The Annals of the World, History 1 · Age of the world 6 (17 of 18)

The Annals of the World · History 1 · Age of the world 6 (17 of 18)

p. 370So soon as Antiochus was returned to Antioch, he sent Antipater, his brothers son, and Theodotus Hemiolius his Ambassadors to Ptolemei, to entreat of a peace between them. And Ptolemei, contenting himself with his unlookt for victory, and with the recovery of Coelosyria, after a few high words to the Ambassadors used, and complainings against the unjust dealings of Antiochus, granted a truce for a year, and sent Sosibius to ratifie it with him, [Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 428. with Justin lib. 30. cap. 1.]

Ptolemei, Year of the World d. having spent three moneths in Syria, and Phaenicia, to settle matters there in the several Cities and States, left Andromachus of Aspendus in Asia, to govern all that Country, and so with his sister Arsinoe, and his Nobles returned to Alexandria; having put such an end to this war against Antiochus, as his subjects, who knew the course of his life, much wondred at it. And Antiochus having confirmed the truce in the presence of Sosibius; set himself presently to begin a war upon Achaeus, as he formerly intended to do, [Polyb. Ib.]

Antiochus, Year of the World 3788 having spent the winter in making his provisions, The Julian Period. 4498 with all possible care, Year before Christ 216 the next spring set forward, and passing the mount Taurus, made a league with Attalus, and began his war upon Achaeus, [Id. ib. pag. 444, 446.] whom, whiles he besieged in Sardes, there passed between them sundry skirmishes, day and night, without ceasing: the souldiers on either side omitting no opportunity; but striving by all means, and lying at catch to entrap one another, and to fight upon all advantages. [Id. ib. lib. 7. pag. 506.]

When the Galls, whom Attalus had planted in Hellespont, besieged the City of Ilium, the Alexandrenses, which dwelt in Troas; sent their Captain Themistas with four thousand men, and turned them going out of all the territorie of Troas, by keeping all provisions from them, and making head every where against them: and when they could stay no longer there, they went and possessed themselves of the City called Arisba, and the territories of Abidus; and from thence issued out, and sought to get the rest of the Country there about into their hands, making incessant war upon them. Whereupon Prusias, king of Bythinia, drew out against them, and fought with them, and first flew the men in fight; and that done, fell upon their Camp, and there utterly destroyed their wives and children, and all the race of them, and gave the spoile of them to the souldier, for their pains, [Id. lib. 5. pag. 44.]

Ptolemei, returning into Egypt, fell again to his old trade of living, casting off all care of any thing that good was, and wallowing in all filthery of gluttony and luxury, [Id. ib. lib. 14. in Excerpt. Hen. Vales pag. 62.] for, growing more and more mad in this kind; he not onelyonly glutted himself with uncleannesse and lechery, but also vexed the Jews of Alexandria, with infamous and false reports cast abroad against them, and sought all means to turn them away from the true worship of the living God, and such as would not, he commanded to be slain; and turning them out of all place of office or dignity, market them with hot irons in the face, with the signe of an ivie leaf, because that was the badge of Bacchus: but they that would fall from their religion, those he suffered to enjoy equal rights and priviledges with the native Macedons in Alexandria.

Hereupon, many there were that abandoned their religion, in compliance to the Kings will, and others bought their peace, and saved their lives, and escaped their marking in their faces with hot irons, for their mony. But they, who continued in the religion of their forefathers, held themselves punctually to their allegeance to the King, but would not converse or communicate in any kind with those of their own nation, who had apostatized from their religion; whereof their enemy made presently this construction, as if they opposed the King in his power and government, and sought to turn away the subject from his obedience. Whereupon Philopator, growing wroth p. 371with the Jews, not onelyonly of Alexandria, but even thoroughout all Egypt, sent forth order to have them all gathered together into one place, purposing there to destroy them all. Now there was an inventory taken of them by the Kings officers, 40 dayes long; to wit, from the 25 day of the monethmonth Pachon, to the 4 of the monethmonth Epiphi, that is, according to the sixt year of Alexandria, (which some later Chronologers without all reason, would have never to have been in use, till after the Sea fight at Actium, between Augustus and Antony) from the 20 day of our May, to the 29 of July following: and the day of the massacre was designed to have been for 3 dayes space; to wit, from the fifth of Epiphus inclusively, to the seventh of the same.

Upon the time appointed, the Jews of Alexandria were all brought, (as we would say) into Smithfield, there to be first reviled and set at naught, by all that passed by: then the King called for Hermon, Master of the Elephants, and gave him order against the next day to make his Elephants, to the number of 500, to drink and fill themselves with wine mingled with myrrh, or frankincense; that growing more fierce and starke mad therewith, they might so be let go, and driven upon the Jews; and either teare or tread them all to pieces. But the next day, the King fell into a dead sleep, and awaked not till dinner time; and by that time all the people that came thither to see, seeing no thing done, were gone home again. And upon the third day, when the Elephants were all prepared, and ready to fall upon them; there appeared two Angels, very terrible to look on, coming down from heaven, which so amazed all the company there present, that they stood amazed, and stirred not: The King also himself fell into a trance, and his fury towards those poor prisoners, telented; but above all, the Elephants, instead of falling upon them, turned short, and fiercely ran upon the souldiers, that, according to the custom, came in the reare of them, and trode them under-foot, all save such as could shift for themselves by fleeing.

Then the King commended the Jews for their constancy, and caused their fetters to be knockt off, and acknowledged, that their God it was, that had so delivered them; and for 7 dayes long, to wit, from the 7 of Epiphus, till the 14 of the same, (i.e.) from the second of our July, to the ninth of the same, feasted them: after which, the Jewes thus saved, obtained leave of the King, that they might do to death such of their own Nation, as had apostatized from their Religion; saying, that those who, for their bellies sake, had forsaken the Lawes and Commandments of their God, would never prove faithful to their King. Of this sort therefore they slew 300 in the way as they went; and came at last to Ptolemaiis, seated upon the River Nile, in Arsinoite Nomo, which from the abundance of Roses there growing, is surnamed Rhodophorus, where their Fleet attended them 7 dayes. There they altogether made a feast of thanksgiving; the King himself making every man a large allowance for his charge upon the way homeward: Whereupon they returned joyfully home, some by land, some by sea, some by the River, every man as his way lay. All which is more at large set forth and described in the 3 book of the Macchabees, which Phlostorgius in the beginning of his Ecclesiastical History, calleth Librum portentosum, (i.e.) A book of miracles; and setting forth nothing like unto the first.

The Egyptians growen insolent, and proud with their successe at the battle of Raphia against Antiochus, never cared for Philopator afterward; but sought them a Head and Captain of their own, as having power enough in themselves to quell the like of him: which at last, and that not very long after, they did, [Polyb. lib. 5. cap. 444.]

Philopator therefore was now forced to make a war upon his rebelling subjects, Year of the World 3789 [Id. ibid.] wherein, The Julian Period. 4499 there is no doubt, Year before Christ 215 but the Jewes upon this obligation so lately by him laid upon them, stood firm unto him. At least, this appears out of Eusebius, and Jornandes his Chron. that about this time, there were no lesse than 60 thousand of them slain in a battle; which so great a slaughter of them, caused perhaps Demetrius, who wrote a book of the Kings of the Jewes, to think it reason, to reckon the years, which ran from the captivity of Babylon, or the carrying away of the Jews into Assyria, downward to the reign of this Philopator: as we read in Clemens Alexandrinus, [lib. 1. Stromat.] Whence also we gather, that this Demetrius the Historian, wrote after the dayes of Philopator; and yet before that vast desolation brought upon the Jews by Antiochus Epiphanes: to which especially, if it had ever come to his knowledge, I could easily, and upon very good grounds imagine, that he would have applied the termes of those former calamities, which befel that Nation.

The City of Sardes, all save the Castle, was thorough the industry of Lagoras the Cretian, taken by Antiochus, in the second year after he began to lay siege unto it. Polyb. lib. 7, a, pag. 506. to pag. 510.]

Sosibius, who managed all matters in Egypt, under Philopator; dealt with one Bolis, a Cretian, how to deliver Achaeus, who lay besieged in the Castle at Sardes, out of this danger. But he, treating with Cambylus, the Captain of the Cretians, which p. 372served under Antiochus, got Achaeus out of the Castle, indeed by a train, but delivered him alive into Antiochus his hand: and Antiochus, having gotten him, caused his hands and his feet first to be cut off; then his head to be chopt off, and to be sowed up in an asses belly, and his body to be hung upon a crosse. The rest in the Castle, some holding with Ariobazus the Governour of Sardes, others with Laodice, the now Relict of Achaeus, and daughter of Mithridates King of Pontus, and both at variance among themselves, quickly resolved to put themselves, Castle and all, into the power of Antiochus, and so submitted all to him, [Polyb. lib. 8. pag. 522. and pag. 529.]

Lacydes of Cyrenia, Year of the World 3790 master of the new Academy, The Julian Period 4500 having spent 26 years in that place, Year before Christ 214 was the onelyonly man that ever in his life time gave over his place, and he resigned it to Telecles and Euander, both of Phocaea, [as Laert. in Lacyde. affirmeth.]

Antiochus now set upon Media and Parthia and other provinces, which had revolted from his progenitors, Year of the World 3792 [Appia. in Syriac. in Mitio.] whose expedition against Arsaces, who was the chief and principall founder of the Parthian Empire, is at large set out by Polyb. in his 10 book, [from pag. 597, to pag. 602.]

When P. Sulpitius and Cu. Fulvius, were Consuls of Rome, Laevius being then Praetor, made a league with the Etolians in Greece and Attalus King of Pergamus in Asia. Year of the World 3793 [Liv. lib. 27. Justin. lib. 29. cap. 4. Eutrop. lib. 3.] which league, The Julian Period. 4503 Attalus kept most constantly with the Romans to his lives end, Year before Christ 211 [Polib. pag. 820.]

M. Attalus, any Manius Acilius were sent Ambassadors from Rome to Ptolemei and Cleopatra, Year of the World 3794 Kings of Egypt, The Julian Period. 4504 in Alexandria, Year before Christ 210 to put him in mind of, and to renue their former league, and they presented them; both him with a gown, and a robe of scarlet, with a chair of State, all made of ivory; and her with a gown embroidered, and a sur-coat of scarlet, [Justin lib. 30. cap. 1. & 4.]

Ptolemei Philopator had by his wife, and the same his sister, Euridice, a son called Ptolemeus Epiphanes, Year of the World 3795 who at the age of five years, The Julian Period. 4505 succeeded him in the kingdom of Egypt, Year before Christ 209 [Justin lib. 30. cap. 1, 2.] whose birth day was first solemnly celebrated by all the great men and others of Syria, and the Country thereabouts of his dominion, at home, and then they made every man a journey to Alexandria, there to bid him joy of his young son. Among the rest, Josephns the Jew, the son of Tobias, and of the daughter of Simon, surnamed the Just, the High Priest, collector of his tributes thoroughout Syria, Phaenicia, and Palestina, sent his youngest son Hyrcanus, begotten of the daughter of Solymius, his elder brother, to kisse the Kings hand; with letters to his agent Arion, who had the managing of all his monies at Alexandria, amounting to no lesse than three thousand talents, to furnish him with monies, to buy the most rich and pretious present for the King, that that place could afford. And whereas the others, that went highest, presented the King not with above 20 talents; Hycranus brought with him an hundred beautifull boys, and as many maidens, and put in each of their hands a thousand talents, to offer them; the boys to the King, the maids to Cleopatra the Queen, for a present: which so great and unexpected a present, the King much admired, and not onelyonly entertained the young man with all princely honour, and royal gifts, but also by him wrote his royal letters, commendatory on his behalf to his father, and brethren, and to all his Commanders, and chief Officers in those parts, and so dismissed him, with all kind of honour that he could do him. But his brethren, (who were seven in number, yet all begotten of another Venter) seeing what great honour the King had done him, agreed among themselves to meet him as he was upon his journey homeward, and to murder him, not without the privity of the father himself, who, being angry with him for the profuse expense which he made of his monies in his presents to the King, cared not now what became of him: but when his brothers set upon him, he slew two of them, and sundry others of their company. And when he came to Jerusalem, and saw that no man there would look upon him, he, for fear of the worst, withdrew himself to the parts beyond Jordan, and there kept [Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 4.]

Philippus, King of Macedon, fought two several battles against the Etolians, borne up though they were with succours from Rome, and from Attalus the King, and in both battles overthrew them: and received shipping from Prusius, King of Bithynia: and both Attalus, and P. Sulpitius, the Pro-consul in those parts, wintered that year in the Isle of Egina, [Liv. lib. 27.] See also [Polyb. lib. 10. pag. 612, 613, and 851.]

In the beginning of the Spring, Sulpitius, and Attalus, joyning together, sailed to Lemons, and from thence coming into Eubaea, took Oreum and Opus. And then Attalus hearing that Prusias had invaded the frontiers of his kingdom, left the Romans, and the war in Etolia, and sailed into Asia; and Philippus came to Elatia, where he had appointed the Ambassadors from Ptolemei, and from the Rhodians to meet him, and there, when they treated of putting an end to the p. 373war in Etolia, news was brought them, that Niachanidas the tyrant of Lacedemon, was ready to fall upon the Eleans, whils they were busie about their solemne Games at Olympus, [Id. lib. 28.] and this Summer began the 143. Olympiade.

[Polyb. lib. 15. pag. 719.] tells us, Year of the World 3797 that Arsinoe the Queen, The Julian Period. 4507 and sister of Ptolemei, Year before Christ 207 was murdered by one Philammon, set on by Sosibius. See also [Hen. Vales. Excerpt. pag. 65.] and we find also in [Justin, lib. 30. cap. 1.] that Philopator slew his wife and sister, Eurydice: Whereby it should seem, that Pol…bius his Arsinoe, and Justin his Eurydice, and Livies and Josephus his Cleopatra, [sup. an. Mund. 3794, and 3795.] were all one and the same woman.

But whatever her name was, when she was dead, Philopator, falling in love with one Agathoclia, a dressing woman, and with her brother Agathocles in a sodomitical way, set this Agathocles, to the wonderment of all men, at the helme of his kingdom: being a man of no Court-wit at all, nor ever versed in any point of State affairs; and with them took in also their mother Oenauthe, who, by her two childrens means, engaged the Kings affection to her self also. Agathocles, keeping always close to the King, ruled the whole State: and the women bestowed all offices of the State, with all commanderships, and captain-ships in the army where they pleased; and the King himself, who was now in their hands, could do the least of any man, in his own kingdom, [Polyb. lib. 15. pag. 720. and in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 65. Justin, lib. 30. cap. 1, 2. Plut. in Erotico, and in Cleom. Athenae. lib. 6. cap. 6. and lib. 13. cap. 13. Hierony. upon Daniel, cap. 11.]

But when the people wanted a man, by whose hand to wreak their anger upon Agathocles, and Agathoclia, they were fain to be quiet for the present; yet had their eye still upon one Tlepolemus, and fed themselves with some hope in him, [Polyb. pag. 66. Excerpt. Vales.] This young man, who had ever carryed himself eminently, and with great honour in the war, had at that time the managing of the Kings treasure committed to him; which when he used, not as an officer, but rather like a young heir, he fell into the dislike and hatred of the Court: Whereupon, when Ptolemaeus the son of Sosibius, (of whom I spake ere while) returned from Philippus out of Macedon, with the other Ambassadors, it should seem, who had been sent thither the year before, began to speak his mind somewhat freely of Tlep…lemus, he found every man at Court, ready to applaud him in his way, [Idem. lib. 16. pag. 82, 85. and Excerpt. Vales.]

These coles kindling, Year of the World 3798 and growing into a further flame, The Julian Period. 4508 the Courtiers in an open assembly complained of Tlepolemus, Year before Christ 206 and Tlepolemus on the other side, set himself to frame one general accusation against them all to the King: which Sosibius hearing, (who had both the keeping of the Kings Seale, and custody of his person) gave up the Seale into Tlepolemus his hand; which he receiving, did all things afterward at his plesure in the State, [Ibid. pag. 85, 86.]

In the Consulship of P. Cornel. Scipio, Year of the World 3799 and P. Licimus Crassus, The Julian Period. 4509 there was found by the College of the Decemviri, Year before Christ 205 a certain saying, written in the books of Sibylla, which were in their keeping, to this purport, and in these words. Quandocunquc hostis alienigena, &c. That whensoever a forreign enemy should make war upon Italy, he might be driven out again and overcome, if the image of the Mother of the gods at Ida, which fell from heaven, were sent for, and brought to Rome. Whereupon, there were five Ambassadors dispatcht away presently to King Attalus, to desire her of him, and to bring her by sea unto him. These five, had each of them a ship of five tire of oares, to go in; to the end they might appear in a fashion answerable to the honour and dignity of the State of Rome, in those parts, where they were at their first arrival to ingrariate themselves, and to beget an opinion of the Roman name and Majesty of their State. Attalus received and entertained these Ambassadors at Pergamus, with all expressions of love and kindness; and then led them to Pessinuntis in Phrygia, and there delivered into their hands that sacred Stone, which the people there said, was the mother of the gods, and willed them to carry it to Rome, as they desired, [lib. 29.]

In the prologue to the 30 book of Trogus, it is noted, that Antiochus in that journey of his, quieted all the upper Provinces of Asia, as far as Bactria. But there, when he long laboured, though all in vain, to turn Euthydemus out of that Province; he was fain, in the end, to come to an agreement, and make a league with him: for the ratifying whereof, when he sent his own son, called Demetrius, to Antiochus; Antiochus, seeing his behaviour, judged him a man fit to be a King, and first promised to give him one of his daughters to wife; and then gave his father leave to take upon him the title of a king: and lastly, having subscribed to the other articles of the league between them made, and taken his oath for the true observance of them, removed with his Camp; having first distributed provisions largly among his own souldiers, and received from Euthydemus all the Elephants, which he had with him, [Polyb. lib. 11. page 651.]

p. 374Then passing the Caucasus, he re-entered upon India, and there renewed the league, and friendship formerly made with Sophagasenus their King, and there he received more Elephants from him, and then distributed a further admeasurement of corn among his army and so returned, leaving Androsthenes of Cyzicum, to bring after him the treasure, which Sophagasenus had promised to put into his hand. [Id. Ib. pag. 652.]

Then came he into Arachosia, Year of the World 3800 from whence, passing the river Erymanthus, and going thorough the Country of Drangia, he came into Carmania, and there, because the winter season come on, he quartered his army about the Country, [Ibid,]

The Romans made a peace with Philippus King of Macedon; and into this league were taken by Philippus, Prusias the King of Bythinia, and by the Romans, the state of Ilium, and Attalus the King of Pergam. [Id. ib,]

Philopator died at Alexandria, leaving for his successor Ptolemeus, surnamed Epiphanes, (i.e.) the Noble or Illustrious, whom Appianus in his Syriac. surnameth also Philopator, after his fathers sur-name. He succeeded his father at the age of four yars, as Hieronym. upon the 11 of Daniel sayes, or of five, as Justin, and he reigned 24 years: as [Cl. Ptolem. in Reg. Can. Clemens Alexandr. Porphys. Euseb. and Jerom] tell us.

Philopators death was concealed a long time, whiles Agathoclia and Oenanthe her mother, rifled the Kings cofers, and got all his monies into their hands, and so put the state and kingdom into the power of their own lewd consorts, [Justin l. 40. c. 2.] Till at length Agathocles, calling together the principal of the Macedons, came forth unto them, and bringing with him his sister Agathoclia, and the young King, tells them; That the King, when he lay a dying, delivered the child into his sisters bosom, and commended him to hers and his care; and withall produced the testimony of one Critolaus, who testified that Tlepolemus was about to invade the kingdom, and to set the Crown of Egypt upon his own head. And when he still continued to utter the same words in all places where he came; every man scorned him. And he, to make his disagreement with Tlepolemus yet more apparent to the world, took Danae, Tlepolemus his mother in law, out of the Temple of Ceres, and dragged her thorough the open streets, and bare faced to prison; and then took Moeragenes one of the guard, because he gave information of all things to Tlepolemus, and favoured his partie, (as he could do no lesse, in regard of that intimacy that was between him and Adaeus, the Governour of Bubastis) and delivered him into the hands of his Secretary Nicostratus, to be tortured: but when he strangly escaped the rack, and got out of their hands stark naked, as he was, he fled to the Macedons, and stirred them up against Tlepolemus. [Polyb. lib. 15. pag. 712, 713, 714.]

And now when the people of all sorts came flocking to the Court, in a tumultuous manner, Agathocles, taking the King with him, went and hid himself, in a place called Syringes, which was a gallery or walk, which had every way three walls and gates to passe, before one could come unto it. But the Macedons forced him to deliver up the King into their hands; and they, having gotten him, brought him out to the people, and there set him in a Royol Throne: to the great joy and comfort of all that saw him. And not long after, was brought fourth also Agathocles, well fettered; but the first that met him, cut his throat. Then came Nico, and then Agathoclia all naked with her sisters, and all the generation of them: and last of all, the old beldam Oenanthe, haled out of the Temple all naked, and set upon a jade, was brought into the Piatsoe, and being all together delivered up to the peoples pleasure, some fell a tearing them with their teeth, some lanced them with their knives, others pulled out their eyes, and as any of them happened to be killed, they presently fell to pulling them in pieces, untill there was no signe of any of them left. At the same time also, the damsels, who attended upon Arsinoe, whiles she lived, hearing that Philammon, whose hand was principally used in the murder of her, was come from Cyrene to Alexandria, brake into his house, and there slew him, with staves and stones; and finding there a little child of his, strangled it, and dragged his wife stark naked into the street, and there cut her throat, [Ibid. pag. 716, 718, 719.] And then afterward, when the tumult and fury of the people was over; the management of the affairs of the kingdom, was committed to one Aristomenes, born in Acarnania, [Ibib. pag. 717. & lib. 17. pag. 771, 772.] and he, being made governour of the King and kingdom, administred the affairs thereof, with a great deal of moderation and wisdom, [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 294.]

Antiochus, King of Syria, and Philippus, King of Macedon, hearing of the death of Philopator, entered into a wicked consultation together, how to share his kingdom, between them two; encouraging one another, to begin with the murder of the young King that was, [Id. lib. 15. pag. 705, Livie, lib. 31. Justin, lib. 30. cap. 3.] whereof p. 375Polybius in special, [lib. 3. pag. 159.] speaketh in this wise; foreign, &c. (i.e.) When Ptolemei the King was departed this life, Antiochus and Philippus, laid their heads together, to share the estate of the young King between them, and began a wicked practice. Philip laying hands upon Egypt and Caria, and Antiochus, upon Coelosyria, and Phoenicia. And Jerom upon [11. Dan.] Philippus, saith he, King of Macedon, and Antiochus the great, conspiring together, made war upon Agathocles, (he would have said, Aristomenes) and the young King Ptolemaeus Epiphanes, upon this condition, that each of them, should take of his Dominions, what lay next him: which gives a light to that place in [Josephus, lib. 18. Antiquit. cap. 3.] where he saith; When Antiochus Magnus reigned in Asia, Judaea and Coelosyria both, lived in a continual trouble and vexation, by reason of the continual war which he had, first with Philopator, and afterward with Epiphanes his son, for whether he had the better of it or the worse, these countries were ever plagued by him, being tossed and tumbled between his prosperous and adverse fortunes, like a ship in the sea, between contrary waves: Yet at length, Antiochus had the upper hand, and laid Judaea unto his Dominions, But when Philopator was dead, Epiphanes sent a great army into Coelosyria, under his General Scopas, who recovered both Coelosyria, and our Country also, to himself again, &c. For this is that he would, at least he should, say, that Antiochus after a long war with Philopator and Epiphanes, concerning the Dominion of the land of Judea, got it at last from Epiphanes; and Epiphanes by his General Scopas, recovered it from him again, and anon after, lost it a second time unto him: which Eusebius not perceiving, in the 10 year of Philopater, saith, that Antiochus having overcome Philopator, joyned Judaea to the rest of his Dominions. And an. 1. of Epiphanes, in his Chron. saith, that Ptolemaeus Epiphanes, by his General Scopas, took Judaea. Whereas Antiochus, after his overthrow at Raphia, is no where read to have made war upon Philopotor any more: and that the league, which was after that battle made between them, was first broken by Antiochus in the very first year of Epiphanes, (when Scopas was not yet imployed in the management of that war, as hereafter shall appear) is shewed by Jerom upon [11. Dan.] where he he saith, When Ptolemaeus Philopator was dead, Antiochus brake the league, made with him, and led an army against Ptolemei his son, who was then but 4 years old, and was surnamed Epiphanes.

When Cn. Servilius Caepio, Year of the World 3801 and Cn. Servilius Geminus, The Julian Period. 4511 were Consuls in Rome, Year before Christ 203 it fell out, that at Frusino, the Sun seemed to be encompassed round with a little circle, and then that circle again, was surrounded by a greater body of the Sun, [Liv. lib. 30.] and it should seem, that was none other but that very Eclipse of the Sun, which the Astronimical tables shew us to have fallen this year, upon the 6 day of our May, according to the Julian Calender.

The Carthaginians, worn out with the continual victories of P. Scipio, and despairing of all other safety against him; called Hannibal out of Italy, to their rescue: and he after 16 years stay in Italy, thereupon left it, and returned into Afric, …Id. ibid.]

Philippus, King of Macedon, sent one Heraclides a Tarentine born, and a most vicious fellow, to Rhodes, to destroy their Fleet: and then sent Ambassadors into Creet, to stir them up to a war against the Rhodians, [Polyb. lib. 13. pag. 672, 673.]

There was a sea fight between Philippus King of Macedon, and the Rhodians, near to the Isle of Lada; wherein he took two of their ships of five tire of oares apiece. The rest of their Fleet, fleeing into the open sea, were lighted on by a foul tempest, and driven ashoar, first upon Myndia, and the next day upon Coos: But the enemy, trailing the ships which they had so taken, at their poupes, went into Lada, which lieth over against Miletus, Year of the World 3802 and refreshed themselves in the enemies Camp which they had left: The Julian Period. 4512 which the Milesians perceiving, Year before Christ 202 they presented not Philippus onelyonly, but even Heraclides himself, with Crowns, at their entering into M…letus, [Idem, in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 70, and 73.] out of Zeno and Antis…henes, two Rhodian Historians.

Philippus, wanting corn, ceased not to waste all Attalus his country, even to the very walls of Pergamus: but when he could neither take any one City of his, because they were so well fenced, nor get corn or other spoil out of the Country, by the exquisite order which Attalus had taken to prevent him: then he fell upon the Temple and Altars, and spoiled them, breaking the very stones of them in pieces, that they might never be put together again. And having utterly destroyed the Nicephorian Grove, planted near the City Pergamus, and laid many a Church and Chappel thereabouts level with the ground: he went from thence first towards Thyatira, but then turned back again, and wont to a field called Thebes, hoping to get some great booty there; but failing there also, and coming to a place called Hiera-Come, he sent messengers to Zeuxis, Governour of Lydia under Antiochus, desiring him to supply him with provisions for his army, according to the articles of peace, between his Master and him: but Zeuxis made at first as if, by all means, he would do according to those articles: what else? but indeed resolved to do nothing whereby any good might come to p. 376Philippus, [Polyb. lib. 16. in Excerpt. Vales. page 66, 69. with Diodorus Sic. ibid, page 294.]

This Philippus had another sea fight against Attalus and the Rhodians, near the Isle of Chios; in which there were slain of the Rhodians 60. of Attalus his men, to the number of 70 men, but of Philippus his part, were slain of his Macedons 1200, and of his aides and associates, to the number of 6000. There were also taken prisoners of the Macedon nation, with their fellows, 2000, and 700 Egyptians. Neverthelesse, Philippus, though he had every way the worst of it, yet chalenged the honour of the day to himself in two respects: one was, for that Attalus being forced to fly to Erythrae, he had seized on his Ammiral, and trailed her at one of his ships tails into his port; The other was, for that himself coming on shoar at Argenaum, a fore-land in Ionia, he there took up his standing, to recover what might be saved out of the naverage, [Polyb. lib. 16. from pag. 723. to pag. 730.]

When Philippus besieged Prinassa, a City of Caria, and could do nothing upon it by plain force; yet at length he got it by a stratageme, [Id. Ibid. pag. 730, 731.] and put Garrisons into Iassus, Bargyllis, and the City of the Euromenses, [Ib. pag. 731. & lib. 17. pag. 744.]

P. Cornelius Scipio utterly overthrew Hannibal. Year of the World 3803 in Afric. and this was the last battle of this second Carthaginian war; we read in Zonaras, that the Carthaginians were amazed at a total eclipse of the son which fell at this time: but that this was no such great eclipse, we find by Livie, [lib. 30.] who saies, that indeed the body of the son at Cumae seemed to be somewhat lessened: and the Astronomical Tables shew as much, and tell us of a very small eclipse of the sun, this year, upon the 19 of our Octob. Some there are, who say that Hannibal flying out of the battle, came to the sea side, where he found a ship laid for him; and therein sailed directly into Asia, to King Antiochus: and that when Scipio demanded of the Carthaginians, first, and above all things, to deliver Hannibal into his hand, answer was made him, that Hannibal not in Afric. [Liv. Ibid.] But others more truly, that Scipio neither demanded him at all of them, nor any wayes insulted upon his overthrow. [Plutarch in T. Q. Flaminio.]

When Phyilippus came toward Abydus, they shut their gates against him, not admitting so much as his messengers, which he sent unto them: he lay long in siege before that place; and they might have escaped his hands, had Attalus and the Rhodians made any speed to their rescue. But Attalus sent them in onelyonly 300 men for a supply; and the Rhodians, who with their whole fleet lay at Tenedus thereby, sent them one onelyonly ship of four tire of oares to help them. The men in Abydus, at first, having good store of Engines all about their walls, kept him off very manfully, not onelyonly from making his approaches by land, but also, from coming into their port by sea. But afterward, when a breach was made upon the main wall, and they had cast up another within it, and the Macedons went to undermine that also, then were they fain to send to Philip, to treat of conditions for a surrender, one of which was, That the Rhodian ship, with the souldiers and mariners in her, might depart in safety; the like for Attalus his men that were in the Town: and the last, That they themselves might depart with one suit of cloathes onelyonly upon their backs. But when they could get no answer from him, unlesse they rendred themselves wholly and absolutely to his mercy; they, what with indignation, what with despair, grew into such a rage, that they made fifty of their principall men to swear openly, That if they saw the inner wall once taken by the enemy, they would presently go and kill every man his own wife and children, and throw his silver, gold, and jewels, into the sea: and that done, the souldiers bound themselves in common, each to other, that either they would vanquish their enemies, or die every man of them sword in hand, and fighting for his Country. [Liv. lib. 31. Polyb. lib. 16. pag. 736, 737, 738.]

About the same time came Ambassadors to Rome from Attalus and the Rhodidians, both, complaining of the wrongs done them by Philippus and his Macedons, to whom answer was made, that the Senate, would take the affairs of Asia into their consideration and care. [Livie, lib. 32. with Justin lib. 30. cap. 3,]

Three Ambassadors were sent from Rome to Ptolemei and Antiochus, to put an end to all differences between them. The Ambassadors were, C. Clau. Nero. Mar, Emil. Lepidus, and P. Sempronius Tuditanus; who coming to Rhodes, and there hearing of the siege of Abydus, and desirous to have some speech with Philippus, as they had in their instructions to do, put of their journey to Ptolemei and Antiochus, for the present, and sent Emilius the youngest of the three, unto Philippus; and he meeting with him at Abydus, gave him to understand, that the senate of Rome had a purpose, to desire him to forbear making war upon any City of the Grecians, nor lay hands or touch any thing belonging to Ptolemei King of Egypt. This if he did, p. 377he might live in peace; if he did not, he should know, that the Romans were resolved, and ready to make war upon him: to whom Philippus returned this answer, Thy age, saith he, and comliness of thy person, and above all, the name of a Roman, makes thee speak thus high: but I would advise you, to remember the league and covenant made, and to keep peace with me: if not, I am also resolved to do my endeavour, and to make you know and feel, that the power and name of a Macedon is no way inferiour to, or lesse noble than that of a Roman is. [Id. Ibid. with Polyb. pag. 738, 739, 787, 388.]

Justin, [lib. 30. cap. 30.] tells us, that this M. Emil. Lepidus, was sent also by the Romans into Egypt, to govern the Kingdom of Egypt, on the behalf of this young Ptolemeus Epiphanes. Whether moved thereto by an Embassage sent to them from Alexandria, that they would vouchsafe to take upon them the patronage and tutele-ship of the Minor, and defend the kingdom of Egypt, which Antiochus and Philippus were said already to have shared between them, [Ibid. cap. 2.] or whether, the Minor himself was by the father in his death-bed committed to their care and trust, as he elsewhere intimates, [lib. 31. cap. 1.] whereof [Valer. Max. lib. 6. cap. 6.] speaking, useth these words: When King Ptolemei had left the people of Rome Guardian to his son in his minority, the Senate sent M. Emil. Lepidus, High Pontif. and one that had been then twice Consul, to Alexandria, there to take care of the Wards estate, and was content to want the holiness of a most honourable, and withal, of a most upright man, and so long versed in their own affairs, to imploy it in the exercise of a forreign charge, rather than suffer the faith and trust of our City to have been implored in vain. For he conceived that this man had executed the office of a Guardian or Tutor in Egypt, whiles he was High Pontif. and when he had been already twice Consul in Rome; when as yet Epiphanes was dead before that time, the reason of which error in him was; because it should seem, he had seen some coine, wherein, together with those titles of his honour and dignity, he found this office of his, Guardian-ship in Egypt, joyned; for to this day, there are extant to be seen, some silver coines, with this inscription; on the one side thus, Alexandrea; and on the other thus, S. C. M. Lepidus Pont. Max. Tutor Reg. who also, in the Image side, is stamped, putting a Crown upon a young mans head, standing on his right hand, with a Scepter in his hand.

And now the Athenians, seeing their territory wasted all over by this Philip, sent and prayed in aide from all parts; from the Romans, from the Rhodians, from Attalus, and from Ptolemei, [Liv. lib. 31.]

Whereupon the Ambassadors of the Romans and Rhodians, meeting with Attalus at Athens, by a common consent, agreed to aide them: for which the Athenians presently decreed excessive honours, first to Attlus, then to the Rhodians; nay, they went so far, as to call one of their own Tribes, after his name, and made it supernumerary to their ten, that were before, [Id. Ib. Polyb. Legat. 3. pag. 786, 787]

Whiles the Romans were busie in preparing war against Philippus, there came Ambassadors from Ptolemei, or rather from his Curators, to Rome, who informed, that the Athenians had craved aide of the King, against Philippus; But though they were confederates, both of the Kings, and the Romans, yet would he do nothing that way, nor send shipping, or army thither, or any whither else, for defence or offence of any, without the leave and authority of the people of Rome. That if the Romans would be pleased to undertake their quarrel, the King would be well content, to sit quiet at home: or if it pleased the Romans to sit quiet, He of himself should easily be able to furnish the Athenians with power enough to represse the force and violence of Philippus. The Senate decreed, That the King should be thanked for his kindnesse, and to tell him, that the Romans were purposed to defend and maintain their own friends and confederates themselves: If they wanted any thing necessary to this war, they would acquaint the King therewith; and that they knew well enough, that the Kings Forces and Means, as they were very great, so they were also very necessary for the defence of his own State. Then they ordered presents to be sent to the kings Ambassadors, to every of them 5 thousand pieces of brasse money, [Liv. ib.]

In the year 54. for so it is in the Greek Manuscript at Lambeth, not 52, as in the vulgar edition of the second Pe…iode of Calippus, 547. of Nabonassar, the 16 day of the monethmonth Mesor, the 22 of our September, 7 hours after high-noon, there was an Eclipse of the Sun observed at Alexandria, [Cl. Ptol. lib. 4. cap. 11.]

Toward the later end of Autumne, Year of the World 3804 P. Sulpitius Galba, Consul, passed over with an army into Macedonia, against Philippus; and thither came to him Ambassadors from Athens, desiring him to deliver them from the siege, which was then laid unto them; whereupon was dispatcht away C. Claudius Cento, with a certain number of ships, fraught with souldiers, to the relief of Athens; for Philippus himself lay not before it; but was then busier then ever, at the siege of Abydus, [Liv. lib. 31.]

They of Abydus, remembring the oath they had made, fought it out so stifly, that when the night should have parted the fray between them; the king amazed at their p. 378courage, or rather at their rage in fighting, was fain to give off first, and to sound a retreate: But then Glaucides, and Theognetus, conferring with some of the Ancients of the Town; who had the hardest part in this tragedy to play, if it came to acting, when they saw that after the fight, there were but few of their men left, and they spent with wounds, and blood which they had lost, so soon as it was day, sent their Priests, in their priestly attire, to give up the Town to Philippus; which when the multitude perceived, they forthwith grew into so desperate a rage, that they ran to kill every man his own wife and children; and that done, slew every man himself in such manner as liked him best; some one way, some another. The King amazed at this strange fury of theirs, commanded his souldiers to forbear, saying, That he would give the Abydenians three dayes time to die in: in which space they acted more barbarous acts of cruelty upon themselves, than they could have expected from an enraged enemy, nor came any one of them alive into his enemies hand, that was out of bands, and at liberty to kill himself. The King, having seized on their wealth, which they had brought all into one place, with a purpose to destroy it, left a Garrison in the place, and departed, [Liv. Ib. Polyb. lib. 16. pag. 738. 739.]

Coming to Bargyllii, he there grew much troubled in his mind, to see the Romans, & Rhodians, and Attalus, and all confederated and preparing for a war against him: & when his army was allmost affamished, Zeuxis the governour of Lydia, and the Cities of Mylassa, Alabanda, and Milesia, sent him in some small provisions to relive them: and he, when they brought him in any thing, contrary to his nature; used all fair and flattering speeches to them: and when they forbare lending, was presently ready to mischief them: and in the end, when by the policie of Philocles, a train was laid to have blown up them of Mylassa, it miscarried through his own folly, and then went he and wasted the territorie of the Alabandi, his good benefactors, as if they had been his open enemies, giving onelyonly for a reason, that his souldiers must not want meat, [Polyb. lib. 16. in Excerpt. Vale. pag. 86, 89.]

In the 55 year of the second Periode of Calippus, in the 548 year of Nabonassar, on the ninth of the month Machir, about midnight, in the beginning of the 20. of our March, there was a total eclipse of the Moon at Alexandria, [Cl. Ptol. l. 4. c. 11.]

In the Summer following, the Romans, with the help of Attalus, and the Rhodians, made war upon Philippus, and his associates in Macedonia, [Livie lib. 31.]

Scopas, the prime man of all Etolia, sent from Alexandria by Ptolemei, with a great masse of mony, took up six thousand Foot, besides Horse, and shipt them away for Egypt: Nor would he have left a man there, able to bear arms, had not one Damocritus put them in mind, sometime of the war, which they were ready to engage in, and sometime, of the solitude and nakednesse, which the Country would be left in, which caused a great part of the gallants that were going, to put off their arms, and stay at home: and this he did, but whether out of a true zeal to his Country, or because Scopas courted, and bribed not him, as he did others, was uncertain. [Id. ib.]

About this time Josephus, the son of Tobias, happening to depart this life; the people of Jerusalem rose in a combustion among themselves, in the quarrel of his sons, while the elder brothers, sought to make war upon their youngest brother Hyrcanus, of whom I spake before: for many of the Jews favoured the elder brothers, and among the rest, Simon the High Priest, for kindreds sake, [Josephus lib. 12. cap. 5.]

In the year 55, of the second Periode of Calippus, in the 548 year of Nabonassar, on the fifth of the monethmonth Mesor, at three a clock after midnight, upon the 12 of our Septemb. there was a total eclipse of the Moon at Alexandria, [Cl. Ptol. lib. 4. c. 11.]

Attalus, before the Autumnal equinox, recovered Oreum by surrender, he was present at the feast of Eleusis in Athens; and then having sent home Agesimbrotus and the Rhodians, himself returned into Asia, [Liv. lib. 31.]

After Simon 2. succeeded his son Onias 3. in the High Priesthood of the Jews, Year of the World 3805 [Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 4, 5.] The Julian Period. 4515 a good man, Year before Christ 199 and a gracious, of a venerable aspect, meek in his carriage, and very advised in his language; and one, who, from his youth, framed himself to all behaviour tending unto a vertious life, [2 Macchab. 15. 12.] In the Fasti Siculi (…or here Scaligers Greek Eusebian Fragments fail us,) he is said to have sate High Priest, 24 years.

Ptol. Epiphanes sent a great army under the command of Scopas, Year of the World 3806 into Coelosyria, who by main force recovered many Cities to him, and among them, the City of Jerusalem, as Josephus reports, [lib. 12. cap. 3. Antiquit.] adding thereto this testimony out of Polyb. lib. Histor. 16.] foreign, &c. (i. e.) But Scopas, the General of Ptolemeis army, marching into the upper regions, subdued the nation of the Jews, in the winter season: whereof Jerom also, upon the 11 of Daniel speaking, saith thus: When Antiochus, saith he, held Judea, Scopas the Etolian was sent General of Ptolemeis forces, and fought valiantly against Antiochus, and took in Judea, and, carrying along with him the chief men of Ptolemeis party, returned into Egypt.

p. 379Mean while Antiochus invaded Attalus his kingdom, which at that time was unfurnished of all provisions for defence, because all was imployed for the Romaas, in the Macedonian war, [Liv. lib. 32.]

The Senate of Rome, Year of the World b. upon complaint thereof made by Attalus, sent their Ambassadors to Antiochus, to tell him, that the Romans at that time made use of Attalus his forces, by sea and land, against the Macedons, a common enemy to them both; and that the Romans would take it well at his hands, if he would hold his hands from medling with any part of his kingdom, for that present, and abstain from war against him; that it was fit and requisite, that such Kings that were in league and friendship with the people of Rome; should also live in peace and amitie between themselves. Upon hearing whereof, Antiochus presently drew off, and ceased from any further war making against Attalus. And Attalus dispatcht away his Ambassadors to the Senate of Rome, to thank them for this so great a befit received by their means, and offered a Crown of gold of 246 pound weight in the Capitol. [Id. ib.]

At this time, Year of the World c. two fleets out of Asia, the one under Attalus the King, consisting of 24 ships, of five tire of oares a piece, the other from Rhodes, of 20 fighting ships, commanded by Agesimbrotus, both which joyning with the Roman fleet, pursued Philippus with all extremity, [Ibid.]

That Summer, Year of the World d. Antiochus took in all the Cities of Coelosyria, which Ptolemei there possessed, as Livie saith, [lib. 33.] and we likewise find in Chron. Euseb. that in the same summer, Antiochus, having overthrown Scopas in a battle, recovered all the the Cities of Syria, and grew friendly and favourably minded to the Jewish nation.

For Antiochus, meeting with Scopas at the heads of the river Jordan, (where the City Paneas was afterward built) there fought with him, and routed him; and when he had recovered the Cities, which Scopas had gotten from him, together with Samaria, the Jews voluntarily submitted to him: and receiving his whole army with his Elephants, into their City, maintained them very plentifully, and readily assisted them, in the siege of the Castle, whereinto Scopas had put a Garrison, which stood out against them: so Josephus, [lib. 12. Antiq. cap. 3.] confirming it further out of the very Epistle, which Antiochus himself wrote to Ptolemaeus, the Captain of the Garrison there: where he also reports out of Polyb. [lib. 16.] how after the overthrow of Scopas, Antiochus took in Batanea, Samaria, Abila, and Gadara; and how the Jews who dwelt at Jerusalem, and that famous Temple there, put themselves into his hand, and how Antiochus took and destroyed Gaza, which stood out against him most constantly in the behalf of Ptolemei all which is delivered in the same book of Polyb. see Vales. Excerpt. [pag. 77. & 86.]

Zeno Rhodius, in his Local History, mentioned by Laertius [lib. 7.] hath at large described this battle fought at Panias, near the heads of the river Jordan, between Antiochus and Scopas, the chief heads of which narration of his, with the more exact censure of Polybius thereupon, with other Excerptions of his out of Polybius, the most learned Hen. Valesius hath given us, [pag. 77, 78, 81.] the issue whereof was, that Antiochus put Scopas to flight, and pursued him to Sidon, and there besieged him with 10 thousand men; and to rescue him, Ptolomei sent three renowned Captains of his, Eropus, Menocles, and Damoxenus; but could not raise the siege, till he for very hunger yielded, and was with his companies suffered to go all naked of the place, [Jerom upon Daniel, Year of the World 3807 cap. 11.]

So Antiochus by that victory gotten at Panias, recovered all Phaenicia, and Coelosyria, and the other Cities of the Country indeed of Syria, but belonging in right to the Kings of Egypt, [Justin. l. 31. cap. 1.] and left them to be held afterward by the Kings of Syria, [Polyb. Legat. 72. p. 893.] But himself returned to winter in Antioch. [Liv. l. 33.]

In the 551 year of Nabonassar, and the 3 years preceding, the 17 day of the monethmonth Athyr, which is moveable, and from which to the 21, as Plutarch in his book, De Iside & Osyride, teacheth us, was celebrated the feast of Isis, by the Egyptians, fell upon the 28 of our Decemb. upon which day, as we have shewed in the seventh chapter of our book, De Macedonum & Asianorum, anno solari. Eudoxus placed the winter Solstice. This when Dositheus, in his Octacris, (which, Censorinus tells us, was attributed to Eudoxus) or in his Parapegma thereunto annexed, which he published at Coloniae, near Athens, (or rather at Coloni, in Eolia) had noted in this time; thence came it to passe, that the Grecians fell into that opinion, which Geminus mentions, [c. 6.] of his Astronomical work, to wit, that the feast of Isis was allwayes kept upon the winter Solstice, or shortest day of the year, which error, as he there also sheweth, was formerly observed in Eratosthenes, in his Commentary De Octtaeride.

In this winter season, Philippus came to a parlie with the Roman Consul, Ti. Quinctius Flaminius, to treat of a peace, and upon what conditions, among which Flaminius propounded this for one, That Philippus should restore unto Ptolemei K. of Egyp…, all the cities which he had taken since the death of Ptol. Philopator, his father, [Polyb. 17. pag. 43, Liv. lib. 32.]

p. 380In the same year, Year of the World b. between the two Islands of Theramene (al. Thera) and Therasia, and in the middest of the sea, lying between them, there was an Earthquake, by which there start up a new Island, with hot Springs, or Fountains of hot waters. And in Asia, upon the same day, an Earthquake shook Rhodes, and many other Cities, and overturned sundry houses in them, and some other Cities it swallowed up whole; whereupon their Priests and Soothsayers foretold, that the then rising Roman Empire, would swallow up and devour the kingdoms, both of Macedon, and Asia, [Justin, lib 30. cap. 4.]

In the beginning of the Spring, Year of the World c. Flaminius, sending for Attalus to come to him to Elatia, went with him in company to Thebes, there to draw the Boeotians into a society and league with the Romans: where when Attalus made an Oration to them, to that effect, with more vehemency and stretching of his voice than his age would bear, being now grown old, whether by a vertigo taking him in his head, or by a rh…me falling upon his throat, he grew suddenly speechlesse, and fell all along, and then being taken with a dead palsie in all one side of his body, lay sick thereof at Thebes. And Quintius, when he saw that there was no fear of present death, but onelyonly a weaknesse of body, which required time for his recovery, left him there, and returned to Elatia, from whence he came, [Liv. in tbe beginning of 33 book, printed at Rome, out of the Manuscript of Bamberg, and at Paris an. 1616. with Plutarch in the life of Quinc. Flamin.]

At the same time also, Antiochus, sending his two sons, Ardues and Mithridates, before him by land, and willing them to stay for him at Sardes, set sail with an hundred tall fighting ships, and other smaller vessels, purposing by the way, to try what he could do, with the Cities of Caria and Cilicia, which were of Ptolemeis possession, and withal, to assist Philippus by sea and land, what he might: and having taken in first Zephyrium, and Soli, and Aphrodisias, and (then doubling the Cape of Anemurium, a Foreland of Cilicia,) Selinus, and other Towns, Cities, and Castles, all along that Coast; which either for fear or favour, rendred themselves, without resistance, at last came to Coracesium, which contrary to all expectation, shut gates against him, [Livie, lib. 33.]

Whiles Antiochus lay at the siege of Coracesium, Ambassadors came to him from the Rhodians, to tell him, that if he kept not himself on the other side of Nephelis, a Foreland of Cilicia, they would oppose him; not for any grudge they bare unto his person, but to keep him from joyning with Philippus, and that he might not impeach the Romans, who had now undertaken to procure and maintain the liberty of Greece; which when he heard, he tempered his choler, and told them onelyonly, that he would send his Ambassadors to Rhodes, to treate about that matter, and with instructions to renew the leagues formerly made between them and him, and his forefathers, and to bid them not to fear his coming to them, for that it should bring no damage to them or any of their friends: for that he was resolved not to infring his amity with the Romans in any sort, appeared well enough, both by his late Embassie sent unto them, and their honourable decrees and answers made thereupon to him, [Id. ibid.]

The Rhodians challenged to themselves Peraea, which is a Region lying in the Continent of Asia, over against their Isle of Rhodes, and had been alwayes in the use and possession of their ancestors, but was now invaded and possessed by Philippus; and were at this time upon the recovery of it out of his hand. Pausistratus was their General, and he had routed the Macedons which kept it, with Dinocrates their Captain: And had they then marched streight forward to Stratonicea, they might have gotten that also, for the asking: but forasmuch as they returned after the battle to their Camp, Dinocrates with those which remained of his army, gat into it, and so fortified it, that the Rhodians coming afterward to besiege it, could do no good there; which story is more at large described and set forth by [Livie, lib. 33.]

Attalus was carried sick from Thebes to his City Pergamus by sea, and there died, [Id. ibid. Polyb. pag. 820. Plut. in Quin. Flamin.] He lived 72 years, and was King 44. [Liv. ibid. Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 102. and in Suidas, in the word Attalus:] though Strabo says, he reigned onelyonly 43 years, [lib. 13. pag. 624.] He left behind him, a wife and four children, [Liv. ibid.] His wives name was Apollonis, of the City Cyzicum: his children by her, were Eumenes, Attalus, Philetaetes, and Athenaeus; of which, Eumenes, the eldest of the four, succeeded him in the kingdom, [Strabo, ut. sup. and Plut. in his book foreign: (i. e.) of brotherly love,] where he telleth us, that the two younger brothers, though alll of brave and lusty spirits, yet lived in that awful respect of him, that they were as so many pensioners and watch men about him, for the preservation of his Crown and Dignity, [Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 169. and Suidas, in the word Attalus.] Whereupon it was, that their mother would often say, that she was a happy woman, not in regard of her wealth, nor for that she was a Queen; but because she saw her 3 younger sons, to be as so many watchmen and keepers, about the p. 381eldest: and that whereas they ever went with their swords about them, yet he lived in the midst of them, without the least dread or fear of them, [Plut. ut. sup.] and of Apollonis, or Apollonias, their mother; and the filial duty and respect which they a…l bare unto her: you may read more in Polybius, [in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 113, 114.] and in Suidas, in the word Apollonias.

Philippus, Year of the World d. being overthrown, Horse and Foot, in the battle fought at Cynoscephalas, in the Country of Thessalia, of which victory we find mention made, [1 Maccab. c. 8.] Flaminius gave him yet peace, upon conditions; much the rather for that he understood that Antiochus was allready marched out of Syria with an army, to come for Europe; and thereupon he made a truce with him for four moneths, that in them he might send to Rome, and submit all to the will and pleasure of the Senate there. [Polyb. in Legat. 6. pag. 792. Livie, lib. 33. editio. Roman. & Paris.]

The Rhodians, hearing of the defeat of Philippus, cast not off the care they had of defending the liberty of such Cities as were confederate with Ptolemei, and which were in present danger of being invaded by Antiochus: but to some of them they sent aide, to others advertisement, and advice, & were the means of safety from his attempts, to the Caunians, Myndians, Halicarnassians, and Samians, [Liv. lib. 33.] and yet all would not serve; but Antiochus, in spight of them, surprised Coracesium, Coricos, Andriace, Limyra, Patara, Xanthus, which belonged to Ptolemei, and last of all, the City of Ephesus it self, [Jerom upon Daniel, cap. 11.]

Antiochus, Year of the World 3808 spending his winter at Ephesus, endeavoured to reduce all Asia into the ancient and uniform frame and body of an Empire. And he saw well, that the rest of the Cities, would easily be brought unto it: but finding that Smyrna in Eolia, and Lampsacus in Hellespont, purposed to stand out, he both advised them to do like the rest; and also used some threats too, in case they would not, fearing least the rest should follow their example, in opposing his designe. And when it would no better be, he sent some companies from Ephesus to besiege Symrna, and others from Abydus to do the like to Lampsacus. [Liv. lib. 33.] Whereupon they both, and such other Cities, as thought fit to joyn with them, sent their Commissioners to Flaminius, to crave his favour and aide against him, [Appia. in Syriac. pag. 87.]

When Cl. Marcellus was Consul, immediately upon his entering into his office, came Ambassadors to Rome, to treat of a league to be made with Philip; and thereupon was passed a decree of the Senate to this effect. That the Grecians every where, as well in Europe as in Asia side, should be free, and live after their own laws; That such of them as were under Philippus his dominion, or had any Garrisons of his in them, should before the celebration of the next Isthmian games, deliver them up into the hands of the Romans: That from such as were in Asia, as Euronius, Pedasa, Bargylia, Iassus, Abydus, Thasus, Myrrina, Perinthus, he should draw away his Garrisons, and leave them free. That he should not renew his war with Eumenes, (for Valerius Antias observeth, that a special heed was taken of him) Attalus his son, the new King. And as concerning the enfranchising of the Cyani, that Ti. Quin. Flamininus should write his letters to Prusias, that the will and pleasure of the Senate was, &c. And to see these things duly put in execution; the Senate sent ten choice Commissioners into Greece. [Polyb. Legat. 7. pag. 793. & Legat. 9. pag. 792. Livie, lib. 33.]

When the Isthmian games were ended, Year of the World b. at which the general liberty of Greece was proclaimed, by the publick Crier; then did Ti. Flaminius, and the ten Commissioners which came from Rome, give audience to Hegesianactes and Lysias, which came Ambassadors from Antiochus to Flaminius: and they were bid tell Antiochus, that he must not meddle with any free Citie in Asia, much lesse make war upon them; and that he must presently get him out, of such places as he now held, which were formerly belonging either to Ptolemei, or Philippus, and to command him from them, not to set foot in Europe hmself, nor to send any of his forces thither: and added, that some of themselves would shortly make a journey to Antiochus. [Polyb. Legat. 9. pag. 798, 799. Liv. lib. 33.]

When the assembly was dismissed, the ten Commissioners parted the work, they came about, among them; and every man went to see his proper quarter to be set at liberty, according to the decree; and of them P. Lentulus went by sea to Bargylia in Asia, and willed that City to be from thence forward free, (i. e.) to live according to their own laws. L, Stertinius, at Hephaestia and Thasus, and the Cities of Thracia, and where ever he came, did the like. P. Villius, and Lu. Terentius, undertook the journy to Antiochus, and Cn. Cornelius, to King Philppus. [Polyb. Legat. 9. pag. 799. Liv. lib. 33. Plut. in Flamin.]

At the first of the spring, Year of the World c. Antiochus went by sea from Ephesus, and came to Hellespont; and passing over his land army from Abydus, and joyning them with his sea forces, landed in Cherfonese, and there took in such Cities as for fear gave up unto him: from thence he went to Lysimachia, which being utterly destroyed, a little before, by p. 382the Thracians, he began to rebuild and to make it the seat of his son Seleucus his kingdom in those parts, [Liv. lib. 33. Appia. in Syria. pag. 86, 87.]

And when all went on roundly with him, and as heart could wish, L. Cornelius, who was sent by the Senate of Rome to make an attonement between him and Ptolemei, came to Selymbria, P. Lentulus from Bargylia, and L. Terentius, and P. Villius from Thasus, being three of the Commissioners, and from thence went to Lysimachia; and thither also P. Cornelius came from Selymbria, and a few dayes after Antiochus came thither likewise out of Thracia, and there they met; Hegesianax also and Lysias, who had formerly been sent Ambassadors from him to Flamininius, happened to be there at the same time. Where in the conference, P. Cornelius said, That he thought it reason, that Antiochus should restore unto Ptolemei, all such Cities and places of Ptolemeis Dominions, as he had lately taken from him; and should further, draw off his Garrisons from all such places as were belonging to Philippus, because the Romans had now overcome him: and warned him withal, not to meddle with any free State; whereunto the King answered, that he wondred first, by what right the Romans quarrelled with him, about the Cities in Asia any more, then he questioned them of what was by them done in Italy: and then, that he was content the Cities in Asia, should enjoy their liberty, but should thank him, and not the Romans for it. And as for Ptolemei, they two were good friends already, and that he was further, at this instant, about to joyn in affinity with him, [Polyb. pag. 800. 769. and 770. Liv. lib. 3. Appia. in Syriac. page 87, 88.]

And when P. Cornelius went on, and told him, that reason would, that the Ambassadors of Lampsacus and Smyrna should be called, and suffered to speak for themselves; called they were. Then appeared Parmenion and Pythodorus, for the City of Lampsacus, and one Coeramus for Smyrna: who speaking boldly and freely in their own cause, Antiochus stormed, to see, that he was there called to yeild an account of what he had done in Asia, before the Romans, as if they were his Judges: and bad Parmenion, hold his peace, saying, that the controversies by him then moved, were to be debated before the Rhodian Judges, and not the Roman: and so that conference brake up, nothing done, [Polyb. lib. 17. pag. 770.]

Polycrates, who was Governour of Cyprus, and had withal, the gathering of the Kings revenue there, having given up his charge to his successor, Ptolemaeus of Megalopolis, returned to Alexandria, and delivered up to the King Epiphanes, a great masse of monies: for which he was very welcome thither, and much applauded by all there, [Id. pag. 773.]

Presently after, the Etolians began to mutiny, under their Captain Scopas: who having a numerous company of souldiers under him, and had opportunity enough, the King being but a child, to act what he would, while he stood dawdling, was taken short in his undertakings; for when Aristomenes perceived, that his friends repaired to him in his own house, and there used to sit in council together; he sent a company of the Guard, and called him before the Kings Council: But Scopas, upon this surprisal, grew so wild, and void of sense, that he neither went on with what he intended, as he might have done, nor yet would obey the summons of the King, as he should have done: Aristomenes therefore finding what case he was in, sent a company of souldiers, and beset the house round, and caused him to be brought before them, by Ptolemei the son of one Eumenes, [Ib. pag. 771.]

Being brought before the Council, and there charged, first by the King, then by Polycrates and Aristomenes, he was eft-soones found guilty, and condemned, not onelyonly by the Kings Council, but also, by all the Ambassadors of forreign Nations, which were there present. For Aristomenes, intending to accuse him, had purposedly brought thither, not onelyonly sundry other Noble personages of the Greeks, but even the very Etolian Ambassadors themselves, who were at that time, sent thither to entreat a peace, between the King and them: among whom, was one Dorymachus, the son of Nicostratus. Upon the hearing therefore, Scopas with his consorts, were all cast in prison: and the night following, Aristomenes caused both him, and all that were of his kindred, to be poisoned: but as for Dicaearchus, which was a most impious wretch, he caused him to berackt to death. For this was that Dicaearchus, who when he was Ammiral of Philippus his Navy, in harassing the Cycladian Isles, erected two altars in a certain Port there; the one to Impiety, the other to Iniquity, and sacrificed to them both, as unto two gods. For the rest of the Etolians, as many of them as had a minde to return, the King gave them free leave to be gone, and to take with them, whatever theirs was, [Ibid. pag. 772.]

When this businesse of the Etolians was settled, and all quiet, then the whole Court, fell to their solemn Revels, which they used to have when any one is first saluted King, which they call, Anaclateria: not that the King was then ripe for Government; but because they thought, that if it were once blown abroad that the King was come p. 383now to rule in his own person, things would go better, and grow more quiet in the kingdom than earst they had done; and therefore made all provision they could to perform this solemnity for the honour of the kingdom. [Ib. pag. 773.]

Whiles that debate held at Lysimachia, between Antiochus and the Commissioners from Rome, there grew a report, raised, as it seemeth, from what had betided Scopas at Alexandria, but without any certain author, that Ptolemei was dead: and so that conference came to no issue; for neither party would be known to have had any tidings of it: and L. Cornelius, whose proper errand was to treate with both the kings, desired some time to have speech with Ptolemei: his drift being to come at all hands into Egypt, before any thing could there be resolved on, for the new settling of things there, after the kings supposed death. And Antiochus made no doubt, but that if the king were indeed dead, Egypt would be his: wherefore, having sent away the Commissioners, and leaving his son Seleucus with his land Forces, to go on with the new building of Lysimachia, he with his whole Fleet sailed to Ephesus, and from thence dispatching away Ambassadors to Flaminius to desire him to persist in the league and amity made between them, took shipping again, and, keeping along by the coast of Asia, came into Lycia, and at Patara, understood for certain, that Ptolemei was living: and thereupon gave off his journey intended for Egypt, [Liv. lib. 33. Appia. in Syria. pag. 88.]

Antiochus, Year of the World 3809 hasting away toward Cyprus, which he hoped certainly to get, when he had doubled the Cape of the Chelidonian Foreland, upon a mutiny raised among his Mariners, was fain to stay a while in Pamphylia, at the mouth of the River Eurymedon: and from thence sailing to a place called the Heads of the river Sarus, a foul tempest befel him, which was like to have drowned him and all his Fleet: many of his ships were driven on shoar, many swallowed up in the sea, so that no soul escaped of them. A multitude of men perished in that tempest, not onelyonly of the Mariners, and common souldiers, but also of his Nobles, and Principal men belonging to him: yet having saved what could be gotten out of the wreck, seeing he was in no case to go on for Cyprus, he sailed to Seleucia in Syria, and there fell to rig up his Navy again; and prepared for the marriages of his children, Antiochus, and Laodice, whom he had joyned in Matrimony: and then, putting to sea again, because now the Winter grew on, he sailed to Antioch, [Id. ibid.]

The Decemviri, Year of the World b. or ten Commissioners, returning to Rome, informed the Senate there concerning Antiochus, and his return into Syria, [Liv. 33.] Hannibals enemies at Carthage, informed the Senate of Rome, that he sent messages, and letters to Antiochus, and daily received the like from him again; which, though false, yet was taken for true, by those who ever lived in fear of him. Whereupon they sent Ambassadors to the Council at Carthage, complaining to them, that Hannibal held correspondency with Antiochus, and advising them by one means or another, to rid him out of the way, [Id. ib. Justin, lib. 31. cap. 1, 2.]

Flaminius his answer to Antiochus his Ambassadors, when they moved for a league, was, That he could do nothing now the ten Commissioners were gone; and that they should do well to go after them, and make their addresses to the Senate at Rome, [Liv. lib. 34.]

Hannibal hereupon, stealing away from Carthage, came safe to Tyrus, and was there received by the founders of Carthage, as in a second country of his own; and having rested himself there a few dayes, sailed to Antioch: but finding that Antiochus was removed from thence, he there spake with his son, who was celebrating a solemn Festival in Daphne: and having been courteously entertained and caressed a while by him, took ship again, and followed Antiochus, and overtook him at Ephesus, beating his brains, whether he should, or should not, engage himself in a war against the Romans. But Hannibals coming to him, set him a gog, and now on he would: nor thought he now so much of the war it self, as of what great matters he should acquire, by conquering the Romans, [Liv. in the end of his 33 book, Justin, lib. 31. cap. 1, 2. and Emil. Prob. in Hannib.]

And here it was, that when one Phormio, a Philosopher of the Peripatetic sext, had disputed a long time in his school, concerning the duty and office of a Commander, or General of an army, and of the Art Military, and ordering of a battle, and all very wisely in his presence: Hannibal could not hold, but cryed out, and said, That he had heard many a doting fool in his dayes, but a verier dotard than this Phormio was, he never heard, [Cicer. de Oratore, lib. 2.]

T. Quinctius Flaminius, Year of the World c. joyning with Eumenes and the Rhodians, sought very successefully against Nabis the Tyrant of Lacedemon, [Liv. lib. 34.]

When M. Porcius (Cato) was Consul, the City of Smyrna began, and built a Temple to the City of Rome, [Tacit. Annal. lib. 4.] and by their example, the Alabandenses, not onelyonly built another Temple to her, but also instituted certain p. 384anniversary plaies and games, in honour of her, as of a proper Goddesse. [Livie. lib. 43.]

Era…osthenes of Cyrene, Year of the World 3810 the son of Aglaus, The Julian Period. 4520 whom a man may well call, Year before Christ 194 not onelyonly a Grammarian, though that were his chief profession, but also a Poet, and a Philosopher, and a Geometrician, for he excelled in all alike, this year died, [Lucia. in Macrobiis,] after whom, in the keeping of the library at Alexandria, succeeded Apollonius Alexandrinus, a scholar of Callimachus, and he which wrote the Argonautica, who because he lived many years at Rhodes, was therefore surnamed Rhodius, [Swidas in Apollonius.]

Antiochus perceiving the great affection which the Jews bare unto him, conferred great favours on them again, and by his letters highly commended them therefore. [Euseb. Chron.] These letters of his are extant in Josephus, [lib. 14. Antiq. cap. 3.] in one of which, written to Ptolemaeus his Governour there, are mentioned many donations of his, and immunities granted both to the City, and also the Temple at Jerusalem, and in another to Zeuxis; he commanded two thousand of the families of the Jews, which lived in the provinces of Babylonia, and Mesopotamia, to be transplanted into the parts of Phrygia and Lydia, to keep them in order there, who were otherwise disposed to innovation.

Antiochus, Year of the World 3811 preparing now to make a war in Greece, The Julian Period. 4521 and there to begin his war against the Romans, Year before Christ 193 imparted his purpose unto Hannibal; who told him, there was no conquering of the Romans, but in Italy it self: and to effect this, he desired onelyonly to have 100 of his fighting ships, with 16 thousand Foot, and one thousand Horse, to be put into his hand: that with his fleet he would first saile into Afric, that he doubted not, but to stir up the Carthaginians themselves, to a fresh rebellion against them; but if that failed, yet he would land them in some part or other of Italy, and there begin the war a new against them. And when he had perswaded the King to hearken to this motion, he went not presently in person into Afric, (as Emil. Probus, in the life of Hannibal imagineth) but having lighted upon one Aristo, a Tyrian born, at Ephesus, sent him in fashion of a marchant to trade at Carthage, and there to prepare their minds, for a revolt from the Romans. Upon this Aristo Hannibals enemies at Carthage laid hold; and whiles they spent many dayes in consultation what to do with him, and whether to send him to Rome, in justification of their own innocency, he got a shipboard, and came back to Hannibal again. Whereupon they presently dispacht away Ambassadors to the Consuls and Senate at Rome, to let them know what had passed. [Livie, lib. 34. Justin, lib. 31. cap. 3, 4. Appia. in Syriac. pag. 89, 90.]

Mean while Antiochus sent Lysias, Hegesianactes and Menippus his Ambassadors to Rome, to feel the pulse of the Senate there, for though their pretence was to sollicite for a league and friendship between him and them: yet were they willed to intimate to the Senate, that the King wondred, why they should bid him to get him out of the Cities of Eolia, and Ionia, and to release his tributes due unto him from other places, and not to meddle with matters in Asia, and Countries of his ancient inheritance in Thracia; for that these were not commands to be laid upon friends of theirs, as he was, but enemies, when they were conquered. But they were told, that they should go and attend Flaminius, and the ten Commissioners, formerly sent into Greece, for an answer; And when they came, the Commissioners pressed, that Antiocus should either forbear Europe, or suffer the Romans, to maintain what they had allready in Asia, and acquire more there if they could. But the Ambassadors told them plainly again, that they neither could nor would make any bargaines, whereby the Kings rights and dominions might any wayes be impaired, so that matter brake off, and the Ambassadors sent away, [Liv. ib. Appia. in Syriac. pag. 89.]

Scant…y were the Ambassadors gone, when news came from Carthage, that Antiochus was busie in his preparations for a war against the Romans, and that Hannibal was designed for his General therein: which put them into a fear withall, least a fresh war should be raised again from Carthage, [Liv. Ib.]

Antiochus, Year of the World 3812 having given his daughter in marriage to Ptolemei at Rhapia, in Phenicia, or rather in Palestina, returned to Antioch, [Liv. lib. 35.] for, being now resolved to make war against the Romans, he thought fit to legue himself by marriages and affin…ties, with as many Kings and Princes thereabouts, as possibly he could; and therefore he sent his daughter Cleopatra, surnamed Syra, into Egypt to Ptolemei: giving him, for a dowrie with her, all Coelosyria, which he had formerly wrest from him, thereby to pacify the young man, and to keep him from joyning with the Romans in this war, [Appia. in Syriac. pag. 88.] Jerom upon Daniel, [cap. 11.] saith, that Antiochus, purposing to get Egypt it self into his dominion, espoused his daughter Cleopatra, in the seventh year of the young mans reign, by one Eucles of Rhodes, and that in the 13 year of the same, according to Eusebius Chronicle, which he follows, or according to p. 385our computation, in the 12 thereof, sent her to him; and gave him for a Dowry all Coelosyria and Judaea, and yet could not get Egypt neither; because Ptolemei and his Council perceived his drift, and stood the more cautiously on their guard, and Cleopatra her self the Queen, stood more affected to her husbands part, than to her fathers. And Josephus, [12 Antiq. cap. 3.] writeth that Antiochus, giving his daughter Cleopater to wife unto Ptolemei, gave him also for her Dowry Coelosyria, all Phoenicia, Judaea, and Samaria to boote; and that equally dividing the tribute due out of them all, between them, the chief men in every of the said countries gathered it for them, and paid it in unto them.

Another daughter of his, called Antiochis, he proffered in marriage unto Ariarathes, the King of Cappadocia, and sent her to him: and a third unto Eumenes, the King of Pergamus. But Eumenes, seeing him set upon a war against the Romans, and that he was the cause of seeking his affinity, refused the offer. And when his two brothers, Attalus and Philetae…us, wondered that he should refuse such an offer made him by so great a neighbouring King as Antiochus was, he told them what, and how great a war was now at hand: wherein, said he, if the Romans get the better, as he verily believed they would, he was then sure to hold his own by them: or if Antiochus happened to overcome them, then his fortune would be, either to be turned out of all by an over-powerful neighbouring Prince, or be but forced to live under him: concerning which, we may see Eumenes his own Oration, [in Polyb. Legat. 25. and Liv. lib. 37.]

Antiochus, Year of the World b. having passed the Taurus, marched thorough Cilicia, and in the very end of Winter came to Ephesus, [Liv. lib. 35.]

And from thence, in the first of the Spring, sending back his son Antiochus into Syria, to look to matters there, and in the remote parts of his Dominions Eastward, whiles he was busied in the West, he with all his land Forces, went to invade the Pisdians, which inhabite about the parts of Selga, [Id. ibid.]

At that time there came to Elaea, Ambassadors sent from Rome to Antiochus, who, under colour of an Embassie, were to spie out, and inform themselves, of what preparations he had made, and by often conversing with Hannibal, might either abate his rancor toward them, or if not that, yet by their familiarity with him, might perhaps make Antiochus jealous of him: these Ambassadors were, P. Sulpitius, and P. Villius, who among others, had met with Antiochus at Lysimachia, [Liv. lib. 34. and 35. Iustin, lib. 31. cap. 4. Fronti. Stratag. lib. 1. cap. 8. Appia. in Syriac. page 90, 91.]

The Ambassadors went up from Elaea to Pergamus, where Eumenes his Palace was; because their instructions were, First to confer with Eumenes, before they went to Antiochus: and Eumenes did what possibly he could, by advice or persuasion, to stir them up to a war against Antiochus: Sulpitius staid behind at Pergamus sick; but, P. Villius, hearing that Antiochus was busie in war against Pisidia, went to Ephesus; and during those few dayes of abode which he there made, was careful to converse with Hannibal as frequently as he might, both to sound what was in him, and withal to mitigate his rancor toward the Romans, by assuring him, that they intended him no further harme, [Liv. lib. 35.]

Claudius Quadrigarius, following herein the Greek History of Acilius, saith, that P. Scipio Africanus was in this Embassie, and that he it was that had such speech with Hannibal at Ephesus: mentioning one discourse of theirs in particular, which was, That when Africanus asked him, whom he thought to have been the greatest Captain in the World? Hannibal answered him, Alexander the Great: and whom the second? he answered Pyrrhus; and whom the third? My self, said Hannibal: at which word, Scipio burst out into a great laughter, and said, what would you have done, if you had overcome me? I would then saith Hannibal, have counted my self before Pyrrhus and Alexander both, and all others that ever were: and that this perplexed and intricate answer of his, was but a trick of a Punick wit, and that Scipio was taken therewith, as with a pretty kind of flattery; as if both himself had been thereby made a non-pareil above all, and withal, that he had vanquished and overcome, a better man than Alexander, [Id. ibid. with Plutarch in. T. C. Flaminino, and Appia. in Syriac. page 91, 92.]

Villius went forward from Ephesus to Apamea, Year of the World c. and there Antiochus hearing of the coming of the Roman Ambassadors, met them: where they fell upon the same points almost, which were treated of, between Flaminius and the other Commissioners, on the one side, and his Ambassadors on the other at Rome. But the newes which came of the death of his son Antiochus, who was but lately before sent into Syria, put off that parlee: and Villius, that he might not be seen there up and down in an unseasonable time, and when the King and Court were all in mourning, retired to Pergamus; the King also giving off all preparations for the war which he had begun, went to Ephesus, [Liv. lib. 35.]

p. 386And now the Roman Embassadors being sent for to come to Ephesus, had their conference with Minio, a principal Counsellor and Favourite of the Kings; Minio in his discourse blamed the Romans, that under a pretence of setting Greece at liberty, they intended an open war against Antiochus, whereas themselves held so many Nations and famous Countries in their subjection, and made them tributary to Rome, which formerly lived free, and according to their own lawes: and when Sulpitius, (for he was now recovered of his sicknesse) answered for the Romans, and called the Ambassadors of other States there present to witnesse (as they had been before prompted, and lessoned by Eumenes) on the Romans behalf, things between them, fell from a conference to a plain brawle, [Id. ibid.]

Antiochus, having heard the Embassie of the Rhodians, told them all, that as well they, as they of Byzatium and Cyzicum, and other Grecians dwelling in Asia, if he and the Romans came to an agreement, and joyned in a league together, should be free; but as for the Eolians and Ionians, it should not be so with them; for that they had ever lived under the subjection of the Kings of Asia: therefore the Roman Ambassadors, when they could get no reason from the King (for indeed that was the least part of the errand they came in, but onelyonly to be as so many spies of his actions) returned to Rome, [Appia. in Syriac. pag. 92.]

After this, Year of the World 3813 came the Etolian Ambassadors to the King, who offered to make him Commander of all the Forces which they could make, and perswaded him by all means to put over into Greece, which said they, is ready to receive you; and not to stay till his armies came down to him out of the remote and inner parts of Asia: which put Antiochus upon such a pin, that he resolved eft-soones to be going into Greece, [Id. ibid. pag. 92, 93. with Polyb. lib. 3. pag. 159. and Justin, lib. 30. cap. 4. & lib. 32. cap. 1.]

But before he took shipping, he went up to Ilium, and there sacrificed to Minerva; and then returning to his Fleet, he set forward with 40 sail of fighting ships, and 60 open boats, and 200 ships of burden, full freighted with all kind of provisions, followed in the reare of them. His whole army consisted of 10 thousand Foot, and 500 Horse, with six Elephants, scantly enough to have possessed Greece, if none had been there, to have held up a Buckler against him, much lesse to endure the brunt and burden of a war against the Roman Nation, [Liv. lib. 35.]

Eumenes presently sent his brother Attalus away to Rome, to let them know that Antiochus had put over the Hellespont with his army: and that the Etolians were ready to rise in armes, immediately upon his landing; Thanks were given by the Senate, both to Eumenes then absent, and also to Attalus there present; and he had lodgings provided for him at the publick charge, and presents sent unto him, [Id. ibid.]

About the middest of Winter, Year of the World b. Antiochus, falling into consultation at Demetrias, how to carry on the war; Hannibal gave right good and sound advice, if it had been followed; as it was not, save onelyonly in this, that Polyxenidas was sent to bring away the rest of the fleet and army out of Asia, [Liv. lib. 36. Justin, lib. 31. cap. 5, 6. Appia. pag. 93, 94.]

Antiochus, falling in love with a young Damsel of Chalcis, the daughter of Cleoptolemus, where he hosted, being himself upward of fifty, laid aside all care of the war, which he had then in hand; and set his mind wholy upon wedding the wench; and called her by the name of Eubaea: and spent all the Winter after, in banqueting and revels; and as he did, so did all his army likewise, and spent all that season, in luxury and pleasure, [Polyb. lib. 20. in Athenaeus, lib. 10. cap. 12. Diodor. Sic. and Dio. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 296. and 609. Liv. lib. 36. Appia. pag. 96, 98.]

M. Acilius Glabrio, being Consul, upon the 5 day before the Nones, (i. e.) upon the third day of May (which that year, as we may gather out of the Eclipse which was in the year following, fell upon our January) went in his rich coat-armor, out of Rome against Antiochus, [Liv. lib. 36.]

About the same time, came Ambassadors to Rome from two Kings, Philippus of Macedon, and Ptolemei of Egypt; both offering their aid against Antiochus, with money and corn: and from Ptolemei were brought in ready money, a thousand pounds in gold, and 20 thousand pounds in silver: but nothing was received, thanks onelyonly was given them, for their good will. And when both of them offered to come in person with their armies into Etolia: the Senate answered, That thy would not trouble Ptolemei; as for Philippus, that the Senate and people of Rome, would take it kindly at his hands, if he would assist M. Acilius their Consul, in what he might, [Id. ibid.]

Antiochus, Year of the World c. having had the worse of it as Thermopyla, in a battle against M. Acilius the Consul, and Cato a Colonel in that army (which battle is described by Livie, lib. 36. by Plut. in Cato, Major, by Appia. in Syriac. and From. lib. 2. Stratag.) and forced to p. 387flie back into Asia, came to Ephesus, with his new wise, [Liv. Justin, Appia, and Polyb. in Athenaeus lib. 10. cap. 12.] In Tullies book De Senect. Cato is brought in, speaking of himself, and saying, That he fought at Thermopyla, under M. Acilius Glabrio, in the fourth year after himself had been Consul; and both Plutarch in his Life, and Livie [lib. 36.] affirm, that he was sent by the Consul Acilius to Rome, with the news of that victory. Now what Antisthenes the Historian reports to have followed, and been acted by Buplagus the Syrian, and Publius a Roman Captain, after this fight at Thermopylae, is to be learned out of Phlegon of Tralles, in his book De M…rabil…bus, [cap. 3.]

Antiochus, being at Ephesus, lay there carelesse and void of all fear from the Romans, as one supposing that sure they would never offer to put over into Asia. But when Hannibal had roused him up from that vain and idle imagination, he presently sent for his forces out of the in-land Countries, to come down in all hast to the sea side, and rig'd up his navy, making Polyxenidas, a bandito of Rhodes, his Ammiral thereof, and presently put over again into Chersonesus, and fortified that; putting Garrisons into Sestus and Abydus, where he supposed the Romans, would endeavour to passe over into Asia. [Liv. lib. 36. and Appia. pag. 99.]

C. Livius Salinator, Year of the World 3814 who was sent to succeed Attalus in the charge of the navie, and Eumenes, sailing into Asia, met with Polyxenidas Antiochus his Ammiral by the way, and put him to flight, sunk ten of his ships, took 30 more, and lost but one of theirs; and that was of Carthage too: but they pursued Polyxenidas as far as Ephesus: and then sent back the Rhodian fleet, consisting of 25 ships, and which came after the fight was done, and Eumenes likewise with his ships, and came to Canas, a Town of Lycia, and there, because the winter came on, drew their ships on land; and fortified the place where they lay, with works for their defense, [Lib. lib. 63. Appia. pag, 99, 100.]

When this battle at sea was fought at Coricus, (for there it was fought) Antiochus was gone to Magnesia, near the mountain of Sipylus, to gather his land forces together: and there hearing of his overthrow at sea, set himself to prepare a new navy, that he might not seem to be beaten out of the sea: and therefore he dispacht away Hannibal into Syria, there to get ships from the Phoenicians, and commanded Polyxenidas with all speed to rigg up his ships that were bruised in the fight, and to build new ones, to make up his fleet again, and himself the mean whiles took up his winter quarter, in the parts of Phrygia, and sent for aides from all parts, even out of Gallograecia it self, [Liv. lib. 36. & 37. Appia. pag. 100.] for what with fear, what with mony, he had drawn them also to joyn in arms with him, and the rather for that he thought the greatness of their stature and corsage, would be a terrour to the Romans, [Appia. pag. 89.]

Ambassadors now came to Rome, from Ptolemei and Cleopatra, to congratulate them for their expulsion of Antiochus out of Europe; and perswading them to passe into Asia: for said they, the fear of the Roman name is allready fallen, not onelyonly upon all Asia, but even upon Syria also; and shewing, that they were ready to do, what ever the Romans would command them. Thanks were returned to the King and Queen for their good wills, and presents to the Ambassadors, to every of them four thousand pieces of brasse mony, [Liv. lib. 37.]