The Annals of the World, History 2 · 6 (continued) (4 of 15)

The Annals of the World · History 2 · 6 (continued) (4 of 15)

p. 464Heraclides, (whom Antiochus Epiphanes formerly had appointed over the treasury at Babylon) brought this Alexander with him to Rome, together with Laodice (Antiochus Epiphanes his daughter) in the midst of summer. Whilst he stayed at Rome, he bare the guarb of some great person, and did all things very subtilly, purposely drilling out the time, hoping to encline the Senate to favour his designe. [Polyb. Legat. 138.]

Attalus son of King Eumenes (in whose name his Uncle Attalus governed the kingdom of Pergamus) being yet a very child, Year of the World 3851. a. came to Rome, that he might ingratiate himself with the Senate, and renew that friendship and right of hospitality, which formerly had been betwixt his father and the people of Rome: who after he had been treated with most extraordinary civillity by the Senate; and his fathers friends, had received an answer to his own hearts wish, and had been ennobled with such honours as were sutable to a child of his age, within few daies he returned to Rome: all the Cities of Greece, through which he passed, receiving him with great devotion and magninificence. [Id. Legat. 140.]

Demetrius, (afterward called Nicator, son of the then reigning Demetrius Soter in Syria) was at the same time at Rome. His receptation was but ordinary, being but a child, and his stay not long. [Id. ib.]

Heraclides, Year of the World b. having tarryed somwhat long at Rome, The Julian Period. 4561 came into the Senate with Laodice and Alexander (Balas) where first the youngster made a short speech, Year before Christ 153 wherein he desired, That the Romans would be pleased to remember that friendship and allyance which had been formerly betwixt them and his father Antiochus, and that they would further him in the recovery of his kingdom; or, if they had no great mind to that, that at least they would permit him to return into Syria, and that they would not stave off any of those, who were ready to assist him in the regaining of his fathers p. 465kingdom. Next spoke Heraclides, who after he had at large recited the worth and merits of Antiochus, and thereto adjoyned an impeachment of Demetrius (Soter) at last concluded, That it was right and just to grant unto the youth (Alexander) and to Laodice (who were the lawful issue of King Antiochus) leave to return into their Country. But little or nothing of all he said was liked by sober-minded men, who accounted all he had spoken a fiction, and a tale of his own devising, and did utterly detest Heraclides. But the meaner sort of the Senatours, whom Heraclides by his delusions had made his friends, all accorded, that a Decree of the Senate should be drawn to this purport. That the Senate had given way to Alexander and Laodice (children of a King who was a friend and an associate of the people of Rome) pleading in the Senate, to return to their fathers kingdom by right of former inheritance, and withal decreed to assist them, according to their decrees. Hereupon Heraclides presently hired him soudiers, and drew very considerable persons to be on his side: Then came to Ephesus, where he began with all earnestnesse to set on foot the war he had had so long in his head, [Id. ibid.]

In the 160 year of the kingdom of the Greeks, Year of the World c. Alexander (Bala) crying himself up for the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, seized upon Ptolemais (a City of Phenicia) which was betrayed unto him by the souldiers therein garrisoned, [1 Mac. 10. 1 Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 3.] who could not endure Demetrius his behaviour, being of an harsh disposition and very insolent: for his humour was to immure himself up in one of the Castles royal, fortified with four turrets, not far from Antioch, and to admit no body to come unto him: where, laying aside all care of the publick, he trifled away his time in idlenesse.

Demetrius Soter, hearing that Alexander was received into Ptolemais, and began to reign there, he mustered together a very great force, with a resolution to march against him, and fight him. [1 Mac. 10. 1, 2.] But Demetrius, considering the hazard of the war, and the uncertainty of the events, sent two of his sons (Demetrius Nicator, and Antiochus Sideres; both of whom afterwards were Kings of Syria) with a great weight of gold to his host at Cridus: that there they might be secured out of the dangers of the war, and, if it so fell out, reserved alive to avenge their fathers quarrel hereafter, [Liv. lib. 52. Justin. lib. 35. cap. 2.]

Demetrius wrote letters also to Jonathan, whereby he renewed peace with him, and gave him authority to levy Forces, and to provide armes, that he might be his assistant in the war against Alexander: he commanded likewise, that the hostages which were kept in the Fort, should be released. Upon Jonathans reading of the letters openly at Hierusalem; those which were in the Fort, for very fear, resigned up the hostages to him, and he them to their parents, [1 Mac. 10. 3, 9.]

Jonathan, Year of the World d. very wisely making good use of this opportunity, dwelt at Jerusalem, and began to re-edifie and repair it. He took care also to build up the walls, and the Mount Sion round about with square stones, for the fortifying of it. So that the aliants which were in the Forts which Bacchides built, quitted their hold, and every one hasted away to his own land: OnelyOnly, there remained at Bethsura, some of the Apostates and Deserts of the Law; holding this as their place of refuge, [Ibid. 10. 14.]

Alexander had heard in the mean time, of the fair promises which Demetrius had made to Jonathan in his letters he sent: whereupon he also by letters courts his friendship and association: ordained him High-Priest of that Nation, honoured him with the Title of being called the Kings friend, and withal sent him a Purple Robe, and a Crown of gold, [Ibid. 15. 20.]

Jonathan put on the holy vestment on the seventh monethmonth of the 160 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, Year of the World 3852 at the Feast of Tabernacles, [1 Mac. 10. 21.] being the ninth, not the fourth year (as it is in Josephus lib. 13. cap. 5.) after the decease of his brother Judas: For by that account, Judas dyed not before the 164 year of the Grecians; expressely against the truth of the History of the Maccabees, [1 Mac. 9. 3, 18, 54.] which error sprang from that other, concerning Judas his succeeding of Alcimus in the High-Priesthood: which (as we have shewen) was soon after acknowledged by Josephus himself, clearly professing, that no one succeeded after the decease of Jacimus or Alcimus; but that the City was destitute of a High-Priest, for the space of seven entire years, [lib. 20. cap. 8.] which seven years expired, and five moneths over; Jonathan now discharged the Office of the High-Priesthood. He was first of the Hasmoneans, descended from Jehojarib, the Priests family indeed, but not from Jaddus the High-Priest, whose heir Onias, at this instant lived in Egypt with Ptolemei Philometor.

Demetrius Soter, grieving that the Jews were inclined to take Alexanders part, hoped to bring them off again by the relaxation of their arreares, and all the tributes (whereby the Macedonians had hitherto miserably oppressed that Nation) and large promises of other honourable concessions. Jonathan and the people of the Jews were not p. 466much affected with those profuse engagements, and profers; considering, that they came from a man, who had sufficiently evidenced by his former pranks, how perfectly he hated them, and that he would not perform a tittle, if once he got loose from those briars in which he was at present entangled. Whereupon, disclaiming Demetrius, they stuck close to Alexander, who had first articled with them concerning a peace, and from that time forward, they continued his confederates in the War, [1 Maccab. 10. 22, 47.]

One Andriscus an Adramyttean, The Julian Period. 4562 a contemptible person, Year before Christ 152 gave out that he was the son of Perseus, the last King of the Macedonians, and changing his name, called himself Philip: He endeavoured to breed some disturbance in Macedonia; but when he saw that no body regarded him, he went into Syria, and made his addresse to Demetrius Soter (whose Sister was Perseus his Wife) phansying to himself a possibility of craving some assistance thence. (For the better accomplishing of his design) he devised this tale. That he was descended from King Perseus by a Curtezan, and placed out with one Cyrthesa to receive his education: That so, at least a seed of the Royal Stock might be preserved, in case the war, which at that time he had with the Romans, might not prove successeful. After Perseus's decease, he was kept in ignorance of his descent, and believed until he came to twelve years of age, that the man with whom he was brought up at Adramyttum, was his father: afterwards the man falling sick, and drawing now his last breath; His descent was discovered, and that a little book was given to his reputed mother signed with King Perseus his Signet, which she was to give to him when he came to age, with the highest protestations, to keep all close and private till then: when he came to age, the book was delivered up to him, in which two treasures were mentioned left him by his father: Then the woman who knew he was not her own, but a suborned son, informed him, being ignorant of it, whence was his true descent; begging him earnestly to withdraw from those parts before the businesse came to Eumenes his eare, who was Perseus his sworn enemy; least happily they should be put to death. For this lye he was attached by King Demetrius and sent to Rome; where, when it appeared that he was neither the son of Perseus, nor had besides any thing remarkable in him, he was slighted and contemned, [Liv. lib. 48. & 49. Zonar. ex Dione.]

Alexander Balas, Year of the World 3854 what with the souldiery which revolted from King Demetrius in Syria, The Julian Period. 4564 and the auxiliares of Attalus, Year before Christ 150 Ariarathes, Jonathan, and especially of Ptolemei Philom…tor, having gotten together a considerable army, encountred with Demetrius: And to speak truth, the left wing of Demetrius army routed the adverse Party, and made them flee, and pursued them so hard, that they had also the plunder of their Camp: But the right wing, in which Demetrius himself fought, was forced to give ground: But Demetrius (the rest with all haste betaking themselves to their heeles) behaved himself very valiantly, killing some of his enemies out-right, and chasing others of them, who were not able to withstand the violence of his charge: until such time, he happened upon a sl…ugh, deep and unpassable: where, past all hopes of escaping, by reaso… that his horse fell all along, the enemy environed him round, and stroke him thorough with their darts; but he fought very gallantly afoot, until he fell down dead, having received many wounds, [1 Maccab. 10. 48, 49, 50. Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 5. Justin. lib. 35. cap. 1. Appian. Syriac. pag. 131.] Thus Demetrius, af…er he had reigned in Syria twelve years, the rest of the Kings conspiring against him, lost both his life and his kingdom together; as Polybius hath it, [lib. 3. pag. 165.] whom Porphyrius (who well knew Demetrius) [in Graec. Enseb. Scaliger, pag. 228.] Eusebius, and Severus Sulpicius, follow in assigning him 12 years reign: although Josephus allows him but eleven.

Upon Demetrius his death, (who left behind him two sons, Demetrius and Antiochus) a little before the Achaick war; there appeared a Comet, not lesse than the Sun. At first the Orb was fiery and ruddie, and casting a clear light, whereby the night was enlightned. Afterwards it began to lessen in bignesse, and its brightnesse vanished, and at last quite disappeared, [Senec. Natural. quaest. lib. 7. cap. 15.]

After Alexander, by the more especial assistance of Ptolemei Philometor (as Appian testifieth) had deprived Demetrius both of his life and kingdom: he sent Embassadors to Ptolemei, to negotiate a match betwixt him and his daughter. Ptolemei readily assented, and forthwith came out of Egypt to Ptolemais with his daughter Cleopatra (a woman born to ruine the kingdom of Syria) in the 162 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, (in the close of the year;) where the Nuptials betwixt Alexander and Cleopatra were celebrated with such magnificent solemnity, as is commonly observed at the Marriage of Princes, [1 Mac. 10. 51, 58.]

Jonathan was by Alexander invited to this wedding, who presented those, two Kings, and their friends likewise with gold and silver, and many other gifts; so that hereby he insinuated himself much into their favour. At the same time, a pack of malevolent p. 467fellows, came out of the land of Israel, to accuse Jonathan: But Alexander was so far from giving any heed to those detractours, that he commanded that Jonathan should be cloathed in purple, and that he should sit next to him: and ordered also, the Piers of his realm to attend him into the midst of Ptolemais, and by proclamation inhibite any one to speak against him, or to molest him in any matters; whereupon, his accusers vanished out of his sight. The King also shewed him a great deal of honour, by listing him amongst those that were reputed his most intimate friends, and constituting him Generalissimo (of his forces in Judea) and shared the dominion with him (in his own Court:) So Jonathan returned back to Jerusalem in peace and great joy. [Ibid. 59,—62.]

Onias, son of the High Priest, Onias the third of that name, who lived a runnagado with Ptolemei Philometor at Alexandria, now beyond all hope of recoverning the High Priesthood of Jerusalem (it being transferred upon the family of the Hermoneans) aspiring to get himself a name to all posterity, intimated to King Ptolemei, and Queen Cleopatra (who was both wife and sister to him) by way of petition, that whilst he was imployed in the war in divers Countries, he observed how that in Coelosyria, Phaenice, and Leontopolis in the Heliopolitan jurisdiction of Egypt, and in divers other places the Jews had their Temples, which was the cause of all those bickerings and contests which were so rife amongst them. He requested therefore, That he might have leave to purifie an old ruinous Temple, (not as yet consecrated to any god,) which he had found standing near the Castle of Bubastis in the plain, and to erect another in the same place to the Almighty God, after the model of that at Jerusalem, both for figure and bulk, that so the Jews living in Egypt, might keep their assemblies there, which would be a great means, both of preserving unity amongst themselves, as also of putting them in a readinesse to serve their Majesties upon all occasions. For indeed, the Prophet Isaiah foretold, That there should be in after ages, an Altar erected unto the Lord God in Egypt: and prophesied many other things besides concerning that place. [Isoephus, lib. 13. cap. 6.]

Where by the way it is to be observed, first, That Onias did not set upon the building of the new Temple, when he came first to Philometor and Cleopatra into Egypt: but after he had done them good service, both in the Egyptian and Syrian wars: for Josephus in his second book against Appian [p. 1064.] voucheth, That Philometor and Cleopatra, committing their whole kingdom to the Jews to ravage, appointed Onias and Dositheus (both Jews) over the whole Militia. And again, that Prophesie of Isaiah, which Onias wrested to support his sacrilegious ambition, had respect to the spirituall kingdom of our Lord Christ: the place is to be found in the 19 Chapter of Isaiah, 18, 19. verses, In that day shall there be five Cities in the land of Egypt, speaking the language of Canaan, and sworne to the Lord of Hosts, one shall be called a City of destruction. In that day shall there be an Altar to the Lord in the midst of the land of Egypt, and a Pillar to the Lord at the border thereof: where for foreign City of Ierusalem, by reason of the great resemblance of the letters to each other, it was formerly read foreign that is to say, the City of the Sun, as Simmachus hath interpreted it: so also Jerom hath rendred it, One of them shall be called the City of the Sun. The Chaldee Paraphrast puts them together, The City of the Sun which shall be destroyed: Upon which occasion perhaps Scaliger guesseth, that Onias chose the Heliopolitan tract, wherein he might build the Temple.

Onias, having got a grant of the place in the field under that Heliopolitan seigniory 180 furlongs distant from Memphis, erected a Temple there, neither so big nor so costly, as that at Jerusalem: The Tower indeed of this was like to that of the other, of great stones, and 60 cubits high, The fabrick of the Altar he made, was in imitation of that in his own Country, and furnished it with the same utensils, excepting the Candlestick: For he made no Candlestick, but in leive of that the golden Lamp, which sparkling as it were with a beam of light he hung upon a chain of gold, he surrounded also the Temple with a wall of brick, in which were made gates of stone. The King also passed a grant of a great proportion of land, and revenue in mony, that the Priests might be supplyed with necesaries for the worship of God. Onias also found out some Jews, who were like himself (foreign That inhabited the region of Onias) [Iosephus. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 14. & lib. 1. Belli. cap. 7.] and Priests and Levites, who there frequented divine service: [Josephus lib. 7. of the Jewish war, cap. 37. compared with lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 6. yet in the Meshna, tract. Minhoth cap. 13. Sect. 10.] the Priests which ministred in Onias Temple were accounted (and that not undeservedly) little better than the Priests of the high places, who were not permitted, (as appears out of 2 Kings, 23. 9.) to offer burnt offerings upon the Altar of the Lord at p. 468Jerusalem, but onelyonly to eat unleavened bread (like to the unclean Priests) among their brethren.

At Alexandria there arose a sedition betwixt the Jews and the Samaritans, concerning their holy Solemnities, the one contending the Temple of Jerusalem, the other that of Gerizim, to be the lawfull Temple, and according to Moses his prescription: both parties appealed to Ptolemei Philometor, and a Session of his friends, for the hearing and decision of the cause: in such wise, That the advocates of that part which happened to be overthrown in the processe, should be sentenced to death. Sabbeus and Theodosius pleaded on the Samaritans behalf, Andronicus the son of Messalamus was on the Jews side: they took their oathes by God and the King, That they would use no arguments but such as they drew out of the law: and they moved the King, That he would put to death, whosoever of them were taken falsifieing their oath: the King with many of his friends, at the Council tables heard the whole debate: and at length perswaded by Andronicus his allegations, determined that the Temple in Jerusalem was that which was built by Moses's directions: as for Sabbas and Theodosias, they were both of them by him (as was covenanted betwixt them) sentenced to death. [Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 6.]

At the same time Aristobulus a Jew, being a Peripatetick Philosopher, grew famous at Philometors Court in Egypt, who wrote a Comment upon Moses, and dedicated it to the same King. Out of the Preface of which book to the King, a famous passage is quoted by Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 1. Stromat, and by Eusebius in Preparat. Evangel. lib. 13. cap. 7. who both there, and in the eighth book of the same work, cap. 3. takes somewhat large fragments out of these same Comments.

In this year began the third Carthaginian war, Year of the World 3855 to which Mithridates Euergetes, The Julian Period. 4565 who was the first of the Kings of Pontus, Year before Christ 149 that would confederate with the people of Rome, brought a supply of ships against the Carthaginians, [Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 176.] Both the Consuls were sent to manage this war: Manilius had the conduct of the land forces. Marcius Censorinus was Admiral of the fleet, who received private instructions, by no means to give over the war, till such time as they had demolished Carthage. [Liv. lib. 49. Appian. in Libyc. pag. 42.]

Andriscus or the false Philip, having stole privately out of Rome, levied an army, and seized upon all Macedonia, and the Royall Ensignes, either with the consent of the inhabitants, or by force of arms, in the third year of the 157 Olympiade. He thought also to invade Thessaly, and to bring it under his command, but through the instigation of the Roman Legates, it was defended by the help of the Achaians, [Livie lib. 49. & 50. Vellei Patercul. lib. 1. Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb, Scalig. pag, 229.]

Prusias Venator, King of Bithynia, understanding that his son Nicomedes was in some favour at Rome, ordered him to go to the Senate, and obtain of them, That the arrears of the mony, which was due to Attalus, might be taken off: He sent also an Ambassador, Menas, to be his assistant: to whom under covert, he gave command to respite Nicomedes, if he succeeded in his suit, if otherwise, to kill him at Rome out of hand, [Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 173.] providing thereby for his younger sons which he had by a second venter. [Justin. lib. 34. cap. 4.] whereof one, of the same name with his father, had no teeth in his upper mandible, but instead thereof, one continued bone, so evenly growing out, that it neither disfigured him, nor yet was any inconvenience to him in his chewing. [Liv. lib. 50. Valer. Maxim. lib. 1. cap. ult. Plin. lib. 7. cap. 16.]

Prusias set out his Ambassdor Menas with some large ships, and two thousand souldiers: To oppose him, Andronicus was sent Embassador from Attalus; who made it clearly appear, That the fine which was layd upon Prusias, was far lesse than the booty he had got by pillaging the Country. Menas, perceiving that he was in small hopes of getting Prusias his fine taken off, and observing also in how high esteem Nicomedes was in Rome, he was at a stand, not knowing what course to take; neither daring to kill Nicomedes, nor yet, failing in that, to turne back to Bithynia. In this suspence, he abode still at Rome, where the young man (Nicomedes) gave him a meeting, which went not much against his stomack: they conspired against Prusias, and drew Andronicus into their confederacy, who was to perswade his master Attalus to help to settle Nicomedes in Bithynia; they all met together at Bernice, a little Town in Epirus, and at night time went aboard a ship, to consult amongst themselves what was fittest to be done in this businesse: when the debate was ended, they departed severall wayes the same night. But in the morning, Nicomedes comes ashoar in his purple, and with his Crown on his head, like a King: Andronicus met him soon after, and having saluted him King, attended him with 100 souldiers he had about him. As for Menas, he made as if he wot not that Nicomedes was in company till then: but then he ran to and fro about the two thousand souldiers he had brought with him, and exhorted p. 469them to stick close to that Party, which should seem most deserving: intimating withal, That Prusias was now an aged man, Nicomedes in his young blood: That the Bithynians were weary of him, but desirous of this, That the best sort of the Romans affected this youth extremely, and that Andronicus, now Captain of his Guard, had promised assistance from Attalus, a neighbouring King, and one that had wide Dominions, and besides, was a most inveterate enemy to Prusias. He minded them also of Prusias his cruelty, discovering many of his pranks, whereby he had incurrd a general hatred: as soon as Menas espyed in these souldiers also a disrellish of his villanies; he carryed them all away with him to Nicomedes: He was the second after Andronicus that saluted him King, encompassing him about with a guard of 2000 souldiers, [Appian. ut supr. pag. 173, 174.]

Attalus was very forward in receiving the youth, and sent to Prusias, commands to assign over unto his son, some Cities to dwell in, and fields for provision: Prusias answered, That he would ere long give him Attalus his whole kingdom; for whose sake he had formerly invaded Asia. Having thus said, he dispatched some away to Rome, to accuse Nicomedes and Attalus, and cite them both to a trial, [Id. ibid. pag. 174.]

Nicomedes, encouraged by Phaellon, (or rather Phaennis) Epirus's Oracle, which he interpreted by his own emoluments and advantages, upon the instigation of Attalus, waged war with his father Prusias, [Zosim. Histor. lib. 2.] As soon as he and Attalus with their Forces came into Bithynia, the Bithynians began to revolt: Whereupon Prusias durst not trust himself with any body (of his own subjects) His hope was, That the Romans would relieve him; in expectation whereof, he shut himself up in a castle of Nicaea: having procured of Dirgylles a Thracian (his father in law) 500 Thracians, which he appointed to be his life guard, [Appian. Mithridatic. pag. 174.]

The Roman Cities Praetor did not conduct to the Senate the Embassadors from Prusias, Year of the World 3856 as soon as they arrived at Rome, intending thereby to do Attalus a courtesie: and after he had ushered them into the Senate, and was commanded to make choice of some Embassadors, which might compromize the war, he chose three: one of which, having been formerly wounded on the head with a great stone, was much disfigured with scars: a second was lame on his feet, and the third, a very fool and sot: Cato Censorinus (who soon after died in the 85 year of his age) in a jeere to them, said, That the Romans sent an Embassie which had neither head, feet, nor heart, [Id. ibid. lib. 50. Plutarch. in Catone majore.]

The Embassadors, as soon as they came into Bithynia, commanded both parties to lay down their armes: Nicomedes and Attalus made as if they were ready to submit to the authority of the Senate, but the Bithynians (who were put upon the businesse, and pre-instructed by Nicomedes and Attalus what they should do) said peremptorily, That they were not able any longer to endure Prusias his tyranny, especially now they had evidenced unto him, (by this present engagement) how much they disliked his government. The Embassadors (in regard that the Bithynians had not as yet made known these their greivances to the Senate) returned home again, having done nothing in the businesse they came about▪ Prusias, now despairing of any relief from the Romans, in confidence of whom he had hitherto forborn to sollicite helpes elsewhere, passed over to Nicomedia, intending to fortifie that place, and from thence to prohibite the enemies entrance: but the Townsmen deserted their King, and opened the gates to the enemy. Whereupon Prusias betook himself to Jupiters Temple, trusting the religion and respect due to that place would have been his protection: but Nicomedes sent some of his Party, who killed him in the place, [Appian. Mithridatic. pag. 174, 175.] Diodorus Siculus relates, That Prusias, fleeing for his own security to the Altar of Jupiter, was slain by his son Nicomedes, his own hand, [in Photii. Bibliotheca. cod. 244.] Strabo tells us, he was slain by Attalus, [lib. 13. pag. 624.] Livy, by his son, but with Attalus his assistance, [lib. 50.] By his own subjects, saith Zonaras, out of Dion. For Polybius reports how he had contracted from his Bithynians such a general dislike, [in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 174. & Suidas in foreign.] that they all appeared against him in such multitudes, and with such violence, as if their design had been, not onelyonly to revolt from him, but principally to avenge themselves of him for the notable miscarriages in his government.

Andriscus, or the false Philip, in Macedonia, encountred with Juventius the Roman Praetor, who was sent with a legion against him, wan the field, slew Juventius himself, and killed upon the place, the greatest part of the Roman army. From thence he made an impression into Thessaly, wasted most part of the Country, and took the Thracians into association, [Liv. lib. 50. Flor. Histor. lib. 2. cap. 14. Eutrop. lib. 4. Zonar. ex. Dione, Oros. lib. 4. cap. 22.] Upon these his successes, he betook himself to acts of cruelty and tyrannical insolencies. There was not a wealthy person which he put not to death upon false accusations. He spared not his most intimate friends, but dispatched p. 470many of them out of the way: For he was naturally of a fierce and bloody disposition, in his familiar entercourses, proud and haughty, and at last, deeply engaged in coveteousnesse, and all manner of vice. [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 342.]

Alexander Bala in Syria, The Julian Period. 4566 having quite given himself over to riot and luxury, Year before Christ 148 his friend Ammonius managed the affaris of the kingdom; who put to death all the Kings friends, Laodice the Queen (the daughter of Antiochus Epiphanes) and Antigonus Demetrius his sonne, [Livie lib. 50. Josephus lib. 13. cap. 8. Athenaeus, lib. 5. cap. 10.]

In the 165 year of the Grecians, Demetrius the eldest son of Demetrius Soter, now in the flower of his age, hearing of Alexanders degenerating into all luxury, (whom those vast incomes which he scarce dreamed he should ever have arrived unto, and the ornaments of an usurped Sovereignty, kept as it were close prisoner within his own Palace, amongst a company of Curtezans) procured of Lasthenes the Cretian, a considerable force of mercenary souldires, and with them, he loosed from Crete, and sailed over into Cilicia. The news thereof so frighted Alexander, that he posted away in all haste from Phenice to Antioch, to settle things before Demetrius his arrival. The government of Antioch he committed to Hieraces and Diodorus, who is the same with Tryphon, [1 Mac. 11. 39. 1 Mac. 10. 67, 68. Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 8, Justin. lib. 35. cap. 2. Diodor. Siculus, in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 346.]

Apollonius (sirnamed Daus by Josephus) Governour of Coelosyria, joyned with Demetrius: whom he made General of his Forces, which he sent against those Jews which remained loyal and constant in their engagement to Alexander. Apollonius, having gotten together a great army, the terror whereof made many fall off from Alexander to Demetrius, encamped at Jamnia, and sent to Jonathan (the Jews General, and High-Priest) a ranting challenge to meet him, if he dared, and fight in the plain field. This enflamed Jonathan so highly, that he forthwith marched out of Hierusalem with 10000 men: where his brother Simon met him, to assist him. They pitched their tents before Joppa; but Apollonius his souldiers which were garrisoned there, shut them out; whereupon they layed siege and began their battries, which so dismayed the Citizens, that they opened their gates immediately, and resigned up the City, [1 Mac. 10. 69, 76.]

As soon as Apollonius heard of the losing of Joppa, he marched away to Azotus with three thousand Horse, and his infantry; (which Josephus sayes consisted of 8000) having placed in ambush 1000 of his Horse, who were to fall upon Jonathans reare, as soon as he was past the place where the ambush lay: and Apollonius himself faceing about, would charge the enemies Van; so that the Jews were to be assaulted one both hands. As soon as Jonathan was passed the place, and espyed these of the ambush to discover themselves, and to encompasse his Camp: He commanded his men to stand still, and receive the enemies darts with their sheilds: When the Horse had quite tired out themselves, and exhausted their quivers, having played their darts from morning till night. Then Simon lead up his Forces against the enemies Foot; discomfited them, and made them quit the field. The Horse upon their routing, made what haste they could to get to Azotus, and they entred into Bethdagon their idol Temple for their safety. But Jonathan set fire on Azotus, and the Cities round about it; took great spoiles, burnt Dagons Temple to the ground, and also they that had fled thither perished in the flames: So that near 8000 men were destroyed by the sword and by the fire. Jonathan removed thence and pitched before Ascalon, where the men of the City treated him very nobly. After this victory Jonathan returned Conqueror to Hierusalem with his army loaded with great booty and spoiles. When King Alexander heard the news of Jonathans successes, he continued to shew his respects to him, and sent him a golden buckler, which was usually given to those of the blood Royal; he gave also Accaron with its territories (a City of the Philistins) to him and his heirs for ever, [Ibid. 77, 89.]

The Carthaginians, after they had got the better in their encounter with Piso the Consul, at Hippo, sent their Embassadors into Macedonia, to Andriscus (generally reputed the son of Perseus) moving him to persist couragiously in his war against the Romans; promising, that he should never want money nor shipping from Carthage, [Appian. in Libyc. pag. 67.]

Q. Caecilius Metellus, the Roman Praetor (not Consul, as Florus hath it, and the Latin Interpreter of Pausanias his Achaicks) being sent against Andriscus with a great army, came into Macedonia; There he perswaded the Commissioners (which the Senate had sent to receive information of the affairs in Asia,) that before they passed over thither, they would go to the Commanders of the Achaians, and charge them for a while to surcease the war they had undertaken against the Lacedemonians. They delivered to Damocritus and the Achaians, the injunctions (they received from p. 471Mebellas) when they had now led up their army, against the Lacedemonians; so that when they perceived that no discourse of theirs wrought any thing upon the resolutions of the Achaians, they went onward into Asia, [Pausan. in Acha…cis, pag. 218.]

Metellus being entred Macedonia, Attalus brought his fleet to his assistance, by the help whereof he put a stop to Andriscus, who was somewhat fearfull of the sea coast, who having brought up his army a little beyond Pydna, though his Cavalry had got the better of the enemy, yet here treated back for fear of the Roman foot, and divided his army into two brigades, one of them he sent into T…ssaly to wast that Country, the other he kept to himself. Metellus, not much valuing that inconsiderable party, marched towards them; and having beaten their forelorne, discomfited the main body: Andriscus fled into Thracia, where after he had levyed a new army engaged with Metelius, but upon the overthrow of his party, he fled to Byzes, a petty King of Thrace, who betrayed him into the hands of Metellus. One Alexander also, who gave out, that he was the son of Perseus, having gathered an army, seized upon part of the Country which lay next to the river Nestus; but Metellus pursued him as far as Dardania. [Strabo lib. 1. 13. pag. 624. Vellei. Paterculi lib. 1. Flor. lib. 2. cap. 14. Zonar. ex Dione.] The false-Philips power by the loss of 25000 of his souldiers thus utterly defeated, and himself also taken prisoner, Macedonia was recovered by the Romans, [Eutrop. lib. 43.] Spurius Postumius and Lucius Piso being Consuls, [Jul. Obsequens, de prodigiis.] in the fourth year of the 157 Olympiad, (in the close of the year) [Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb. Scalig, pag. 229.]

P. Cornelius Scipio, the Consul, with his own fleet, and five ships of the Sidenses, which Mithridates King of Pontus sent unto him, fought at sea with the Carthaginians before the walls of Carthage. [Appian. Libyc. page 75, 76.]

The Aradans contriving the ruine of the Maratheans (in Phaenicia) sent privately to Ammonius, (who at that time was Viceroy in Syria under Alexander Bala) …ffering him 300 talents, prevailed with him to deliver them Marathum: Whereupon Ammonius sent Isodore to the Maratheans, who, by his speech, was to pretend some other matters, but really went to excuse the commands he received to seize upon Marathum, and to deliver it up to the Aradians. The Marathiaus, observing how that the Aradiaus were higher than themselves in the Kings favour; denying the Kings souldiers entrance into their City, out of the most aged Citizens, made choice of ten of the most famous amongst them, and sent them as suppliants to the Island Aradus, with some of the oldest images of their gods which they had in their City: hoping therewith to appease the fury of the Aradians. But the Aradians bloud being up, and highly provoked, slighted the common law of such humble addresses, cast of all reverence of the gods, brake the images, and trampled them most shamefully under their feet. And when the Ambassadors were stoned by the people, some Senatours which interposed themselves, had much adoe to convey them safe to prison. Who, when they made their complaints, and pleaded the priviledge of suppliants, and the sacred, and not to be violated rites of Ambassadors, they were massacred by a company of impudent young fellows. The authors of this villany came immediately after into the assembly, and having taken of the rings off those Maratheans which they had killed, they counterfeited letters to the Maratheans in the Ambassadors names; in which they intimated that the Aradians would suddenly send them some supplies: upon this policy, That the Maratheans, ignorant of the plot, having admitted the Aradian forces into their City, in confidence they came for no other end but to assist them, might be surprized unawares. Whereupon they seized upon all the ships belonging to private men, least happily some one might discover their plot to the Maratheans: for all this, a certain Marriner, a friend to the Maratheans, pittying their sad condition, (who usually sayled in the neighbouring sea) took his ship, and by night boldly passed that streight, which consisted of about eight furlongs, and discovered to the Maratheans, how that the Aradians had a designe of circumventing them. When the Aradians perceived their plot was revealed, they desisted to deal any longer by letters. [Diodor. Sicul. Legat. 29. & in Excerpt. Valesii. pag. 349, 350.] But they setting upon Marathum by open force; they took the City, demolished it, and shared the territory amongst themselves. [Strabo. lib. 16. pag. 753.]

A fourth observation of the Autumnall Equinox. Year of the World 3858 was made by Hipparchus at midnight, in the 32 year of the third Calippic Period. On the third day of the Egyptian Additionalls (at the beginning of the 27 day of the Julian Septem.) the 178 year from the death of Alexander, or rather 177 ending, the 178, being to begin after two dayes next ensuing. [Ptol. lib. 3. cap. 2.]

In the same year of the same Calippic Period, The Julian Period 4568 the 178 year from the death of Alexander, Year before Christ 146 on the 27 day of the Egyptian monethmonth Mechir, (the 24 day of March Julian) p. 472in the morning, Hipparchus writeth, that the Vernal Equinox was most exactly observed by him. [Id. Ibid.]

C…. Cornelius Lentulus, and Lucius Mummius being Consuls, Carthage was demolished. [Vellei. Paterc. lib. 1.] On which occasion, Scipio, considering the revolutions of humane affairs, and fearing least some such fate should happen some time or other to Rome it self, pronounced these verses,

foreign,

foreign.

The day shall come when sacred Troy shall fall,

And Priam with his stock sink therewithall.

As he himself confessed to his Master Polybius, who was then present, and hath inserted this passage in his History. [Appian. in Libic. pag. 82.]

L. Mummius the Consul, who was sent from the Senate to make an end of the Achaick war, came to the Camp with a smal company, and after he had given orders to Metellus (who managed the Achaick war, as soon as he had accomplished the Macedonian) to march away with his forces into Macedonia, he stayed a while at the Isthmus, until such time as he had drawn up his whole body, which consisted of 3500 Horse, and 23000 Foot. There were in this army some Archers out of Creet, and Philopaemen brought him a brigade from Attalus out of Pergamus, which lies above Caicus. The Consul, having defeated Diaeus at the Isthumus (the last Achaian Praetor, and the first ring-leader in these Achaian commotions) on the third day after the fight, entred Corinth, with trumpets sounding, and after he had taken the spoiles of the City, levelled it to the ground, [Liv. lib. 52. Vellei. P…ercul. lib. 1. Iustin. lib. 34. cap. 2. Florus, lib. 2. cap. 16. Pausan. in Achaic. pag. 221. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 3.] In the third year of the 158, (for so it is in Pliny, and not the 156) Olympiade, and according to Varroe's computation, the DCVIII year since Rome was built. [Plinie lib. 34. cap. 2.]

Polybius, poasting out of Africa, to the relief of his Country, espyed some Pictures of the most exquisite artists lying upon the ground at Corinth, and the souldiers playing at dice upon them: two of them he makes mention of in his History, upon one was portraited Hercules tortured in the shirt which Deianira sent him, the other was Bacchus his Picture drawn by Aristides the Theban, of whom some think that proverb was derived, foreign, This is nothing to Bacchus, (that is, Aristides his Picture of Bacchus. [Strabo. lib. 8. pag. 381.] When L. Mummius understood that King Attalus had bought this Picture of Bacchus (from amongst the spoyles that were set to saile) for six thousand sestercies (or 102 talents, as Pliny hath it, lib. 7. cap. 38. and lib. 35. cap. 10.) He marvelled much at the highnesse of the price, and suspecting much that there might be some rare vertue in it which he wot not of, revoked the sale much against Attalus his mind, and placed the picture in Ceres her Chappel at Rome. [Plin. lib. 35. cap. 4.] For he knew so little what belonged to such things, that when he had culled out some exquisite pieces, and statues of the best Artists to be carryed into Italy, he told those that had the charge of them, if they lost any of them by the way, they should restore new ones for them. [Vellei. Pa…ercul. lib. 1.] What hangings, and other ornaments seemed admirable, were sent away to Rome: others of lesse value were given to Philopaemen, and conveyed to Pergamus. [Pausanias in Achaic. pag. 221.]

Ptolemei Philometor, having gotten together great forces both by land and sea, came out of Egypt into Syria, under pretence to help Alexander Bala his son in law, but, indeed, to annex the kingdom of Syria (of which Alexander was deprived) to his own dominions: And when, in obedience to the commands of Alexander, all the Cities had received him peaceably, he placed a Garrison of souldiers in every one of them, pretending Alexanders interest. [1 Mac. 11. 1, 2, 3.]

As soon as Ptolemei was come near Azotus, they shewed him the Temple of Dagon, which was lately burnt, and the ruines of Azatus and the Suburbs thereof, and the heaps of the dead bodies of those that were slain in the war, and were burnt by Jonathans command, for they had laid them on heaps in the way that he was to passe: and although they had made an envious relation of whatever Jonathan had done, on purpose to Maligne him, yet the King replyed not a word. But Jonathan met the King at Joppa in great state, and was very courteously received by him. From thence they went together as far as the River Eleutherus, where Jonathan took his leave of the King, and returned to Jerusalem. [Ibid. 4, 7.]

Ptolomei, having gotten into his hand all the Cities along the sea coasts as far as Seleucia upon the coast, (situate at the mouth of the River Orontes) imagined wicked counsells against Alexander, complaining, how, That, by his means at Ptolemais, Ammonius p. 473had laid an ambush to circumvent him: and whereas he had demanded that justice might be done him upon Ammonius for the fact, Alexander would not deliver up his person. Hereupon he took away his daughter Cleopatra from Alexander, and gave her in marriage to Demetrius Soter, promising withal, to restore him to his fathers kingdom, [Ibid. 8. 12. compared with Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 8. & Liv. lib. 52.]

The Antiocheans deserted Alexander because of Ammonius, from whom they had received very hard usage: Ammonius, thinking to make an escape in womens apparel, was light upon and slain. Ptolemei went into Antioch, and being by the people thereof saluted King; Crowned himself with two Diadems, the one of Asia, (or Syria) the other of Egypt. But telling them that he was for his part, contented with his own Dominion of Egypt, perswaded the Antiocheans to receive Demetrius, professing that he had a far greater resentment of their present civilities, than of the late exasperations and contests which had happened betwixt them and his father Seleucus, [Joseph. ut supr. compared with 1 Mac. 11. 13.] And so the Antiochia…s (purposing to make amends by their loyal deportments to the son, for the injuries they had formerly done to the father) resigne themselves up unto him: The old souldiery also of the father, ravished with love of this young man, and preferring the bond of their former oath before the pride of their new King, went away with their colours to Demetrius, [Justin. lib. 35. cap. 2.]

Alexander was at that time in Cilicia, [1 Mac. 11. 14.] where, upon his consulting the Oracle of Apollo, he is said to have received this answer: viz. That he should beware of that place, which had brought forth a rare sight to be seen, A thing having two shapes: which was generally thought to refer to Abas, a City in Arabia (where Alexander was slain not long after) In this City, there was a certain woman called Herais (having Diophantus a Macedonian for her father, and an Arbian woman her mother, and married to one Samiades) who changed her Sex, and of a woman became a man, taking upon her, her fathers name Diophantus, [Diodorus Siculus, fin. lib. 32. in Photii Bibliotheca, cod. 244.]

A fifth observation of the Autumnal Equinox, Year of the World 3859 was made by Hipparchus, in the 33 year of the third Calippic Period, on the fourth day of the Egyptian Additionals (27 day of the Julian Septemb.) in the morning, [Ptolem. lib. 3. cap. 2.]

Alexander, having gathered together a powerful army, invaded Syria, and wasted all the Territories of Antioch, pillaging and firing wheresoever he came. But Ptolemei with his son in law Demetrius, marched towards him, and defeated his whole power in a fight near the River Oenopara. Alexander himself slipped out of the fight with 500 of his souldiers, and made as fast as he could towards Abas, a City of Arabia, to a great Person of Arabia, whom the Writer of the History of the Maccabees calls Zabdiel, Josephus Zabel, Diodor…s Siculus Diocles. But the Commanders of Alexanders Party, which were with Heliades treacherously slew Alexander, having covenanted before with Demetrius to that purpose, to whom they had sent an Embassie to treat for their own peculiar advantage, and private interest. In the last fight it happened that Ptolemeis horse, scared with the braying of an Elephant, threw him on the ground, and when he was down, the enemy fell upon him, and wounded him desperately on the head, and had killed him out right, had not his Life-guard interposed, and rescued him: for all that, he lay four whole dayes so senselesse, that he could neither speak himself, nor understand what others spake to him. But Zabdiel the Arabian cut off Alexanders head, and presented it to Ptolemei: who about the fifth day finding some respite from the anguish of his wounds, and pretty well come to himself again, fed both his fancy and his eyes, the one with the pleasing discourse of the death, the other with the beholding of Alexanders head. But the third day after, Ptolemei himself died, whilst his wounds were dressing, and the Physicians endeavoured to piece his bones, [1 Mac. 11. 14. 18. Polyb. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 194. Diodor. Sicul. ut supra. Liv. lib. 52. Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 751. Ioseph. lib. 13. cap. 8.]

Josephus ascribeth five years to Alexandes reign, after the death of Demetrius Soter, [lib. 13. cap. 8.] from which we suppose about 5 moneths are to be deducted: So that, from the authority of the Maccabaic Writer, the death of this man appears to be coincident with Philometors. After Alexanders death, Demetrius, son of Demetrius Soter, had the sole government of Syria, in the 167 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, [1 Mac. 11. 19.] who because he had overcome one that was not descended of their family, received the same sirname with the first Seleucus author of the Kingly Race, Nicanor, or Nicator, [Appian. Syriac. pag. 131.]

As soon as Ptolemei Philometor was dead, the souldiers which he had placed in the Forts and Cities for the security of Syria, were all slain by the other souldiers in the same Garri…ons, upon the instigation of Demetrius, [1 Mac. 11. 18.] Demetrius also treated the rest of Ptolemeis souldiers very unkindly, forgetting both the assistance which he had afforded, as also the affinity which was betwixt them, by reason of his marriage p. 474with Cleopatra. But those souldiers, abominating the ma… ingratitude, retreated all of them to Alexandria, leaving onelyonly the Elephants under his power. [Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 8.]

In Egypt, The Julian Period. 4569 Cleopatra, Year before Christ 145 the wife and sister of Philometor, lately deceased, countenanced by some Peers of the realm, laboured much to get the kingdom setled upon her son. [Josephus lib. 2. Contra Appian. pag. 1064, Justin lib. 38. cap. 8.] But Ptolemei the younger brother of Philometor, surnamed Euergetes II. and Phiscon, who reigned at Cyrene, was sent for from thence to oppose her in her enterprize. Against him Onias (who lately builded the Temple in the Helopolitan Jurisdiction) undertaking the war upon Cleopatraes interest, marched with a small army of Jews to the City Alexandria, at what time Thermus was Leger Ambassador there for the Romans, as Appion the Grammarian relates in his book against the Jews. [Ioseph. ut sup.]

But Physcon, that he might end the quarrel, forced Cleopatra, who was his elder sister, and had been wife to their own brother, to marry him. [Valer. Maxim. lib. 9. cap. 1.] And as soon as he entred Alexandria, he commanded all those that favoured the young child to be put to death. He slew also the young child himself, as he was in his mothers arms, upon the wedding day in the midst of their feastings and religious solemnities; and so went up into his sister her bed besmeared with the gore of her own son. Neither was his carriage any whit milder to those his Countrymen, which invited him to the Kingdom, and were his advancers into the throne. For, having given licence to the forreign souldiers to kill and slay at pleasure, there were great inundations of blood in all quarters. [Iustin. lib. 38. cap. 8.] Many he executed with most cruell tortures, faslely objecting matters of treason unto them: Others he proceeded against by confiscation of their estates, and banishment, for no other impeachments than what he himself had forged and drawn up. [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerptis Valesii, pag. 350.]

Jonathan, having drawn together those that were in Judea, and prepared many Engines, laid siege to the Tower that was in Jerusalem: Information hereof was carryed to Demetrius Nicator, by certain ungodly persons, and haters of their own nation. The King hereupon, being incensed, wrote to Jonathan, to leave off the siege, and to meet him in all hast at Ptolemais, that they might have some conference together about the matter. Jonathan would not draw off his siege, yet ventured to go to the King, He, the Elders and the Priests, taking along with them some presents, whereby they soon pacified the Kings wrath: and Jonathan made so fair an Apologie for himself, that the King dismissed the informers, confirmed the High Priesthood upon him, and counted him as one of his chief friends: Moreover, Jonathan promising to give unto the King 300 talents, procured of him a release for all Judea, and the three siegniories thereunto annexed (of wich mention is made in 1 Mac. 10. 30.) Viz. Apherima, Lydda, and Ramath, from all tithes and tribute, whatsoever which were formerly paid to the Kings. Letters hereof from the King to Lasthenes, (who with the Cretians Auxiliaries brought Demetrius to the kingdom) whom he stiled Cousin and Father, are to be seen. [1 Maccab. 11. 20, 37.]

Demetrius, seeing there was now peace throughout the kingdom, and no opposition made against him, disbanded his old hom-bred souldiers, and contined in arms, onelyonly those bands of forraigners which he had levyed in Crete and other Islands. This turned the hearts of his fathers souldiers against him. [1 Maccab. 11. 38.] who constantly received their salaries from other Kings, his Predecesso…rs in times of peace, so that thereby they might be more ready and more chearfull to serve them upon all dangers, and emergencies. [Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 8.]

Diodotus, one of Alexander Balas his Commanders, (who after was made King, and took upon him the name of Tryphon) took notice of this alienation of the souldiery from Demetrius. He was born at the Castle of Secoan, in the Apamians Country, and brought up at Apamia. [1 Maccab. 11. 39. Strabo lib, 16. pag. 752. Livie lib. 52. & 55. Iosephus lib. 13, cap. 9. Appian. Syriac. pag. 132.] This Tryphon went to Elmalchuel the Arabian (who was entrusted with the education of Antiochus, Alexander Balaters young child) and told him whatsoever Demetrius Nicator had done, and the differences betwixt him and the souldery; urging and pressing him very hard to deliver up unto him the young child, and he would undertake to settle him in his fathers kingdom. But finding the Arabians averse from his motion, he tarryed there many dayes. [1 Maccab. 11. 39, 40.]

p. 475In the mean time Demetrius Nicator supposing himself secure and out of Gunshot, proceeded against all those that had appeared against him by unusuall kinds of death: Lasthenes, that wicked and rash fellow (who was appointed over the whole kingdom) corrupting the youth, and by his faunings and fair speeches, putting him forward upon most villanous attempts. [Diod. Sicul. in Excerptis Vales. pag. 346.]

Jonathan sent Ambassadors to Demetrius, Year of the World 3860 desiring him to remove his Garrison souldiers out of the Tower of Hierusalem, and all other Forts, because they continued to infest the Israelites with war. Demetrius replyed, That he would not onelyonly grant Jonathan his request, but would also make him and his nation glorious, when he saw convenient time: for the present, he desired him to send him some souldiers to his assistance, in regard his own souldiers were most of them revolted from him. Jonathan gratified him in his request very readily, and sent him to Antioch 3000 stout men, which the King entertained very joyfully. [1 M…ccab. 11. 41, 44.]

Demetrius, well provided with forreign sorces (in whom he reposed greater confidence than in his own) commanded to disarm the Antiocheans: But the Antiocheans did not onelyonly refuse to deliver up their armes, but assembled themselves into the midst of the City, to the number of 120000, and attempted to take away the Kings life; they forced him to retreat to his Pallace, whereupon they secured all the passages of the City, and began to assault him in the Pallace. But the Jews hasted to his relief, who, dispersing themselves about the City, slew on that day near upon 100000 men, fired the City, and took much booty: whereupon the Citizens laid down their arms, and made peace with the King. The Jews having got a great deal of honour in this service both from the King, and the whole kingdom returned richly laden with spoiles to Jerusalem. [1 Maccab. 11. 45, 52. compared with Diodorus. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesi. pag. 346.]

Upon the consuming of the greatest part of Antioch by fire, and the executing of many about the sedition, and confiscation of estates into the Kings Exchequer, many of the Cityzens were forced to escape, what out of fear, what out of hatred to Demetrius, wandring about Syria, catching at all opportunities to avenge themselves of Demetrius. In the mean time, Demetrius, (whose actions had rendred him odious to all men) persisted in his massacres, banishments, confiscations, far surpassing his father in cruelty. [Diodorus Siculus. Ibid. pag. 349.] Moreover, he did but dissemble with Jonathan: Notwithstanding, his fair speeches, and estranged himself from him, and afflicted him very sorely, [1 Maccab. 11. 53.] he threatned also to wage war with him, unlesse he would discharge all those tributes, which the nation of the Jews were wont to pay to his Predecessours. [Josephus, lib. 13, cap. 9.]

Diodotus (who is Tryphon) returned at length into Syria out of Arabia, The Julian Period 4570 with young Antiochus (son of Alexander Bala and Cleopatra, Year before Christ 144 the daughter of Ptolemei Philometor) set the Crown upon his head, and vouched him the right heir of the Crown, and surnaming him Theos or Divine. And being provided or a pretty considerable party, in regard all the forces which Demetrius had chashiered came flocking in unto him, he set upon Demetrius in plain field, overcame him in battle, and made him fly into Seleucia. But Diodorus seized on his Elephants, and wan Antio…h. [1 Mac. 11. 54, 55, 56. compared with Livy, lib. 52. Ioseph. lib. 13. cap. 9. & 12. about the beginning, and Appian. in Syriac. pag. 132.]

Then Antiochus (or rather Diodotus in his name) sent letters and Ambassadors to Jonathan, confirmed the High Priesthood to him, granted him the four Seigniries (Ptolemais perhaps was added to the three which were named in the end of the year before, out of 1 Maccab. 10. 30, 39.) and did him the honour to be one of the Kings friends. He sent unto him also Chargers of gold to be served in, and gave him leave to drink in vessels of gold, and to be cloathed in purple, and to wear the golden buckle. Moreover, he appointed his brother Simon Generall of all the Kings forces, from the tract of Tyre, to the borders of Egypt. [1 Maccab. 11. 57, 58, 59.] Jonathan, being very glad of the favours and honours Antiochus had so bountifull conferred upon him, sent his Ambassadours also to Antiochus, and his Guardian Tryphon, professing that he would be their friend and associate, and joyn in arms against the common enemy Demetrius, of whose ingratitude he complained, in that he had requited his civilities and courtesies with many shrewd turns, and injuries. [Ioseph. lib. 13. cap. 9.

Diodotus (all Syria being now in disrelish of Kings) made use of Coracesium a Castle of Cilicia, for his head quarters, and moved the Cilicians, to joyn with him in Pyracy at sea. [Strabo. lib. 14. pag. 688.]

p. 476Demetrius residing at Laodicea, spent his time idly, in revelling and luxury: yet abated nothing of his injurious prosecutions, being no whit reformed by the late calamities which befel him, [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 353.]

At which time Ptolemei Euergetes the second, or Physcon was installed in the Palace at Memphis, according to the solemn Rite of the Egyptians. Queen Cleopatra (who was both sister and wife to him and his brother Philometor) bore him a son: he was so exceeding joyful thereat, that he named him Memphites, because he was born whilst his father was imployed in the holy solemnities at Memphis: yet during the celebration of his sons nativity, he abstained not from his cruell practises, but issued out commands to execute some of the Cyrenians (who were the first bringers of him into Egypt) for that they had been somewhat too free and sharpe in reproving him for his Curtesan Irene, [Id. ib. pag. 354.]

When Jonathan had gotten leave of Antiochus, to wage war against Demetrius his Captains, having drawn together souldiers out of Syria and Phenicia, as well as out of other places, he speedily traversed all the Cities situate beyond the River Jordan: and with all his Syrian auxiliaries marched to Ascalon, where the Citizens went out to meet him very honourably, But removing from thence to Gaza, he was denied entrance, and the Citizens shut their gates against him; whereupon Jonathan laid close siege to the City, and plundered and fired the Suburbs. This strict proceeding inclined them to petition for peace, which was granted them upon their tender of hostages. Jonathan, after he had sent away the hostages to Heirusalem, marched clean thorough the Country as far as Damascus, [1 Maccab. 11. 60, 61, 62. Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 9.]

The Princes of Demetrius were come to Cades a City of Galilee, upon design of drawing back Jonathan from medling in Syria, and engaging him in the relief of his own subjects the Galileans. Jonathan marched against them, leaving his brother Simon behind him in Judea: who vigorously assaulted Bethsura many dayes, and after a long siege, forced them to resign: he threw out Demetrius his souldiers, and put in a Garrison of his own in their room, [1 Mac. 11. 63, 66. & 14. 7. 33. Ioseph. lib. 13. cap. 9.]

As for Jonathan and his army, they encamped by the Lake of Gennesaret, and betimes in the morning, came to the plain of Asor, where Demetrius his Forces met him, having placed beforehand an ambush amongst the mountains: which as soon as they discovered themselves, the Jews fearing they might be intercepted and put to the sword, betook themselves to their heeles: so that all of them deserted Jonathan in this great danger, except Mattathias the son of Abasalom, and Judas the son of Calphi, the two chief Commanders of the army, who stuck to him with a Band of fifty well resolved men: Jonathan, having first humbly implored the Divine assistance, faced about with those few that were with him, charged the enemy, and worsted them: when those that had deserted Jonathan saw that the enemy was put to flight, they returned again into the field, and pursued the enemy to their own Camp, as far as Cades. There fell that day of the Heathens about three thousand men: so Jonathan returned to Jerusalem, [1 Mac. 11. 67, 74. Ioseph. ut supr.]

Jonathan, observing that his affairs were now in a fair way, sent Numerius son of Antiochus, and Antipater son of Jason, Embassadors to Rome, about confirming and renewing the alliance and association which was formerly begun with Judas Maccabeus, [1 Mac. 12. 1, 16.] To whom also they gave instructions, in their return homeward from Rome to visit the Lacedemonians, and to mind them of the alliance, and ancient League made with the High-Priest Onias, the third of that name; sending a letter to the same purpose, wherein the people of Judea amongst other things, signified, how that as a testimony of their continued affection towards them, they constantly remembred them as their own brethren in their solemn sacrifices and devotion, [Ibid. 2. 3, 18. Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 9.]

Jonathan, having received intelligence how that Demetrius his Commanders were returned with a far greater army, than they had before, to fight against him: drew out of Hierusalem, and marched against them in the Country of Amathis situate in the utmost borders of Canan: And, encamping within 50 furlongs of the enemy, sent out his Scouts to view the enemies posture and fortifications. Jonathan, having learned by some prisoners which the Scouts had brought in, how that the enemy had designed to fall upon them on the sudden, and unawars; commanded his souldiers to stand with their arms all night in a posture ready to receive the enemies charge: placing his guards thoroughout the Camp. When the enemy heard that Jonathan was drawn up in batalia, and was provided for their onset, they began to be afraid; whereupon they stole away privately by night, having kindled fires thoroughout the Camp, to deceive the Jews. In the morning Jonathan pursued them, but to no purpose; for they had already gotten to the other side of the River Eleutherus. Jonathan therefore bent his p. 477course into Arabia against the Zabadeans (or Nabatians, as Josephus hath it) and smote them, and took their spoiles: from thence he removed with his whole body to Damascus, and passed through the whole Country, hunting and chasing the Demetrians from place to place. His brother Simon lay not idle all this while, but was engaged in an expedition as far as Ascalon, and the Garrison adjacent, from whence he turned aside to Joppa, and seized on it, and put therein a Garrison of his own souldiers to secure it, for there was a report, that the Citizens had an intention to deliver up that Garrison to Demetrius his party. [1 Maccab. 12. 24, 34. Iosephus lib. 13. cap. 9.]

The Ambassados of the Jews were brought into the Senate, where they renewed their amity and league with the Romans; who also gave them letters to the Governours of the severall associations, that they should conduct them safe into Judea. [1 Maccab. 12. 3, 4.] In their return homeward, the Lacedemonians likewise created them very civilly, and delivered into their hands the publick Decree, concerning the renewing of their amity, and preserving correspondence betwixt them: A copy whereof is recited upon another occasion, [in the 1 Maccab. 14. 22, 23.] Numenius son of Antiochus, and Antipater, son of Jason, the Iews Ambassadors came unto us, to renew the friendship that was betwixt us. And it pleased the people to receive the men honourably, and to enter a copy of their Embassie amongst the publick records, to the end, the people of the Lacedemonians might have a memorial thereof.

As soon as Jonathan was come back to Jerusalem, he assembled the Elders of the people, and consulted with them about erecting of sco…ces and forts in some convenient places of Judea, and about building of the wall about Jerusalem, and a high and strong wall also betwixt the fort (Sion) and the City, to hinder any one from carrying provision from the City to the Fort, for they began their reparations, and when they brought their new work to joyn with the remaines of the old wall towards the East, (where was the brook Cedron) they made up that place which was called Chaphenatha. Simon also went into other quarters of Judea, and builded Adida in Sephela, or the plain, and made it strong with gates and bars. [1 Maccab. 12. 35, 38.]

In the 169 year of the account of the Contracts, Year of the World 3861 in the reign of Demetrius, the Jews in Jerusalem and Palestine, wrote to the Jews in Egypt, concerning the keeping of the feast of tabernacles in the monethmonth Chislew. [2 Maccab. 1. 7, 8, 9.] i. e. The feast of the Maccabees Dedication, which was observed according to the prescript of the Mosaick feast of Tabernacles, in the monethmonth Tisri. [Vid. supra. Anno Mundi 3840. a.]

When Tryphon had a designe of putting his young pupill Antiochus beside the kingdom, and feared that Jonathan would appear in armes for the right and defence of the young King, he marched with his forces to Bethsane, which by the Gentiles is called Scythopolis, thinking to surprize him: Jonathan, hearing of his coming, made toward him with forty thousand choice men, which so disheartened Tryphon, that he was so far from daring to lay hands on him, that he treated him very nobly, recommended him to all his friends, tendered him many presents, and gave command to his souldiers to be as observant of him, as of himself. In the close, he perswaded Jonathan to dismisse his army, and go along with him to Ptolemais, with a few selected men, promising to resigne it up unto him, and what other Garrisons and Forces he had in those parts. Jonathan, giving credit unto him, sent away two thousand of his souldiers into Galilet, and the residue into Judea, reserving onelyonly a thousand to himself. But as soon as he was entred Ptolemais, Tryphon commanded the gates to be shut: Jonathan was taken, and all that entred with him were put to the sword: neither was Tryphon satisfied with the massacre of those thousand men, but sent his army and some horse into Galilee, to fall upon those two thousand Jonathan had sent thither: who as soon as they heard of the bloody proceedings against their fellows at Ptolemais, they put themselves in a posture of fight. But Tryphons souldiers, considering with themselves that they had to do with desparate men, retreated back again: And so Jonathans souldiers came safe into Judea, and all Israel lamented that losse of their Country-men with great lamentation. [1 Mac. 12. 39, 5….]

After this, Tryphon levyed a great army to come against Judea, and to wast it. Whereupon, Simon, observing the people much disheartned, went up to Jerusalem, and having assembled the people together, profered his endeavour to protect them; so they chose him Generall in the place of Judas and Jonathan his brethren: who gathered all the men of war, made what speed they could to perfect the walls of Jerusalem, and fortified it on every side: He expended vast sums of mony out of his own purse, armed all the men of war of his own nation, and received them into pay. [1 Mac. 12. 53, 54. 13. 1, 10. 14. 31, 32.]

p. 478Moreover, Simon sent Jonathan the son of Absalom, with a sufficient army into Joppa: who drave out the inhabitants and resided in it himself; and having well fortified it, designing that part for his passage to the Isles of the sea, [1 Mac. 13. 2. and 14. 5, 34.] From whence Strabo also hath noted, that the Jews used this harbour, [lib. 16. pag. 759.]

Tryphon removed from Ptolemais with his army against Judea, carrying Jonathan along with him his prisoner: as for Simon, he encamped in Adida over against the plain. Tryphon, observing that the Jews had put themselves in a posture of fighting, pretended that he kept Jonathan prisoner, for a debt of a 100 talents of silver: upon discharge of this arrear, he promised to release Jonathan; provided, that he sent two of his sons hostages as a security from Jonathans attempting to revenge his imprisonment after he got his liberty. But as soon as Simon sent both the money and his brothers sons to him: he falsifyed his engagement, [Ibid. 12, 19.]

Tryphon upon his march against Judea, bent his course by the way which leads to Adoram (or Doran, a City of Idumea, as Josephus hath it) but Simons army attended his motion which way soever he went. Those that were in the Fort (Sion) at Hierusalem, sent to Tryphon some Agents, solliciting him very earnestly to make what speed he could to come to them, thorough the Desert, and to supply them with victual. Tryphon was ready with his Horse for the expedition; but there happened such a great fall of snow that night, that he could not possibly get to them. Whereupon he altered his journey, and marched into the Country of Galaad; as soon as he came near Bascama (or Bascha) he put Jonathan to death: who was there buried: which done, Tryphon retreated back into Syria, [Ibid. 20, 24. Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 11.] Jonathan lived after the decease of his brother Judas Maccabeus 17 years, and about 7 moneths, and enjoyed the High-Priesthood 9 years and a monethmonth or two.

Simon sent to fetch away the bones of his brother Jonathan, and buried them at Modin, a City of their ancestors: and all Israel lamented him many dayes. Simon built a Monument over the Sepulchre of his father and his brothers, all exceeding high, of white stone, polished all over: He erected also 7 Pyramids all of a row, in memory of his father, mother, and his 4 brothers: To these he added a Porch of great Pillars, which were of whole stone, on which he caused the Portraiture of Arms and Ships to be engraven, so lively, that they were conspicuous to all that sailed by that way, [1 Mac. 13. 25, 30. Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 11.] Josephus sayes, this rare Sepulchre at Modin lasted to his time: so doth Eusebius Caesariensis, in his little book foreign.

The Romans and the Lacedemonians very deeply resented the death of Jonathan: but as soon as they understood by Simons Embassadors, that he was advanced to the High-Priests Office in his brothers room: They wrote to him in Tables of Brasse concerning the renewing of the amity and league, which they had formerly made with Judas and Jonathan his brothers, [1 Mac. 14. 16, 17.] As for the Romans, they stiled the Jews, their Allyes, Friends, Brethren, and went forth to meet Simons Embassadors in an honourable equipage, [Ibid. 40.] And the Inscription of the Letters which the Lacedemonians returned by the Embassadors, (to which also they annexed a Copy of their reply sent before to Jonathan) was this. The Magistrates and Cities of the Lacedemonians to Simon the High-Priest, and the Elders, and to the rest of the people of the Jews our Brethren, Greeting, [Ibid. 20, 24.] The Letters both from the Romans and from the Lacedemonians, were read before the Congregation at Hierusalem, [Ibid. 19.]

Antiochus, Theos (or the Divine) son of Alexander Bala, was fraudulently slain by his Guardian Diodotus or Tryphon: who corrupted the Chyrurgions to dispatch him, and to give out that he died of a fit of the stone, whilst they were cutting him. Tryphon began with his own Country, and seized first upon Apamia, Larissa, the Casians, Megara, Apollonia, and the other Cities adjacent: from thence he went onwards to invade the other part of Syria; he put the Crown Royal on his own head, and made a great desolation in the Country, [1 Mac. 13. 31, 32. Livy, lib. 55. Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 752. and Justin. lib. 36. cap. 1.]

Tryphon, having now ascended from a private condition to a Kingly estate, made what haste he could to get his Soveraignty confirmed upon him by the Decree of the Roman Senate. To compasse this, he sent by his Embassadors to the Romans, a golden Meddal of Victory, weighing 10000 crowns: not doubting, but he should obtain from them, the compellation of King, considering the Present which he sent, was not in its self onelyonly very rich, and of a good value; but such, whose name carryed along with it, the happy prognostication of Victory. But his hopes were deluded by the subtilty of the Senate: who received indeed the Present; but withal ordered, that instead of Tryphons name, the Title of the Princely youth (slain by Tryphons treachery) should be engraven upon it, [Diodor. Sicul. Legat. 31.] But he, not one jot p. 479dismayed thereat, caused money, whereof some pieces are still extant, to be coyned with the Inscription of foreign & foreign: King Tryphon: and, of Tryphon the puissant King. For, having had the confidence to usurpe the kingdom it self, he began to take upon him the Title of King also; and to change his old name Diodotus, for that new one of Tryphon, [Appian. Syriac. pag. 132.]

Sarpedon, General of Demetrius his Forces, having received an overthrow by Tryphons army, to whom the inhabitants of Ptolemais associated themselves, retired with his souldiers into the Mediterrean Country: But it happened as the Tryphonian Conquerours marched along the sea coast betwixt Ptolemais and Tyre, that on the sudden a wave of the sea rising to an incredible height, and rushing with a great violence upon the land, soffocated many of them, hurrying some into the sea, and leaving others of them dead in hollow places: and upon its recesse back into its channel, multitudes of fishes were discovered mingled with the dead carkases. Sarpedons souldiers hearing of this disaster, returned thither with all speed: well enough pleased indeed with the destruction of the enemy; but withal gathered up very many of the fishes, and sacriced them before the gates of Ptolemais (where the battle was fought) foreign unto Neptune the deliverer, [Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 758. & Athenaus, lib. 8. cap. 2. out of the History of Possidonius, the Stoick.]

Simon, the Jews General and High-Priest, repaired the Garrisons in Judea: fortifying them round with high Towers, great Walls, Gates, and Bars: and supplied them all with victual. His greatest care was to see that B…thsura should be well fortified, which was situate in the confines of Judea, and formerly had been the enemies Magazine: He put in it a Garrison of Jews to secure it, [1 Mac. 13. 33. 14. 7. 33.]

Moreover, Simon, observing how that Tryphons actions were all of them meer rapines, sent by the hands of choice men a Crown of Gold to King Demetrius Nicator; requesting him, that he would release Judea from paying of Tributes, [1 Mac. 13. 34, 37. 14. 10, 33.]

Demetrius, hearing that Simons Embassadors were entertained very nobly by the Romans, and that the Jews and the Priests had passed a grant of the government and High-Priesthood to Simon and his heirs, he also confirmed the High-Priesthood unto him, and made him one of his friends, [1 Mac. 14. 38, 41.] He wrote also a letter unto him, thus inscribed. King Demetrius to Simon the High Priest, and friend of Kings, and to the Elders and Nations of the Jews, Greeting: Wherein, he intimated his concluding of a peace with them, a promise of an Amnestie of all past miscarriages, a ratification of all former covenants (made to Jonathan, 1 Mac. 11. 32, 37.) a grant of all the Forts unto them, which they had built, and a release of Tribute to all in general, and of custom arising from commodities put to sale, to those of Hierusalem. Thus was the yoke of the Heathen taken off from Israel, in the 170 year of the kingdom of the Grecians: and the people began to date their instruments, and contracts; In the first year, Simon being the Great High Priest General, and Leader of the Iews, [1 Mac. 13. 35, 42. Ioseph. lib. 13. cap. 11.]

In those dayes Simon besiged the Gaz…ans, who upon Jonathans death rebelled, and compelled them to a surrender, after he had with his battering Engins forced the Tower. He did not put them to the sword, being wrought upon by the importunities of the Citizens, humbly imploring his pity: but drave them all out of the City. After he had cleared the houses of all their idols, and other uncleanesses, he entered the City, praying God with Hymnes: and after he had placed in the City such as were true worshippers of God: he fortified it, and built a house in it for himself, whereinto he might upon all occasions retire, [1 Mac. 13. 43, 48.]

A sixth observation of the Autumnal Equinox, Year of the World 3862 was made by Hipparchus in the 36 year of the Calippick Period, on the 4 day of the Egyptian Additionals (Septemb. Julian 26) at evening about sun-set, [Ptolm. lib. 3. cap. 2.]

Alexandra, afterwards Queen of the Jews, was born at this time, if so be she lived 73 years, as appears out of Josephus, in the last Chapter of the 13 book of Antiquit. and out of the 33 cap. of the Jewish History which is printed at the end of the Paris Bibles of many Tongues, under the title of the second book of the Maccabees. In Arabick we find she was called Salina, out of Eusebius in his Chronicle; Epiphanius in the 29 heresie of the Nazarens, Hierom in [Dan. cap. 9. and 11.] and Severus [Sulpitius, in Sacr, Histor. lib. 2.] Eusebius seems to have taken it (as he is wont to do) out of Julius Africanus; and he out of Justus Tiberiensis, or some other ancient Writer of the affairs of the Jews.

When the Garrison souldiers of the Fort at Jerusalem were destroyed, The Julian Period. 4572 being prohibited from all provision for two years space, Year before Christ 142 they were forced to yield themselves. Simon turned them all out, cleared the Fort of all the pollutions of the Idols, and went p. 480into it himself on the 23 day of the second monethmonth (Ijais) in the 171 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, with branches of Palms, Harps, Cymbals, Vials, Hymnes, and Songs. He ordained also an anniversarie solemnitie for this day; in regard thereon they were freed from a pestilent enemy, who annoyed them very much in their going up to the Temple. Moreover, he made the Fort stronger than it was, and the Temple-mount, over which it looked, for the greater security, both of the Country, and of the City, and there he dwelt himself with his company, [1 Mac. 13. 49, 3. 53. & 14. 7. 36, 37.]

Simon seeing his son John (Syrnamed afterwards Hyrcanus) to be a very valiant man, appointed him Captain of all his forces, and dwelt himself in Gazara, [1 Mac. 1…. 53.] in the confines of Azotus, where the enemies formerly inhabited, but Simon dislodged them, and planted the Jews in their room, [XIV. 7, 34.] namely, that Gadara, which Strabo saith the Jews afterward made their own. [lib. 16. pag. 759.]

Cleopatra, Ptolemei Philometors daughter, brought unto Demetrius Nicator a young son Antiochuss, sirnamed afterwards Grypus, from his hook nose, if so be he lived 45 years, as Josephus computes. [lib. 13. cap. 21.]

In the 37 year of the third Calippick Period, of Nabonassars 607, on the 20 day of the Egyptian Tyb (January Julian 27 ending) two hours before midnight, an Eclipse of the Moon in Rhodes was observed by Hipparchus. [Ptolem. lib. 6. cap. 5.]

Demetrius, considering with himself how that now most of his Cities were revolted from him, and had shaken off his command, that he might wipe off the scandall of sloth and sluggishnesse, determined to engage in a war against the Parthians. Over the Parthians at that time reigned Mithridates, son of King Pampatius, called Arsaces, or Arsacides, (the common name of all the Parthian Kings) nothing inferiour to Arsaces himself, his great Grandfather, the founder of the Parthian Monarchy, from whom that surname was derived to all the successours. For he by his prowesse extended the Parthian Empire, from the east side, as far as the river Indus, and from the west, as far as Euphrates. [Iustin. lib. 36. cap. 1. and 41. cap. 5, 6. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 4.] Before we treat of Demetrius his Parthian Expedition, it will not be amisse to shew how Mithridates arrived to that vast dominion.

At that very juncture of time allmost, when as Mithridates began to reign over the Parthians, Eucratides took upon him the command of the Bactrians, gallant men both, but a more benigne fortune attended the Parthians, which, under the conduct of Mithridates, led them as it were by the hand, to the highest pinacle of soveraignity; whilst the poor Bactrians disturbed and tost with severall wars, lost in the close, not onelyonly their dominions, but their liberty. For after the Sogdians, the Arachats, the Dranganites and the Indians, had well bated them by their continuall wars with them: the feeble Parthians set upon them, at last, when they were quite tyred, and as it were bloodlesse. [Iustin lib. 41. cap. 6.] Arsaces or Mithridates, having pursued this his victory as far as India, and found no difficulty in subduing the Country, where Porus of old reigned, and the other nations lying between the river Hydaspes and Indus. [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii. pag. 358. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 4.] These Bactrians were the reliques of the Grecians, who having taken Bactriana from the Kings of Syria, the successors of Seleucus Nicator, seized also upon Ariana, and India, and got not onelyonly Pattalena into their hands, but all the sea coasts; as well that which is called the kingdom of Tessariostus, as that of Sigartis; and which is more. Apollodorus (against the common opinion indeed) affirms in his book of the Parthian affairs, that they were masters of a greater part of India than ever Alexander himself and his Macedonians were: Adding moreover, That Eucratides had in India under his own jurisdiction 1000 Cities. [Stra. l. 11. p. 516. & l. 15. p. 686.] As for Eucratides, he in all the wars (for he was engaged in many) behaved himself with much prowess: when he was worn out with the continuance of them, and was closely besieged by Demetrius King of the Indians, allthough he had not above 3000 souldiers with him by his dayly sallies forth, wasted the enemies atruy consisting of 60 thousand: and being at liberty in the fifth monethmonth, reduced all India under his command. In his retreat homeward, he was slain by his own son, whom he had made joynt partner with him in the kingdom: He did not go about to dissemble or smother his parricide, but drove his Chariot through the blood, and commanded the dead corps to be cast aside into some by-place or other, unburied, as if he had slain an enemy, and not murdered a Father. Whilst these things were acting amongst the Bactrians, a war was commenced betwixt the Parthians and the Medes. The incounters of these two nations had their interchangeable successes for a while: at last, the Parthians got the better. Mithridates, being strengthened by the accession of these forces, appointed Bacasis over Media, whilest he himself marched into Hircania: as soon as he returned from thence, he engaged in a war with the King of the Elymites, beat him, and annexed that nation to his other dominions: so that by p. 481his several conquests, he enlarged his Dominion of the Parthians, from the mountain Caucasus, as far as the River Euphrates, [Justin. lib. 41. cap. 6.] For having conquered Demetrius N…cators Leivtenant, he invaded the City Babylon, and all the borders thereof, [Oros. lib. 5. cap. 4.]

The Grecians and Macedonians of the upper Provinces, not brooking the insolencies of those strangers the Parthians, sent often Embassages to Demetrius Nicator, engaging themselves, that if he would but come unto them, they would yeild themselves up unto him, and joyn with him in opposing Arsaces the King of Persia and Media. Inflamed with this hope, he made what speed he could towards them: and in the 172 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, having drawn up all his Forces together, marched into Mesopotamia, trusting ere long to get both it, and Babylon, and Media, all at once into his hands: not doubting, but by the association of the upper Provinces with him, he should easily chase Tryphon out of the kingdom of Syria. Upon his arrival into those parts, he was received with great alacrity, and being assisted by the auxliaries of the Persians, Elymites, and Bactrians, gave many an overthrow to the Parthians. But at last, he was over-reached by one of Arsaces his Nobles, who upon pretence of concluding a peace, was sent to seize upon his person. He was surprised by an Ambuscado, and having lost his whole army, fell alive into the hand of the enemy: who led him thorough the streets of the City, shewed him to the people which revolted, in mockery of their favour towards him, and at last committed him close prisoner, [1 Mac. 14. 1, 2, 3. Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 9. fin. Justin. lib. 36. cap. 1 & l…b. 38. cap. 9.] Gorgius Syncellus addes, how he was kept in irons, and upon that occasion was surnamed Siderites.

Although Arsaces was advanced to such a vast command, yet did he not proceed to luxury and pride, (which is the usual practise of most Princes) but expressed a great deal of Clemency towards his subjects, and valour against his enemies. And when he had brought several Nations under his command, he selected out of every one of them, the choicest institutions and laws, and communicated them to his Parthians, [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 361.] As for Demetrius who was sent away into Hircania, he did not onelyonly freely give unto him the respect due unto a King, but also gave him his daughter to wife, promising moreover, to restore unto him the kingdom of Syria, which Tryphon had disseized him of, [Iustin. lib. 36. cap. 1. & lib. 38. cap. 9.] Although Appian writes that Demetrius lived at Pharaates Court (the Brother and Successour of Mithridates) and married his sister Rhodogu…a, [in Syriacis, pag 132.]

In the 172 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, on the 18 day of the (6) monethmonth Elul, about the ending of the third year of Simons High Priesthood (commencing from the death of his brother Jonathan, after whom he succeeded in the High Priesthood) in a great assembly of the Priests, and the people, the Rulers of the Nation and the Elders of the Country, an instrument was published, specifying how well Simon had deserved of the Jewish Nation, and the right of Soveraignty granted to him and his posterity, that he should be their Governour, and that he should have the oversight of those that were over the workes and reparations of the Temple; over the Governours in the Country, over the Commanders in the army, and the Captains of the Garrisons: That he also should have the charge of the holy things, and should be obeyed of all men; That all writings in the Country should be signed with his name; That he should be clothed in Purple, and weare Gold, That it should not be lawful for any of the Priests or the people, to repeal any of these Decrees, or contradict any thing he spake, or gather any assembly in the Country, without his permission; or to wear Purple, or use the golden Buckle. Simon accepted hereof, and was well contented to execute the High Priests Office; to be General and Commander of the Jews and the Priests, and to be over them all. Then commanded they this writing to be put in Tables of brasse, and to be hung on the pillars in the porches of the Temple, in an open place; and that a copy also of the same should be kept in the Treasury of the Temple, that Simon and his sons might take them out upon occasion, [1 Maccab. 14. 26, 49.]

The souldiery growing weary of Tryphons deportment, Year of the World 3864 revolted from him to Cleopatra the wife of Demetrius Nicator, The Julian Period. 4574 who at that time had shut her self up with her children in Seleucia. Year before Christ 140 But she sent to Antiochus brother to Demetrius, her husband (who was close prisoner) offering him marriage, and the kingdom. This she did, partly by the advice of her friends, partly because she feared, least some of the Seleucians would deliver up the City to Tryphon, [Ioseph. lib. 13. cap. 12.]

This Antiochus, son of Demetrius Soter; in Josephus, [lib. 7. Antiquit. cap. 12. & lib. 13. cap. 16.] is called (because of his religion) the Pious: and [in lib. 13. cap. 12.] by his fathers sirname Soter; in Trogus Pompeius, [in prolog. lib, 39.] and in Eusebius [in his Chronicles.] Sidetes, vel Sedetes: either from his hunting (which in p. 482Syrick is foreign) and to which sport he was much addicted, as Plutarchs Problemes intimate: or from the City Sidon, from whence (as Georgius Syncellus writeth) he came to besiege Tryphon. Justin relates, how that at first he was brought up in Asia, and by his father Demetrius Soter, entrusted, with his elder brother Demetrius Nicator, to an hoast at Cnidos, [Justin, lib. 35. cap. 2. & 36. cap. 1.] Appian writes, how that he received at Rhodes, and from the Islands of the sea, the news of his brothers confinement, and what ensued after, [in Syriac. pag. 132.] We read also in [1 Mac. 15. 1, 2.] that he (after he had assumed upon him the title of King) wrote letters to Simon the High Priest, and Ruler, and to the whole Nation of the Jews.

In these his letters he complained much of the hard usage of his enemies, and shewed, that he was now ready to avenge himself, least he might seem to take upon himself the name of a King to no purpose. In the next place, in design of making Simon his friend, he confirmes unto him all the immunities and priviledges, which other Kings had granted; to which he added a right of coining monies with his own stamp. He decreed moreover, That Hierusulem should be exempted from being under the Kings jurisdiction; promising also, that he would confer more and greater favours, as soon as he was in possession of his kingdom, [Ibid. 3. 9.]

Numenius, Year of the World 3865 Antiochus his son, The Julian Period. 4572 and some other Embassadors came to Rome from Simon the High Priest and the people of the Jews, Year before Christ 139 about renewing their League and amity with the Romans: They brought with them a great shield of God of a thousand pound weight. The Present was well taken; and Lucius the Consul gave them letters to the Kings, and to the Provinces, prohibiting them from attempting any thing which might prejudice the Jews, nor abetting and assisting any that should fight against them; and if at any time any Runnagado Jews should flee out of Judea, and come into their parts, they should deliver them up to Simon the High Priest, to be proceeded against according to the laws of their Country, [1 Mac. 14. & 15. 15, 21.]

Lucius was that same L. Calpurnius Piso, the Colleague of L. Popilius Laenas, who was sent into Spain against the Numantines, of whose Consulship mention is made in Valerius Maximus, [lib. 1. cap. 5.] after this manner. P. Cornelius Hispalus the Praetor, for strangers (Popilius Laenas, and L. Calpurnius. being Consuls) commanded by his Edict, all Chaldeans to depart the City, and Italy within ten dayes: whose profession it is, by their false interpretation of the influence of the Stars, to cast, thorough their lyes, mists upon vain and foolish minds. Although Stephanus Pighsius (out of Cassiodorus his Fasti Consulares) instead of the praenomen Lucius, hath put Cneus against the authority of the received Copies.

The Kings to whom these Letters were written, were five in number. Ptolemeus Euergetes II. or Physcon of Egypt: Demetrius Nicator of Syria (notwithstanding he was at this time, prisoner to the Parthians.) Attalus Philadelphus of Pergamenine Asia, Ariarathes of Cappadocia, and Arsaces or Mithridates of Parthia. The Cities, Countries, and Islands, were 19. Sampsama, (or as in the Latin, Lampsacus) Sparta, Delos, Mynd…s, Sicyon, Caria, Samos, Pamphylia, Lycia, Halicarnassus, Rhodus, Phaselis, Co os, Sida, Aradus, Gortyna, Cnidus, Cyprus, and Cyrene, [1 Mac. 15. 16, 22, 23.]

In the 174 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, Antiochus Sidetes returned into the land of his fathers, [Ibid. 10.] where he married Cleopatra, his brothers wife, [Iustin, lib. 36. cap. 1.] who was somewhat vexed for Demetrius his marrying Rhodoguna, daughter to the Parthian King, [Appian. Syriac. pag. 132.] From this time, Antiochus reigned 9 years, [Porphyr. & Euseb.]

Tryphon had but a very small Retinue, almost all his Forces came away to Antiochus. Upon this desertion of the souldiery, he made what haste he could to get into Dora (a maritime City of Phenicia.) Thither Antiochus pursued him, and laid so close siege to the City (both with land Forces, consisting of 120 thousand Foot, and 8 thousand Horse) and also with his Fleet, that he suffered none to passe out or in, [1 Mac. 15. 10, 14.]