek, to Rhodes to Posidonius (the Apamean, both a Philosopher and an Historian, that he should write concerning the same things in a better stile) which when he had read, he wrote back to him, That he was not by this at all provoked to write, but that he was clearly afraid. [lib. 2. epist. 1. ad Atticum.]

Ptolemaeus Auletus had a son born, he being grown old, which son succeded him in his kingdom; so that he was not above 13 years old, when after the battle of Pharsalia, Pompey fled to him, as Dio observes in his 42 book.

p. 609Pompey demanded of the Senate, that all things that he had granted to Kings, Governours, and Cities, that the fathers would confirm, [Appiau. Bell. Civil. lib. 2. pag. 432.]

Lucullus had at this time given himself over to enjoy his pleasure and riots: but being stirred up by the Senate, that he should use his authority to deal in matters of State, he presently set upon Pompey: [Plutarch in Pompeio.] therefore he and Metellus Creticus, having in mind the injury he had done them, and with them part also of the Nobility resisted him, that those things that were either promised to Cities, or the rewards to them that had deserved evil of him, should not be disposed of after his own pleasure. [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 40.] and Lucullus appointed, that Pompey should propose to the Senate particularly concerning all his acts; and not demand that they should be all approved in a lump, for otherwise he said it would be unjust, to approve all his acts simply, before they knew what they were, as if they had been done by some Lord. And whereas he had disanulled some of Lucullus's acts: he demanded, That both their acts should be proposed in the Senate, that it might confirm either of them that were worthy of approbation. Cato, and Metellus Celer the Consul, and others that were of the same opinion, earnesty defended Lucullus. [Dio. lib. 37.] He bragging also, that the victory over Mithridates belonged to him, drew Crassns also to his party, [Appian. Bell. Civil. lib. 2. pag. 432, 433.] and thereupon obtained a confirmation of his decrees, which Pompey had disanulled, [Plutarch in Pompero.] but overthrew all the constitutions that Pompey had made after he had overcome the Kings, and whereas he had demanded that lands might be divided among his Souldiers, Lucullus hindred it by the assistance of Cato. [Id in Lucullo.]

Pompey being thus turmoiled in the Senate, was compelled to fly unto the Tribunes of the people. [Plutarch in Pompeio.] and seeing that L, Flavius the Tribune, who had demanded that grounds might be divided to Pompeys souldiers: also added this to it, That all the Citizens might give their voices, that by this means this might be the easier granted; and also that all Pompeys acts might be confirmed: but Metellus the Consul so eagerly withstood it, that he was carried to prison by the Tribune. Notwithstanding, the Consul resolutely persisted in his opinion, as also did others, so that Pompey was fain at length to give over his demand; now too late rpenting, that he had discharged his Souldiers, and exposed himself to the injuries of his enemies. [Dio. lib. 37.]

In the mean while, C. Julius Caesar came to Rome to demand the Consulship: him Pompey joyned with him as a companion, swearing unto him, that he would do his endeavour, that he should he made Consul: for by this means he hoped that now at length his acts, which he had made in the provinces beyond the seas, which so many withstood, should be confirmed by Caesar being now Consul, and whereas Pompey and Crassus were at great odds ever since the Consul-ship that they had borne together with very great dissention; he not only reconciled them among themselves, but entred into a Society with them both, upon this contract, That nothing should be done in the common-wealth, which displeased either of the three, which conspiracy was destructive to the City, and all the world besides, and at length to themselves also. [Liv. lib. 103. Vellei Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 44. Sueton. in Julio Caesar. cap. 19. Plutarch. in Lucul. Cras. Pomp. Caesar. Appian. bell. civil. lib. 2. Dio. lib. 37.]

This conspiracy of the three principal men of the city, Varro the most noble writer of this time, comprised in one book, and called it foreign, or three headed. [Appian. pag. 433.] Asinius Pollio also begun to write his history of the civil war, from the same, which was made in the Consul-ship of Metellus Celer: as Horace [in lib. 2. carm. ode. 1.] and his interpreters Acron and Porphyrio confirm, for neither (as many thought) the dissention of Caesar, and Pompey brought in the civil wars, but their agreement rather conspiring together to root out the nobility first, and then falling at odds among themselves. [Plut. in C. Caesare.]

In this very year, in which the CLXXX Olympiade was solemnized, and Herodes, (another besides that Herod of Athens, of whom Pausanias and A. Gellius mention as the famousest man of his time) was Praetour in Athens, Diodorus Siculus begins the history of Caesars affaires who also in that year sheweth that he travelled over Egypt, in the reign of Ptolomaeus, who was called: foreign, or new Bacchus, [Bibliothec. historiar. lib. 1. part. 1. & 2.]

There was a third year added to the Praetourship of Quintus Cicero in Asia; Year of the World 3945 although Suetonius saith, that he governed the proconsulate of Asia little to his credit: [In Octavio Augusto. cap. 3.] whereupon in this year there was written an excellent epistle by Marcus Cicero concerning the well governing of a common-wealth, which is read in the first place among those that were written to his brother Quintus.

The Senate sent Lentulus Marcellinus one that had been Praetour to succeed Marcius Philippus in the government of Syria. foreign, p. 610saith Appian in Syriacis, by each of them (to wit, severally not joyntly) there was spent two years space, in fighting with the Arabians, who bordering upon them introded their Country.

Julius Caesar the Consul, The Julian Period. 4655 confirmed all Pompeys Acts as he had promised him, Year before Christ 59 without any gainsaying of Lucullus or any one else. [Appian. Bell. civil. lib. 2. pag. 435. Dio. lib. 38.]

Pompey also obtained, that the Senate should not confirm those honours that Lucullus had promised to some of Pontus; saying, it was unjust, that another having finished the war, the distribution of Rewards and Honours should be put in the power of another, [Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 558.] and having filled the City with armes and souldiers, he expulsed Cato and Lucullus out of the Market-place, and also confirmed his Acts by violence and force, [Plutarch, in Pomp. & Lucullo.]

Suetonius writes, that Caesar in his first Consulship, set to sale societies and kingdomes, [cap. 54.] as who, for example, took from Ptolemei alone, 6000 talents in the name of himself and Pompey: and Dio relates, [lib. 39.] that Ptolemei (Auletes) spent vast sums of money upon certain Romans, both of his own and what he borrowed, that by them the kingdom of Egypt might be confirmed upon him, and that he might be called their friend and ally. And Plutarch in the life of Caesar relates, that Auletes owed to Caesar 1750 Myriades, a thousand whereof, when he came into Egypt, after Pompey was killed, he exacted, and the rest he had forgiven to Auletes his children.

And in this year, in which Caesar was first time Consul, Caesar himself, in the third Commentary of the Civil War, sheweth, that Aulctes by a law and a decree of the Senate, was taken into the alliance of the people of Rome; and that he obtained this honour from the Senate, before the proscription of his brother Ptolemei Cypriot, (which was the year following) Cicero confirmeth in the Section Oration, who also is to be consulted with. [in lib. 2. ad Atticum, epist. 16.]

C. Antonius, was condemned, Cicero in vain (who was his Collogue in the Consulship) defending him, [Dio. lib. 38.] who living a banished man in Cephalenia, and having all the Island under his command as his own possession, began to build a City, but did not finish it, [Strabo, lib. 10. pag. 455.]

It is decreed that P. Clodius should go Embassadour to Tigranes the King of Armenia; which when he contemned, he was made of a Patrician a Plebeian by adoption; that by that means he might be chosen Tribune of the people, [Cicero, lib. 2. ad Attic. epist. 7. & Orat. pro domo sua. Dio. lib. 38.]

Brithagoras a man of great authority among the Heraclences of Pontus, with his son Propylus went unto Julius Caesar: and having insinuated himself into his friendship, followed him up and down thorough all lands for 12 years together, onelyonly that he might do good to his fellow Citizens, [Memnon, cap. 26.]

P. Clodius, Year of the World 3946 being now made Tribune of the people, that he might draw the new Consuls to his party, he decreed unto them large provinces: To Gabinius, Syria, with Babylon and Persia; to Piso, Achaia, Thessalia, Graecia, Macedonia, and all Boeotia, [Cicero, pro Sextio, pro domo sua, de provincis consularibus, Plutarch, in Cicerone.]

Q. Cicero, The Julian Period. 4656 when he had governed Asia three years, Year before Christ 58 departed out of the province, as in his Epistles [l…b. 2. ad familiar. epist. 15. & lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 6.] his brother Marcus confirmeth; who being then in exile in Thessalonica, thus writeth to Atticus concerning his brothers voyage, [lib. 3. ep. 9.] My brother Quintus when he had departed out of Asia, before the Kalends of May, (about the end of the Julian February) and was come to Athens on the Ides, he was forced to make haste, lest that there might happen some more calamity in his absence, if perchance any one should not be content with the ills we suffer already; wherefore I had rather he should make haste to Rome, than come to me.

By a tribunitial law of P. Clodius, the priest of Cybile in Pessinus, a City of Phrygia is dispossessed of his priesthood; and Brogitarus a Gallograecian (who is thought to be that Bogodiatorus, to whom; as Strabo writes, Pompey gave Mithridatium, haveing taken it away from Pontus, [lib. 12. pag. 567.] a wicked man, was desirous of it, not for the reverence to the Temple, but for violence sake, he having bought it with a great sum of money by his Embassadours of Clodius, was substituted in his roome: and whereas the priests of Pessinus in ancient time had been petty kings, (as Strabo shews in the same place) by the same tribunitial law, not onelyonly Dejotarus, was often thought worthy of that name by the Senate; but also his son in law Brogitarus, who had never demanded it of the Senate, but onelyonly had agreed with Clodius for so much money to be paid him by bond, was ordained to be called King: but Dejotarus received that part of the law that agreed with the Senate, that he should be a King, without giving any money to Clodius; and preserved Pessinus in their ancient Religion: and had rather that his son in law should enjoy the title by the gift of Clodius, than p. 611that the Temple should want her ancient religion. [Ciaero de Aruspicum respons. & pro Sextio.]

The same Clodius also, that he might be revenged of Ptolomaeus the King of Cyprus, the brother of Auletes, the King of Alexandria (and if we believe Velleius Paterculus, most like him in all his vitious courses of life) because he had formerly negleglected him when he was taken by Pirates even when he lived quietly, and enjoyed his ease, and without shewing any cause or mentioning any wrong he had done, preferred a law, for reducing of his kingdom into the forme of a province; and for the confiscation of his mony and goods, and sent M. Cato out of the Commonw-ealth, under a Title of most honourable charge: and preferred a law also, that he, though against his will, should be sent into Cyprus, to command there with pretorian power, and had a Questor also allowed him. [Cicero, pro Sextio. & prodomo sua. Livy, lib. 104. Florus, lib. 3. cap. 9. Plutarch in Catone minoro. Strabo, lib. 24. pag. 684. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 45. Appian. Bell. Civil. lib. 2. pag. 541. Dio. lib. 38.] concerning whom, Cicero in his Oration for Publius Sextius, speaks thus. That miserable Cypriot, who was alwayes an ally, was alwayes a friend, concerning whom there was never so much as the least suspicion brought against him, either to the Senate, or our Generals, (as they say) lives to see himself, his very meat and cloaths confiscate. Behold, why should other Kings think their fortune stable, seeing by this wicked example of that lamentable year, they may see themselves by one Tribune, and six hundred Artificers, stript of all their fortunes and all their kingdom. Whereupon also Ammianus Marcellinus [lib. 14.] is not ashamed to say, That the the people of Rome invaded that Island, rather through covetousnesse (by reason of the want of mony in their Treasury) than justice. And Sextus Rufus in his breviary, That the poverty of the people of Rome, and scarcity of mony in the Treasury, provoked them to seize upon that Island that was so famous for its riches, so that they got the command of it more covetously than justly.