The Annals of the World, History 1 · Age of the world 6 (18 of 18)
Antiochus left his son Seleucus with the army in Eolia, to keep the sea coast all along in order, for the Romans on the one side and Eumenes on the other were tampering with them every where, and Seleucus spent all that winter, partly in succouring his friends, partly in plundering those, whom he could not draw to his bent, [Id. Ibid.]
About the deapth of winter, Year of the World b. Eumenes, with a company of two thousand Foot, and 100 Horse, came to Canas, where the Roman fleet wintered: there he told them, that if they would, they might get a great spoil out of the Country lying about Thyatira, and never left till he had perswaded Livius the Ammiral, to let him have five thousand men; with which he went, and in a short time brought them back again loaden with an excessive great booty, [Id. Ibid.]
In this interim, a sedition was raised in Phocaea, for there were some which sought to draw the common people to side it with Antiochus, for that the wintering of the Roman navy there, lay very heavy upon them; in regard they were charged to furnish them with 500 sea gowns, and as many coats; corn also grew very scant among them, insomuch, that both the ships and Garrison were fain to remove from thence, and quarter elsewhere. Then was the faction, which stood for Antiochus, quit of that fear: but the Aldermen, and chief of the City stood firm for the Romans; as the chief of the faction for Antiochus, were more prevalent with the commons, [Id. [Ibid.]
The magistrates therefore of Phocaea, fearing the inclination of the multitude, wisely sent their Agents to Seleucus, to pray him not to approach near their City, for that they were resolved to sit still, and to see what the issue of that whole war would be. But he being informed that the multitude was wholly for his father; and that they were in want of corn, made them no answer, but marched strait toward them with his army, [Polyb. Legat. 18.]
At Rome, when both the new Consuls, Lu. Scipio, and Ca. Laelius Nepos, were ambitious, to go into Greece, P. Scipio, in the behalf of his brother Lusius, said, That if their pleasure were to send his brother thither, he himself would go as his Lieutenant, with him. That word of his carried it, for who so fit, said they, to go against Hannibal, as Africanus, who had already vanquisht him? [Cic. Philip. 11. Liv. lib. 37. Valer. Max. lib. 5. cap. 5. Justin lib. 31. cap. 7.]
In those dayes, when Lu. Scipio was upon his way against Antiochus, and whilest the anniversary games, in honour of Apollo, were celebrating, upon the fifth of the Ides, (i. e.) upon the ninth day of June, in a very clear day, it grew suddenly dark, by the coming of the body of the Moon under the sun, [Liv. lib. 37.] And verily, that not long after, to wit, upon the 14 of March, after the Julian Calendar, there fell a horrible eclipse of the sun at Rome, appears by the Astronomical account: to which if 95. Idus Quintiles, (i. e.) the ninth of our July did then answer, it will then follow, that the Calends, or first of January, the year following, must needs fall in with the 29 day of our August, so great a confusion was there of the Roman Calendar, in those dayes.
About the vernal equinox, Year of the World c. Pausistratus with 36 ships of Rhodians, Livius with 30 of the Romans, and Eumenes with seven of his own, went to Hellespont; Livius first stood in, for the port which was called, Portus Achaeorum, and from thence went up to Ilium, and having there sacrificed to Minerva, and then gave a favourable audience to the Ambassadors, of certain neighbouring Cities, as Eleus, Dardanus and Rhetaeus, all which came and voluntarily rendred themselves unto him; and then again, leaving 10 ships in the rode, over against Abydus, went with the rest to the other side, and there besieged Sestos, and having taken that in upon surrender, he provided himself to return to Asia side, there to besiege Abydus, [Liv. lib. 37. Apppia. pag. 101.]
Whiles these things thus passed at Hellespont, Polyxenidas, the Ammiral of King Antiochus, bare Pausistratus the Ammiral of Rhods in hand, that he would betray all, or the greatest part of, Antiochus his fleet into his hand, and he, giving too easie credence to the others words, thereupon went to Samos, where, not keeping so due a watch as he should have done, he lost his life, and with it 29 saile of ships, which he had under his command; for there escaped of all that fleet of his, five onelyonly ships of Rhodes, and two of the Isle of Coos, [Id. Ib.]
At the same time also Seleucus recovered Phocaea, having a gate of the City set open to him, by which he got in with his army. While these things were acting in Eolia, Abydus, having endured the siege some few dayes, by the valour of the Kings Garrison that kept it, at length all grew weary of the businesse, and the chief magistrates of the City, with the good leave of the Captain of the Garrison, sent to Livius to treat of conditions for the surrender of the place unto him. But when in that very nick of time news came of the losse of the Rhodian navy, Livius would no longer stay to take in Abydus, and to keep Hellespont, but presently with all his fleet, set saile for Phocaea; but finding that to be held by a strong Garrison of the Kings, and that Seleucus was not far off with his army, he fell a wasting the sea coast, and having taken what spoile he could light upon thereabouts, especially of men, and staying onelyonly till Eumenes could overtake him with his fleet, he purposed to go for Samos; and thither at last, sorely weather-beaten, he came, and there joyned his fleet with the Rhodians, consisting now of twenty saile, under the command of Eudamus their Ammiral. [Livie.]
Livius, having encreased his fleet by this accession of the Rhodians, …ailed forthwith to Ephesus, and there ranged his ships in order of battle before the very mouth of the port. But when none came forth against him: he divided his fleet in two parts, whereof one lay at anchor in the very haven of the enemy, and the other landed their men; and when they had ranged there far and near, and gotten an exceeding great spoil; and were returning with it to their ship, Andronicus a Macedon, (Appianus calls him Nicander) Captain of the Garrison in Ephesus, saillied out upon them, and forced them to their ships, leaving a great part of their booty behind them, and returned forthwith to Samos, and thither came also L. Emilius Regillus the Praetor, who was sent to succeed Livius in the charge of the navy; and as he was coming thither from the Isle of Chios, Livius sent two fair ships of Rhodes, of four tire of oares a piece, and Eumenes himself in person, with two more of five tire of oares a piece, came to meet him, [Id. and Appia. pag. 102.]
Having sate at Samos a while in Council, concerning the ordering of busines at sea, Emilius, to terrifie the enemy at his first coming, went with all his fleet to the very mouth of the port of Ephesus, and Livius went to Patara in Lycia, Emilius was driven off from Eph…esus, by a storm that rose upon him; and so, nothing done, returned to Samos, The Cities which Livius passed by, Miletus, Myndus, Halicarnassus, Cnidus, and Cous, shewed themselves most ready to receive all his commands: but coming into Lycia, he was ill wellcomed there, both by a tempest at sea, and by the enemy at land, and therefore returned into Greece again, that having there spoken first with the two Scipios, who were then at that time in the parts of Thessaly, he might then take his journy for Italy, [Liv.]
At Samos there came letters to Emilius the Praetor, and Eumenes, from the Scipiots, by which they understood, both of the Truce that was taken with the Etolians, and of their own marching by land towards Hellespont, and the Etolians signified as much to Antiochus, and to his son Seleucus, [Polyb. Legat. 19.]
Eumenes, sent his Agents into Achaia to make an association with them; which the commons in a general assembly ratified; and sent him a company of tall young men to assist him, [Id. Legat. 20.]
L. Emilius, with all his fleet, passing by Miletus, and the other Cities of that coast, landed in the Bay of Bargillia, and went to Iassus, that City was held by a Garrison of Antiochus his men, and then, sending to the Magistrates and other chief men of the place, to perswade them; and being answered, that they would do nothing; he drew up to the walls, to besiege it: but the banditoes of Iassus, which were among the Rhodians, prevailed so far with them, and the rather by Eumenes his mediation, that they drew off, and left the siege. [Liv.]
Those of Heraclea in Pontus, sent Ambassadors to Emelius, and from him received a very kind and favourable answer in writing, purporting, that the Senate of Rome would be their good friend; and that neither their counsel nor care should be wanting, when ever they should have occasion to use them. [Memnon Excerpt. cap. 28.]
Whiles Eumenes was away, busie in making war with the Romans and Rhodians, against the sea Towns of Lycia, Seleucus with his army, brake in upon his lands at home; and first came in hostile manner to Elaea; and, being able to do no good upon the City, wasted all the Country about it: and from thence marched with all his power to Pergamus it self, the Capital City of this kingdom. Attalus, Eumenes his brother, drew out, and pitcht his Camp before the City walls, and often skirmished with the enemy; but finding himself too weak that way, drew in again, and kept himselfe close within the walls; and so the siege began. [Idem.]
About the same time, Antiochus himself going from Apamea, encamped first at Sardes, and then not far off from his son Seleucus, near the head of the River Caicus, drawing with him a huge army, made up of sundry nations. In which the greatest fear was of a squadron of Gallograecians, consisting of 4000 souldiers; and these, with some few others with them, he sent to ravage and wast all the Country about Pergamus, from one end to t'toher. [Ib.]
Which when Eumenes at Samos heard of, being called away to look to his affairs at home, he took ship, and with all his men came to Elaea, and from thence coming to Pergamus, before the enemy heard of his arrival, he there sailed out often, and made some small skirmishes with the enemy; but within some few dayes after, both the Roman, and the Rhodian fleet came from Samos to Elaea, to help him. [Idem.]
When Antiochus heard that there were so many fleets come together into the same port, and withall, that the Consul with his army was all ready in Macedonia, and provision making at Hellespont for his transportation into Asia, he thought fit to try for a peace with the Romans, Eumenes, and the Rhodians all at once; wherefore he removed his Camp, and came to Elaea, and there, having taken a little hill over against the City, he there left all his foot, and with his horse (which were upward of six thousand) went down into a plain field close to the walls of the City, and then sent some Commissioners into it, to treat of a peace; whereupon L. Emilius sent for Enmenes from Pergamus to come thither to him; and advised with him, as also with Eudamus and Pamphilidas the Commanders of the Rhodian fleet, what was best to be done, And the Rhodians were not against a peace; but Eumenes said, that it was not for their honour to treat of a peace: and however they could not put an end to it at that time; and to that purpose Emelius sent Antiochus word, to wit, that before the coming of the Consul, there could no peace be made; upon which answer he presently fell a wasting of the Country all about Elaea: and then, leaving seleucus to continue the siege before Pergamus, he marched away full of fury with the rest of his army, and never staied, till he came into that rich Country, which was called Thebes campus, (i. e.) the plain of Thebes, and there he made all manner of havock, and thoroughly enriched all his army for the present, [Polyb. Legat. 21. Liv. lib. 37.]
At the same time, Diophanes of Megalopolis, came to Elea, sent from the Acheans to Eumenes, with a supply of 1000 foot, and 100 horse, [Liv. Ib. with Polyb. Legat. 20.] all old beaten souldiers, and their Captain, one that was trained up under Philopoen, the most renowned Commander of all the Grecians, living in his time. [Liv. Ibid. Appia. pag. 102. with Polyb. Legat. 20. pag. 810. and in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 110.]
So soon as they were landed, Attalus sent some to shew them the way, and brought them to Pergamus. These Achaeans, upon their first arrival, made continual Sallies out upon Seleucus, to draw off, and be gone out of all that Country, [Liv. Ib. and Appia. pag. 102, 103.] yet he hovered still about that coast, and annoyed his foes, and was a help to his friend in those parts, [Liv. Ib.]
Whiles Antiochus marched in hostle manner to Adramyteum, Emilius and Eumenes came about by sea; to the rescue of it. Whereupon he forbare to set upon the town, but fell a spoiling of the Country about it, and took Peraea, a colonie of the Mitylenians, so did he Cottos, and Corylenus and Aphrodysias, and Crene, at the first assault, and then returned by Thyatira to Sardes, [Liv.]
The Roman fleet, with the Rhodians and Eumenes went first to Mitylene, and from thence returned to Elaea, whence they came: and from thence sailing to Phocaea, they came to an anchor at Bacchius an Island, joyning hard upon the City of Phocaea, and then spoiling their temples, and monument which they had spared before, came to the City it self: but when a company of three thousand Foot, sent from Antiochus, had gotten in before their coming, they forbear the siege of it, and returned again to the Isle, where they were before, having onelyonly first ravaged the Country thereabout, and from thence the Roman fleet returned to Elaea, and Eumenes, and the Rhodians to Samos, [Id.]
About midsummer, Year of the World d. the Rhodian fleet, consisting of 32 ships of four tire of oares, and of four others, of three tire, fought with Antiochus his navy, which was brought out of Syria, by Hannibal, wherein were 37 ships, of an extraordinary size, at a place called Sida, a promontory of Pamphylia; in which the Rhodians put Hannibal to flight, but could not follow the chase upon him, by reason their mariners were weak and sickly, for the most part; neverthelesse, to hinder him from joyning with the old fleet, they sent Chariclitus with twenty ships to Patara, and the port Megistus, whither also a little after they sent Pamphylidas, with four ships more, [Id.] and so Hannibal was blockt up in Pamphylia. [Appian. pag. 104. see Emil. Prob. in Hannibale.]
Antiochus coming to Sardes, sent Ambassadors with letters besides, to Prusias King of Bythinia, surnamed Cynegus (i. e.) the Hunter: whereby he dealt earnestly with him to joyn with himself against the Romans. This staggered Prusias for the present; but then came other letter to him from the two brothers, Lu. and Pub. Scipio; these put him out of fear of any great harm from the Romans. Especially, when presently after there followed an Embassie sent unto him from Rome, the for-man whereof was no meaner a person, then C. Livius, who was lately the Commander of their fleet, for having once spoken with them, he put on a full resolution for the Roman party, and to break off wholy with Antiochus, [Polyb. Legat, 22. pag. 811, 812. Liv. lib. 37. Appia. pag. 101.]
Antiochus, seeing no further hope of Prusias, presently removed from Sardes to Ephesus, there to take a view of his fleet, which had been long time in providing: for seeing no other way left him to hinder the Romans from passing their land army into Asia, but by making himself absolute master at sea, he resolved to try what he could do that way, and to hazard a fight there. [Polyb. and Livie, [Ibid.]
Wherefore he went forthwith to see whether he could take Notium, which was a Town of the Colophonians, not far from Ephesus, where he then lay, that whiles the Romans came to relive a confederate town of theirs, by land, he might give his Ammiral Polyxenidas, an oportunity to work some seat at sea. Polyxenidus had at that time under his command 89 or 90 good ships, which Emilius and the Rhodians met with, at a place called Myonesus. Emilius had 58 ships, and the Rodians 22, saith Livie; or as Appianus, 25. In which Polyxenidas was worsted, and having a good wind in poup, fled speedily back to Ephesus, having lost 42 of his ships (not 29 onelyonly, as Appianus hath it) of which 13 came quick into the enemies hand, with all the men in them: of the Romans there were two only bilged, and some few other bruised; but of the Rhodians, Polyxenidas took one, and carryed that away with him to Ephesus: That this fight was made in December, (as the year went then at Rome) appeareth by Macrobius, [lib. 1. Saturnalium,] where he saith, that 11 Calend. January, &c. upon the 21 of December, was a feast dedicated to their Lares (i. e. their houshold gods) in which L. Emilius Regillus, Pretor, in the war against Antiochus, vowed a Temple to be built in Campo Martio. which vow, [Liv. lib. 40.] tells us, was by him performed 11 years after, where is also a Copy, (but most falsely written) of a Table, containing the manner of this victory, hung up by him upon the doors, not onelyonly of his new Temple, but also of that of Jupiters, in the Capitol.
Antiochus, troubled at the news of this overthrow, was so ill advised, as to draw off the Garrison which he had put into Lysimachia, forsooth, for fear, least they should fall into the Romans hands: and withal raising his siege from before Colophos, retired to Sardes, and from thence dispacht away letters to Ariarathes his son in law, in Cappadocia, to bring him aides from thence; and every where else, that he could to send him in men, [Liv.] Mean while he lay idle at Sardes, trifling away the time there, which might have been better spent in giving order for his affairs elsewhere, [Polyb. Legat. 23.]
Emilius, Year of the World 3815 after this victory gotten at sea, sailed streight to Ephesus, and there cast his ships into the form of a battailion, before the very mouth of the Port: and having thereby wrung out of Antiochus an open confession, that he had lost the mastery of the sea, he sailed to Chios, and having there new wrighted up such ships of his as had been any wayes bruifed in the fight, he put over from thence to Phocaea, which not long before, was revolted from the Romans: he essaied at first, to have taken it by assault; but afterward it was surrendered to him: yet do what he could, he could not save it from the plunder of the souldiers: but the City it self, and their lands, and their laws, he restored entire unto them; and so, because the Winter came on, and that place had two Ports, he chose it for his Navy to winter in, for that year, [Livie.]
About the same time Lysimachia, which was full fraught and furnished with all manner of provisions, as if it had been to bid the Romans welcome, opened their gates to the two Scipioes: and from thence they set forward again, and thorough the Chersonese came to Hellespont, where they found all things ready prepared by Eumenes for their transportation. So they passed over, as into a friends Country, some here, some there, no man appearing to hinder their landing, and without any trouble at all, [Id.]
Antiochus, at his wits end, and not knowing what to do, yet sent Heraclides of Byzantium to treate with the Romans about a peace, with instructions both general to the Council of War there, and in particular to P. Scipio Africanus; But when answer was made him by the Council, that he must presently defray all the charge of the war thitherto, and give up all Asia on this side Taurus into the power of the Romans, he imagining there could no worse befal him, in case he should happen to be quite overthrown, cast away any further thoughts of peace, and prepared all things necessary to try his fortune in a field, [Polyb. Legat. 23. Diodor. Sic. Legat. 6, 7. published by Fulvi. Vrsinus, Liv. lib. 37. cap. 7. Appia. pag. 105.]
L. Scipio the Consul, removing from his standing, came to Hellespont, al. Dardanus and Rhetaeus, where all the people of both places came out of their gates with joy, to welcome them: from thence he went to Ilium, and pitching his Camp in the plain which lay under the walls there, himself went up into the City, and Castle, and sacrificed there to Minerva, as President and Protectrix of that place. Then was there great glee, and mutual congratulations between the men of Ilium and the Romans; whiles they recounted how Aeneas, and the Captains that went heretofore with him, were their Country men, and went from thence; and the Romans no whit lesse proud, that they were descended of them; and were in all respects as glad to shake hands as parents and children use to be, when after long absence they happen to meet together, [Liv. and Justin, lib. 31. cap. 8.] whereby the way, Demetrius Scepsius saith of himself, That he being then but a boy, happened to come into Ilium at that time, as a traveller, and that he there saw their houses lie so nasty, that they had not so much as roof-tiles to cover them withal, [Strabo, lib. 3. pag. 594.]
Scipio, removing from thence, after six dayes march, came to the head of the River Caicus; where Eumenes came to him with his Forces, and here making provision of food to carry with them for many dayes, their purpose was to have set upon Antiochus, and dispatcht the businesse before Winter came on upon them, [Id.]
P. Scipio Africanus, falling sick there, was carried to Elaea, leaving for his Substitute in his Lieutenant-ship, Cn. Domitius. But Antiochus making his rendevouz in a champion near unto Thyatira, not far from the enemy, sent home young P. Scipio, whom he had casually intercepted, to his father, ransom-free: which was not onelyonly an ease to his troubled mind, but even part of a cure to his diseased body, [See Polib. Legat. 23. Liv. lib. 37. Justin, lib. 31. cap. 7. Appia pag. 105, 106. Aurel. Vict. de Vir. Illustr. pag. 609.]
The Senate, and people of Heraclea in Pontus, sent an Embassie to the Scipioes, desiring that they would ratifie and confirm that league, which Emilius had formerly made with them; which was granted. They also prayed that Antiochus might be taken into the favour and friendship of the people of Rome; and drawing up a general decree of the people at Heraclea, sent it to Antiochus, advising him thereby to give off all further thoughts of war against the Romans, [Memnon, Excerpt. cap. 28.]
Flotus, [Histor. Roman. lib. 2. cap. 8.] tells us, That Antiochus fortified his army with Elephants of a huge bignesse, all clad and glittering with gold, and silver, and scarlet, and ivory of their own kind. And in [1 Macchab. cap. 8. v. 6.] we read, that he had 120 Elephant, and indeed, that he had 102 when he fought with Ptolemei, and 150 afterwards, we have shewed before [in An. Mun. 3787. and 3799. out of Polyb.] but we have Livie for our author, That in this fight, he had onelyonly 54 Elephants: where he also tells us, That he had there 70 thousand Foot, and upward of 12 thousand Horse; though Appianus tells us of 70 thousand that he had in all. But Florus, most hyperbolically, He had, (saith he) 300 thousand Foot, and as many Horse and iron Chariots in the field that day, But Appianus affirmeth, that the Romans had onelyonly 30 thousand Foot; of which number it self, there were left, two thousand Macedons, Thracians, and others in the Camp for the defence thereof, as Livie saith.
This battle was fought near to Magnesia, seated at the foot of the Hill Sipylus. Hannibal was not in it, being lockt up in Pamphylia with his Fleet which he brought out of Syria: nor P. Scipio Africanus, who at that time lay sick, in the City of Elaea. The day wherein the fight was, was misty; which caused that Antiochus, in so great an army, could not see both wings of his army at once, and the wet thereof marred the strings of the bowes and thongs which they threw their Darts withal. Neverthelesse they forced the right wing of the Roman army to run, and flee they did to the Camp: but when Emilius, who was left to keep it, saw them coming, he sent out his men to meet them, and they with their naked swords threatened to kill them there-right, unlesse they returned into the fight: Whereupon, they finding themselves thus hemmed in, with their fellows before, and the enemies behind, Emilius also offering himself and two thousand of his men to go with them, faced about; and running desperately into the throng of the enemy, made there a vast slaughter of them, and were the beginning of the victory that ensued; of Antiochus his part, 'tis said, there fell that day, 50 thousand Foot, and 4 thousand Horse, [Liv. Eutrop.] Livie sayes, there were taken of them, 1400. Justin, 11 thousand. Of the Elephants, some few were killed, 15 taken with their masters. Some few of the Romans were wounded; but there were not slain above 300 Foot, and 24 Horse, and of Eumenes his company, 25.
Antiochus, getting away with some few in his company, encreased his number as he went, with others who fell in to him, and so with a reasonable shew of an army, came to Sa…des, about midnight following; and hearing that his son Seleucus, and sundry of his Nobles were fled from thence to Celaenae, near which there was a new City built, called Apamea. He before day took horse again, with his wife and daughter, and came thither to him; leaving the keeping of Sardes to Zeno, and the government of the province of Lydia, to Timon. And the next day again, went from thence (leaving some of his Captains there, to gather up such pieces of the wreck as they could light upon) and came into Syria, [Liv. lib. 37. Appia pag. 110. and Zonaras, out of D…cu.]
Polyxenidas, Antiochus his Ammiral, hearing of this successe at land, left Ephesus, and coming as far as Patara in Lycia, there, for fear of the Rhodian Fleet, which lay not far off at Megiste, went on shoar, and with some few in his company, passed by land into Syria, [Liv. ibid.]
After this victory, came Ambassadors hudling in from all parts to Scipio; from Thyati…a, and Megnesia: first, then from Sardes, Tralles, Magnesia upon the Maeander, and Ephesus, all rendring themselves into his hands: after which, all the Cities of Asia did the like; submitting themselves wholy to his mercy, and sovereignty of the people of Rom, [Id. ibid.]
The Consul then went to Sardes, and thither came to him his brother P. Scipio from Elaea, so soon as he was able to travel. About the same time also Musaeus, sent as a Herald from Antiochus, by the mediation of P. Scipio, made suite, and obtained leave for him to send Ambassadors to the Consul, to treat of a total peace. And shortly after, came from him Ambassadors, Zeuxis the Governour of Lydia, and Antipater his brothers son: who having first treated with Eumenes, who by reason of former quarrels between them, they thought would be most averse from a peace with their Master, and finding him more pliable, than either they or their Master thought they should have done, they then made their adresse to P. Scipio, and by him were brought to the presence of the Consul himself; and he at their suit calling together a full Council, gave them audience, and upon a hearing, offered the King the same conditions, which he sent him from Hellespont, before the fight at Magnesia. P. Scipio onelyonly professing, that the Romans fashion was, Neither to be quailed, in case they were overcome in a battle, nor to grow insolent upon a victory gotten: the conclusion therefore was, That Antiochus must leave Europe, and part with all Asia, on this side the Taurus; and that for the charges and cost of the war, he must pay 15 thousand talents, of E…baea; 500 present, and 2500, when the Senate and people of Rome, had ratified and confirmed the peace then made, and 1000 talents more to be stalled, and paied in twelve years after, by equal portions, besides 400 talents to Eumenes for his damages, and the surplusage of corn whtch was owing to his father: also that he must give up into the Consuls hand, Hannibal the Carthaginian, and Thoas the Etolian, and some others, who had been the first incendiaries of this war: and lastly, 20 hostages for performance of these conditions. And when Antipater and Zeuxis, had accepted of these conditions; it was agreed on all hands, to send away presently Ambassadors to Rome for a confirmation of all, and so they brake up, [Polyb. Legat. 24. Diod. Sic. Legat. 9. Liv. lib. 37. Justin, lib. 31. cpa. 8. Appia. pag. 111, 112.]
After this, the Consul brake up his army, and sent them away to their winter quarters, to Magnesia, and to Tralles, and Ephesus. [Polyb. & Liv. Ibid.]
The Consul himself went to Ephesus, and shortly after thither came to him a part of the 500 talents from Antiochus, which he was ordered to pay down present, and the hostages which he was to give, [Id. Ibid.] among which, one was Antiochus, the Kings youngest son, as Appia. [pag. 112, 113.] sayes, though Zonaras out of Dion tells us, that Manlius Vulso, who succeeded Scipio, was the first that demanded him in particular for a hostage.
M. Aurelius Cotta was sent by the Consul to Rome, Year of the World b. with the Kings Ambassadors, The Julian Period. 4525 so was Eumenes likewise; Year before Christ 189 and with them went the Ambassadors of Rhodes, of Smyrna, and allmost of all the Cities and States, on this side the Taurus. [Id. Ibid.]
Manius Acilius Glabrio, made his entry into Rome, in triumph over Antiochus and the Eolians, [Liv. lib. 37.]
Cn. Manlius Vulso, went Consul into Asia, and was appointed to take the army which L. Scipio had, with four thousand Foot more, and 200 Horse out of Rome, and of the Latins eight thousand Foot, and four hundred Horse: and at one and the same time allmost, Manlius the Consul landed in Asia, and Q. Fabius Labio, came as Praetor to his charge of the fleet, [Liv. lib. 37.] Now the new Consul arrived at Ephesus, in the beginning of the Spring, and received the army given up to him by L. Scipio; and having taken a view of it, he made an Harang unto them, inciting them thereby to prepare themselves for a war against the Galls, or Gallograecians, [Liv. lib. 37.] But Fabius with the fleet, set saile for Creet, to set at liberty such Romans, and others of the Italian Nation, as were there detained in slavery. And returning thence to Ephesus, sent three ships from thence into Thracia, and commanded Antiochus his garrisons to be withdrawn from Enus and Maronea, and then to be restored to their pristine liberty, [Id. lib. 37. in fi.]
About the beginning of Summer it was, that Eumenes with the Ambassadors came to Rome, of which Cotta made a relation, first in the Senate house, and afterward to the people in General, of what had been done in Asia: and then Eumenes being bid to speak, by the Senate, opened to them, both what he had done in their service, and what his suit unto them was; but all very sparingly, and with great moderation: yet the Rhodians opposed him, as well on their own behalf, as for the liberty of the Grecian Cities and States there. But both parties heard, the Senate decreed, That all the Regions, on this side the Taurus, which belonged to Antiochus, should be assigned and given to Eumenes; excepting onelyonly Lycia and Caria, as far as to the River of Maeander, which they ordered should thenceforward be allotted to the Rhodians: and the rest of the Cities in Asia, which had been Stipendarie to Attalus, should hereafter be made tributary likewise to Eumenes; but such as had been tributary to Antiochus, should be free, and pay no tribute at all. [Polyb. Legat. 25. & 36. Diod. Sic. Legat. 10. Liv. lib. 37. & 38. Appia. in Syriac. pag. 116.]
Antipater add Zeuxis, the Ambassadors of Antiochus, having had audience in the Senate, obtained a confirmation of peace for Antiochus upon such conditions as Scipio had given him in Asia, and when a while after, the people also had ratified the same, then was there a solemn league, with sacrifice, made with Antipater, chief of the Embassie for Antiochus in the Capitole, in further confirmation of that agreement, [Polyb. Legat. 25. Liv. lib. 37.] and this league was cut in brasse, and solemnly hung up, and dedicated in the Capitol, as other leagues were wont to be, and a Copy thereof sent to Manlius Vulso, the Consul, who succeeded Scipio in Asia. [Appia. pag. 113.]
We read moreover [1 Maccab. 8. 7.] that among other things, in this treaty, it was agreed, That as wel Antiochus himself, as his successours, should pay a great tribute to the Romans, and give hostages for security thereof, and a part of his kingdom, as was said before, and whereas, by this agreement, Antiochus was to pay (as I also mentioned before) 12 thousand talents, in 12 years, by equal portions, that is stil to be understood of Euboic talents, not of Attic, (as Livie seems to have misunderstood Polybius) yet of the purest Attic silver; every of which was to weigh 80 pounds Roman: and 540 thousand bushels of corn, and 20 hostages, as before; with this, That they should be changed every 3 years. But in the rent which was made of his great kingdom, he had yet left entire unto him, not only Comagena, Syria and Judea, as in [Excerpt. Memnon.] but also all the upper provinces beyond Euphrates, as Babylonia, Assyria, Susiana, and the rest, and in the lower Asia, Cilicia, though he was forbidden to come with his shipping into the streit of Cilicia, to the westward of the river Calycadnus, and the foreland of Sarpedon, to make any war there. [Polib. Legat. 27, and 35. Liv. lib, 37. and 38. Appia. pag. 112, 113.]
The Senate, Year of the World d. having heard the Ambassadors of Smyrna, and other States of Asia, according to the ancient manner, sent ten Commissioners to settle all matters in Asia, and to compose all differences between state and state there. [Polyb. Legat. 25. Diodor. Sic. Legat. 10. Liv. lib. 37.]
Now at what time the peace between the Romans and Antiochus was in agitation at Rome, Cn. Manlius in Asia, did what he could to put all into a new combustion and confusion there, and to have gotten Antiochus into his clutches, if he had come in his way: but he perceiving the Consuls dri…t, though often sollicited to come to a parlee with him, kept himself a loof, and would not come in his sight: and the Consul desirous to get him, came with his army to the parting of the waters, upon the top allmost of the Taurus. But not able to pick any quarrel against him, or his, he fell upon the Gallograecians, under a pretence, That they had formerly assisted Antiochus in his war, and that they were of such a haggard kind, and so fierce of conditions, that it was to no purpose to have sent Antiochus going beyond the Taurus, unlesse their backs were broken, as well as his. And because Eumenes was then out of the Country at Rome, therefore he sent for Attalus his brother from Pergamus, to come unto him, being now removed from Ephesus to Magnesia, and upon this summons, Attalus came to him, attended with a thousand Foot, and some 200 Horse, and they both proceeding on to the river Harpalus. Atheneus, another brother of Eumenes, and Attalus, came to him, accompanied with Leusus of Creet, and Corragus, a Macedonian born, who between them, brought him a thousand more, of several nations, and 300 Horse. [Livie lib. 38.]
Hither came to him Ambassadors from the state of Alabanda, at whose suit, a certain Castle, which had lately revolted from them, and was again forcibly recovered by them, was restored and confirmed to them. And the Consul, going still right forward, came to Antiochia, upon the Meander, and thither came also Seleucus the son of Antiochus, (as he might lawfully do by the articles with Scipio) to furnish himself with corn for his army, and there the inhabitants of Taba, a City of Cilicia, bordering upon Pisidia, having idely fallen up the army of the Romans, and paid for their pains 25 talents, and ten thousand bushels of wheat, were by him taken to mercy; and the third day after they came to the back of the river Chaus, and removing from thence, came before the City Eriza, and took it at the first assault. [Liv. ibid.]
Moagetes the Tyrant, who had under him three Cities, Cybara, Syleum, and Alymne, al. Alnida, a cruel man, and subtle withall, could hardly be brought to purchase his peace, at the price of 130 talents, and 10 thousand bushels of wheat, [Ib. ib. Polyb. Legat. 30,]
When the Consul had passed the River Colobatus, Ambassadors came to him from Isinda, praying him to come and help them; for that the men of Termessa, a City in Pisidia, joyning with the inhabitants of Philomelia, had wasted their Country, plundred their City, and now besieged their Castle and all, whither all their Citizens, with their wives and children were fled to save themseves. He taking this occasion by the hair, marched towards Pamphylia, raised the siege from before Ilinda, and pardoned them of Termessa, upon the paiment of 50 talents of silver; so did he them of Aspendus, and of the other Cities of Pamphilia. [Polyb. Legat. 32. Livie ut sup.]
Then, returning from Pamphylia, to his war intended against Gallogrecia, or Galatia; he took the City Cormasa, and therein a great booty, and so left it: and as he proceeded on his way by the fenns of that Country, Ambassadors came to him from the City of Lysinoe, and submitted to him: and having received them to mercy, he came into the plain of Salagessa, in Pisidia; out of which he drave away a rich proy of cattle: but when Ambassadors came to him, and presented him with a Crown of gold of 50 talents weight, with 20 thousand bushels of barlee, and as many of wheat, he made peace with them for the time to come, [Polyb. Legat. 32. Liv. ut sup.]
And going again from thence to the heads of the River Obryma, he encamped at a place called the Aporis-town: and thither came to him the next day Seleucus, from Apamea; and the Consul having sent away his souldiers that were sick, or otherwise unserviceable to Apamea, and being furnished with guides, of the way by Seleucus, came that day into a Country called the Metropolitan Country, and the next day to Dynias in Phrygia, and from thence again to Synnada; and by the way found the Cities every where abandoned by the inhabitants for fear of his coming: and his army grew so loaden with the spoile which they had taken, that they were unneath able to march above five mile a day, and, after that rate, came to Bendos, the old, and the third day after into the Country of Galatia, [Liv.]
Here he kept a standing Camp for certain dayes, and in that time sent his Ambassadors to Epossognatus, who alone of all the Kings of that Nation, had both kept in still with Eumenes, and would never be brought to send any aid to Antiochus against the Romans: and Epossognatus thereupon went to the rest of the Kings of that Nation and dealt what he could with them to submit to the Romans, upon fair and reasonable terms, [Id. cum Polyb. Lega. 33.] Now there were at that time, three Kings of these Galls, called still by their old names, of Tolistobogians, Tectosagians, and Trochmians; and their names were, Ortiagon, Combolomarus, and Gaulotus, [Liv.] Of which three Ortiagon, a man of great repute for his bounty, prudence, and martial Valour, was thought at that time, to be ambitious of engrossing the whole sovereignty of that Nation into his own hands, [Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 114. and Suidas in Ortiagon.]
Mean while, Ambassadors came to the Consul as he lay encamped in a certain village called Tyscon, from Oroanda, desiring his friendship, which at length they bought at the rate of 200 talents, ready money, [Liv.]
While the Romans lay before a Castle of the Galatians, called Cuballus, the enemies Horse came in sight, and in a tumultuous manner, fell upon some of the Roman army and slew them: but the Consul having put them off, and slain of them in their flight, came on with his army, without staying any where by the way, to the River Sangarius, or Sagaris, which is a River in Galatia, running thorough Phrygia into the Pontic Sea, [Liv.]
And there, making a bridge, because it was no where foordable, and having passed the River, certain Galli, or Eunuchs, of Cybele the mother of the gods, sent by Attis and Battacus, her Priests, from Pessinunte, met him with their ornaments and other trinkets about them, and prophecying in a fanatic way, told him, That the mother of the gods sent them, to offer the Romans the victory and sovereignty of that Country. And when the Consul had answered, That he accepted of the offer, he presently pitcht his Camp in the same place, [Liv. and Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 209.]
The next day he came to Gordium, a Town forsaken by the inhabitants, but left full of all manner of provisions; and whiles he was there, news was brought him from Epossognatus, that he had spoken with the Kings of the Galls, but could bring them to no reason; and that they with their wives and children, and their chief wealth, were all drawing to the Mount Olympus, purposing there to defend themselves, trusting in their armes, and situation of the place, [Liv. and Polyb. Legat. 33.] But they of Oroanda, came shortly after with more particular intelligence: that the Tolistobogians had already taken the Mount of Olympus: That the Tectosagians, had taken another Hill, called Magana; and that the Trochmians, leaving their wives and children with the Tectosagians, were gone to joyn their Forces with the Tolistobogians, [Livie.]
The Camp of these Galls, that were in the Mount of Olympus, was forced and taken by the Consul and Attalus. Claudius Quadrigarius saith, that they fought twice in the Mount of Olympus, and that there were there slain, to the number of 40 thousand men. But Valerius Antias, who useth commonly to over-lash in this kind, yet here speaketh onelyonly of 10 thousand slain; nor is there any doubt but the number of them, which were taken, made up the full number of 40 thousand lost, seeing they had drawn with them to that place, all sorts of people, young and old, of either sex, more like a Colony to inhabite by themselves, than an army to fight with an enemy. The Consul, having burnt all their arms in one fire, caused all the spoile of them to be brought in to him; and either sold all that was to be sold, or equally divided it in specie among his souldiers, [Liv.]
Yet remained there still an entire war with the Tectosagians: The Consul therefore marching towards them, came to a place called Ancyra, a great City in those parts: from whence, not above 10 miles, the enemy was encamped. There Chiomaris, Ortyagons wife, was taken prisoner; and when a certain Centurion had ravisht her, she found her oppertunity, and cut off his head, and sent it to her husband, (who had gotten home from Olympus) for a token, [Liv. Florus, lib. 2. cap. 11. and Victor. De Vir. Illustr. cap. 55.] This story is more fully related by Polybius, who saith, that he spake with Chiomaris her self at Sardes; adding, That he wondred at the wisdom of the woman, [Plutarch, De Clar. Mulier,] (i. e.) of famous women.
At Ancyra, while he lay there in Camp, there came to the Consul, certain Ambassadors from the Tectosagians, desiring him to remove his camp further off from thence, before their Kings came to a treatie with him about a peace: but indeed they, under pretence of a parlee, laid an ambushment to have surprised a party of the Romans, and being far the more in number, slew many of them, and had done more, had not some, who were abroad a forraging, hearing the cry, come in to their rescue, [Polyb. Legat. 34, Livie. lib. 38.]
The Romans, enraged herewith, the next day marched, and with the whole body of their army, came where they were, and having spent two dayes, in viewing and considering the situation of the hill, where they lay, upon the third, the Consul drew out his army, divided into three brigadaes. The main strength of the enemy lay in the Tectosagians, and Trochmians, who made between them, 50 thousand Foot, and the horse-men, because they could make no use of their horses, in that craggie ground, joyned on Foot with the rest, to the number of 10 thousand, and the Cappadocians sent from Ariarathes, and others from Morzes, in the left wing, made four thousand more. But when the battle was joyned, the Galls went to ground, and after a vast slaughter made of them, the rest fled, and shifted every man for himself, where he could; yet in the chace, the Romans slew eight thousand more of them, the rest escaped over the river Halys.
On the morrow; the consull took a view, as well of the prisoners, as of the spoile that was taken; where he might see the men gnawing the chains they were tyed in, with their teeth, and offering themselves to be throtled each by other. And the proy so great, as a most greedy and rapacious nation, which had had the spoile of all Asia on this side the Taurus for so many years, could be imagined to have raked together, Afterward the Galls that escaped, coming together, naked and wounded, and having lost all they had; agreed among themselves, to send, and sue to the Romans for a peace. The Consul willed them to follow him to Ephesus; for (mid-autumne being now past) he was desirous to get him gone out of that cold air, occasioned principally by the vicinity of that snowie mountain Taurus, and to draw near the sea side, and there to quarter his army for that winter, [Liv. ibid. with Appian. in Syriac. pag. 115. & Flor. lib. 7. cap. 11.]
At Rome, the first of February, (which as the year there then went, was the 27 of our Septemb.) L. Emilius Regillus triumphed over Antiochus, for the victory which he got of him by sea, [Liv. lib. 37.]
About the time when the ten Commissioners, appointed to go for Asia, in company of those Ambassadors, and others which came out of Asia, set out from Rome upon their journey, and came to Brundusium. L. and P. Scipio happened, coming out of Asia, to land in Italy: and few dayes after entered Rome triumphantly. [Polyb. Legat. 25.] L. Scipio rode in triumph over Antiochus, upon the last of February, being then Leap year, about the 16 of our November, allmost a year after his Consulship was expired, and that he might not come behind his brother Africanus in any point, was by all men surnamed Asiaticus, [Liv. lib. 37.]
C. Manlius Vulso, after the time of his Consulship was out, continued in Asia, as Pro-consul there, a year longer. [Id. ib. lib. 38.]
In the fourth year of the 147 Olympiade, came Ambassadors to Manlius, then Proconsul, Year of the World b. wintering at Ephesus, from all Cities, States and Countries, dwelling thoroughout Asia, on this side the Taurus, to congratulate his victory over the Galls; and presenting him with Crowns of gold: all which he entertained with so much respect and favour, that he sent them away, more glad and joyfull than they came. There came to him all the Ambassadors of the Galls, as he had appointed them, to know upon what conditions they might have their peace; to whom he answered, That he would hear them about that matter, when Eumenes came, and not before. Ambassador also came from Ariarathes King of Capadocia, to beg his pardon, and to redeem his offence with money, in that he had assisted Antiochus, his father in law, in his war: He was fined at 600 talents of silver, though Livie and Appianus say but 200. Musaens also came to him sent from Antiochus; to whom Manlius answered, That he would give him a meeting upon the borders of Pamphilia, and there receive the 2500 talents, and the wheat, which he was to pay, according to the agreement by him made with L. Scipio, [Polyb. Legat. 35. Liv. lib. 38.]
At the first of the spring, having taken a view of his army, and Attalus along with him, he set out from Ephesus, and upon the eighth day after, came to Apamea; where having stayed three days, in three days more, he came with his army into Pamphylia, to the place which he had appointed for his meeting with Antiochus: where he stayed 3 dayes, and there distributed among his army the wheat, which Antiochus sent in: and the monies, he consigned to one of the Colonels, to be conveyed to Apamea: from thence he went to Perga; which was the onelyonly place in all that Country, which was kept with a Garrison. And when he drew near unto it, the Captain of the Garrison came out to meet him, desiring his patience for 40 dayes, save one, to advertise Antiochus, and to receive his answer, what to do, anent the surrender of the place unto him: which was granted, and upon the day, the Garrison left the place, [Id. ibid.]
About the same time, which was in the begining of Summer season, the ten Commissioners with Eumenes arrived at Ephesus; where staying two dayes onelyonly, to settle their stomachs coming off the sea, they set forward and came to Apamea: The Proconsul hearing of their coming, sent his brother L. Manlius with 4 thousand souldiers to Oroanda, to demand the money, in arrere, of them: and himself, willing the Ambassadors of Antiochus to follow him, returned with his army to Apamea, and finding Eumenes there with the ten Commissioners, fell presently into consultation of what was to be done. First of all therefore it was agreed on all hands, to ratifie and confirm the peace and league formerly made with Antiochus: for observance whereof, according as it was drawn up and prescribed by the Senate (the forme whereof we find punctually delivered by Polybius and Livie.) Manlius the Proconsul in the presence of the Kings Ambassadors took a solemn oath, there; and that done, he dispatcht away presently Q. Minucius Thermus a Colonel, and his own brother, L. Manlius, (who was then by chance returned from Oroanda, with the monies which he was sent for) to take the like oath of Antiochus, and to ratifie all the conditions thereof, [Id. ibid. with. Appia. pag. 113.]
The Proconsul then wrote his letters, to Q. Fabius Labeo, who commanded the Navy to come away forthwith to Patara, and there set fire on all the Kingships that there were, or otherwise destroy them, [Polyb. and Liv. ut sup.]
Lebeo, setting out from Ephesus, came to Patara, and there set fire on, or otherwise destroyed 50 ships of the Kings, as he was commanded: and in the same journey of his, recovered Telmessus, where all were at their wits ends, upon the sudden coming of the Roman Fleet. And then, setting sail out of Lycia; and sending word to Ephesus, for such as were left there to follow him, came thorough the middest of the Islands lying in his way, into Greece: and staying some few dayes at Athens, till his ships came to him from Ephesus, sailed thence with his whole Fleet into Italy, [Livie.]
The Proconsul, having among other things, which he was, by the Articles, to have from Antiochus, received the Elephants (which were at Apamea, as Polybius saith) and bestowed them all upon Eumenes; And then set himself to hear the differences (as in that confusion of things it could not be, but many must arise) between the several Cities and States. And Ariarathes King of Cappadocia, for Eumenes his sake, to whom he had then newly betrothed his daughter, had half his fine striken off, [Id.]
At Apamea also, the Proconsul, and the ten Commissioners, having given audience to all that came, appointed certain indifferent places, by consent of all parties, where the differences between City and City, concerning either their bounds, or money-matters, or the like, should be heard, and ended. The Colophonians which dwelt in Notium, the inhabitants of Cyma, and Mylassa, were for ever acquitted from payment of any tribute, by the Proconsul and Commissioners: and to them of Clazomenae, over and above their exemption from payment of tribute, they gave also a certain Island called Drymussa, which lay over against their City. And to the Milesians, they restored a place called Sacer Ager: (i. e.) The holy Country, which for fear of enemies, they had relinquished. As for them of Chios, Smyrna, and Erythrae, in regard of their extraordinary zeal and forwardnesse in their service, they both gave unto them, all such lands and regions, as they particularly desired to have, and had them also in singular recommendation above the rest. They of Phocaea had their laws and liberties restored them to the full, with all the territory which they possessed before the war began, [Polyb. Legat. 36. Liv. lib. 38.]
To those of Ilium, they gave the Cities and Territories of Rhaetaeus, and Gergithus, not so much for any great service which they had done them, as in regard of the blood which was anciently between them, [Liv. ibid.]
And whereas before, there were but some certain few places, belonging to Pergamus, and the jurisdiction thereof, to wit, onelyonly to the sea side, near Elais, and Adramyttium, as Strabo teach us, [lib. 13. pag. 627.] they now gave unto Eumenes, Lysimachia and the Chersonese of Thracia in Europe side; and in Asia, all Lycaonia, Myllus, Phrygia the greater and the lesse, and all the Countries of Lydia and Ionia, save onelyonly the Towns there, which were free, when the battle was fought with Antiochus: and namely, they bestowed on him Thralles, and Ephesus, and Telmessus in Lycia, and whereas he was anciently possessed of Mysia, and King Prusias had taken it from him by force, that they caused to be restored to him and for Pamphylia, which Eumenes his Ambassadors said, lay on this side the Taurus, and the Ambassadors of Antiochus, that it lay beyond it, they referred that difference wholy to the pleasure and judgement of the Senate it self. [Polyb. Legat. 36. Liv. lib. 37, 38.]
The two Rhodian Ambassadors Theaetaetus and Philophron, desired that they might have Lycia and Caria, according to a former order and decree of the Senate in that behalf made. Hipparchus and Satyrus, the Ambassadors from Ilium, became suitors to the Commissioners, desiring them most earnestly, and by the blood that was between them, to pardon the Lycians. The Commissioners endeavoured to satisfie both parties, as much as in them lay; for they laid no burthen at all upon the Lycians, in favour to them of Ilium, and yet assigned the whole nation of the Lycians, to the Rhodians, to gratifie them in some sort as they desired; save onelyonly the Citie of Telmessus, and sorts belonging thereto, and the Country belonging to Ptolemeus of Telmessus; Caria also, all beyond the Meander, was given to the Rhodians, all save those places, which were free the day before the battle at Magnesia, against Antiochus.
But the Lycians protested openly, That they would run any risque, rather than be in subjection to the Rhodians; alleadging for themselves, That they were assigned by the Commissioners, not as subjects, but onelyonly as friends and associates to them.
When the Commissioners, according to the articles, among other things demanded Hannibal to be delivered up into their hands by Antiochus, he presently, upon notice thereof from the King, fled from thence, and went to Gortyna in Creet, [Justin lib. 32. cap. 4. and Emil. Prob. in Hannib.] Yet the report goes, That upon the overthrow of Antiochus by the Romans, Hannibal fled first to Artaxias in Armenia; and gave him much other good counsel: but among the rest, to build the Capital City in Armenia, which was from him called Artaxata, al. Artaxiasata, [Plut. in Lucullo, Strabo, lib. 11. pag. 528.] for Artaxias, and Thariades, al. Zariadres, two Captains in Antiochus his army, by his permission formerly bare the rule, as Sovereigns over all Armenia, the one over the great, the other over the lesser: but after his overthrow, they joyned with the Romans, and from them obtained, each the title of a King in his own dominions. [Strabo Ibid. pag. 531, 532.] And it is most likely, that at the time, when they made friends with the Romans, Hannibal got him away thence also, and fled into Creet.
Antiochus, having thus lost all Asia, said, That he was very much beholding to the Romans, for easing him of so much trouble, by confining him within a more reasonable compasse of his dominions. [Cic. pro Dejotaro. Valer. Maxim. lib. 4. cap. 1.]
Cn. Manlius, Year of the World 3817 and the ten Commissioners, having now settled all things, went with the whole army towards Hellespont, purposing to order matters in Galatia, as they went, [Polyb. Legat. 36. cap. 1.]
And calling those petty kings to come in to them; they gave them such conditions of their peace as they thought fit; the sum whereof was, That they should keep peace with Eumenes, and warned them to give off that lewd custom of theirs, in raging up and down with their arms about them, and to keep themselves within their own confines, [Liv. Ibid.] to wit, within that part of Phrygia, and Paphlagonia, and Mysia, where it borders upon the mount Olympus, and Cappadocia, which being heretofore possessed by them, went now by the name of Galatia, [Zonar. ea Dione.] We also read [1 Maccab. 8. 2.] that there was a tribute imposed on them, and so the Romans having chastised the Galatians for their insolencie used towards them, acquired to themselves the whole, and entire sovereignty of Asia on this side the Taurus, and made that the bound of the Empire Eastward for that present, and freed the inhabitans there from that terrour which they were formerly in from those fierce and barbarous Galls. [Polyb. lib. 3. pag. 159. with Manlius his Oraion, in Livie lib. 38.]
Manlius gathered all the ships which he could get in all that coast, and Eumenes with his ships came also to him; and in them passed himself with all his army into Europe, [Liv. lib. 38.]
Antiochus, marching with his army into his upper provinces (or as Jerom upon Daniel cap. 11. speaketh, passing thorough the furthermost Cities of his domions) proclaimed his son Seleucus Philopator to be his successor, as we find, [2 Maccab. 9. 23.]
When Antiochus, The Julian Period. 4527 whether feeling himself over-loaden, Year before Christ 187 with the heavy tribute laid on him by the Romans, or whether it proceeded from a fit of avarice that took him, whereby he thought he might under colour thereof, fall to committing sacriledge upon his gods, and hearing that the Temple of Jupiter Belus in Elimaiis, abounded with Silver and Gold, and other precious Jewels, of offerings there made, he purposed to seize it all into his hands; coming therefore into Elemaiis, and pretending that the inhabitants of that place, had raised a war against him, with the power of his army, he entered into the Temple by night, and took thence an infinite masse of wealth; which coming to the peoples eares, the peasants of the Country came in, and set upon his army, and slew both him and them, [Diodor. Sic. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 292, 298. Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 744. Justin, lib. 32. cap. 2.] Jerom upon [Dan. chap. 11.] saies that he was slain in a fight against the inhabitants of Elema…is: but [Arel. Victor. de Vir. Illustr.] tells us, that he was slain, by his own pot-companions; some of whom, in a drunken fit, he had beaten, and misused at a Feast: but slain he was, and that, as Zonaras rightly averreth out of Dion, in the year when C. Flaminius, and Emilius Lepidus, were Consuls of Rome.
After his death Seleucus, surnamed Philopator, or as Josephus, [lib. 12. cap 4.] Soter (which was indeed the surname of his son Demetrius) suceeded him in his kingdom, and reigned 12 years; a man of a lazy humor, nor of any great power, by reason of his fathers great losse sustained from the Romans, [Appia. in Syriac. pag. 131. with Porphy. Euseb. and Severus, Sulpitius.] In this very entrance to the kingdom, he had a son, called Demetrius, whose surname was Soter, who as Polybius [Legat. 107.] was 23. years old, when his Uncle Antiochus Epiphanes died, And of this Seleucus, is meant that which is said, in the beginning [of the third chapter of the third book of Maccab.] When the Holy City lived in all peace, and the laws therein excellently well excuted, by reason of the piety of Onias the High Priest, and for that he was an utter enemy to all ungodlinesse; it came to passe that even Kings themselves honoured this Place, and adorned the Temple with many rich offerings: Insomuch, that Seleucus himself, King of Asia, furnished all cost out of his own cofers, for the publick ministery of the Sacrifices.
When Philopoemen was Praetor: (i. e.) Chief Magistrate of the Achaean…, Demetrius of Athens, came as an Ambassador of Ptolemeis from Alexandria, to renew his league with the Achaeans; and they being very glad thereof, sent their Ambassadors in like manner to him: to wit, Lycortas, father to Polybius the Historian, and Theodoridas, and Rhositeles of Sicyone, both to take their oath to the King, and also to receive his oath to them, [Polyb. Legat. 37.]
Cn. Manlius Vulso, Year of the World 3818 contrary to the votes of the ten Commissioners, triumphed in Rome over the Galls in Asia, upon the fifth day of March, [Liv. lib. 38. & 39.] Concerning whose doings in Asia, Hannibal, having now nothing else to do, wrote a book in Greek: which language he had learnt, from one Sosilus a Lacedemonian, and dedicated it to the Rhodians, [Emil. Probus, in Hannibale.] Which Sosilus was born at Ilium, and wrote the gests of Hannibal in 7 Volumes, as [Diodor. Sic. lib. 26. Eclog.] affirmeth.
When Aristaenus was Praetor, or Chief Magistrate in Achaia, the Ambassadors which were sent from thence to King Ptolemei, returned home, whiles the general Assembly of that Nation were met, and sitting at Megalopolis: before whom Lycortas declared, That according to their commission they had taken their oath to the king, and reciprocally received his oath to them: adding further, that they had brought a present from the King to the Commonalty of Achaia; to wit, armes all of brasse to furnish 6000 Targateers, and 200 talents of brasse, ready coined, [Polyb. Legat. 41.]
To that meeting Eumenes also sent his Ambassadors, to renew the league with them which had formerly been between them and his father; promising moreover, to bestow on them, 120 talents, to the end, that putting them out to use, the income thereof might serve to defray the charges of such as were to come from time, to time, to their assemblies; which largesse of his so offered, though their mouths watered at so great a summe, yet with one voice, they all refused, and would none of it, [Id. ibid. Diodor. Sic. Legat. 13.]
Eumenes his Ambassadors came to Rome, Year of the World 3819 to treat there concerning the possession of two Cities of Thracia, The Julian Period. 4529 Enus, Year before Christ 185 and Maronaea, which they said belonged to him, as appurtenant to the Chersonese of Thracia, which the Romans had given him; and withal, to complain of Philippus, King of Macedon, for that he had seized on them by force, and put Garrisons in them, and had drawn from thence certain inhabitants there, and planted them in Macedonia. For the hearing of which difference between them, the Senate joyned Q. Caecilius Metellus, and M. Baebius, and Tib. Sempronius, in Commission, and sent them; and they coming to Thessalonica, heard both parties argue the case before them, [Polyb. Legat. 40, 42. Liv. lib. 39.]
When they returned to Rome, Year of the World 3820 and the Ambassadors on either side, pleaded there nothing but what they had already said before the Commissioners at Thessalonica: the Senate decreed a second commission, whereof the chief man was Ap. Claudius, with instructions, to put out all Garrisons from Enus and Maronaea, and to assoile all the sea coast of Thracia from the power and jurisdiction of Philippus and his Macedons, [Polyb. Legat. 42, 44. and Liv. lib. 49.]
At the same time also, Areus and Alcibiades, the two Prime men of Sparta, came to Rome, and in the Senate made a heavy complaint against the Achaeans; whereupon the Senate thought fit to refer that cause also to the same Commissioners, [Polyb. Legat. 42. Pausan. in Achaic. pag. 214.]
Lycortas of Megalopolis, Polybius his father, the Praetor of Achaia, called an assembly of the Nation: wherein Areus and Alcibiades, who went to complain of them at Rome, were condemned to die for it, [Liv. lib. 39. Pausan. ut. sup.]
A while after, the Roman Ambassadors came into Achaia, and the common Council or Assembly of Achaia met before them, at Clitore in Arcadia, [Liv. ibid. Polyb. Legat. 43.] but their coming in no sort pleased the Achaeans, when they saw Areus and Alcibiades (whom they in a late assembly had condemned to death) in their company; Lycortas, like a Magistrate, pleaded and maintained the cause of the Achaeans very boldly: But the Commissioners, not regarding much what he said, declared openly and with joynt consent, that Areus and Alcibiades were honest men, and had done the Achaeans no wrong at all, and prevailed so far, as to have the sentence given against them to be reversed, [Liv. and Pausa. ut. sup.]
When Hannibal had lived a long time very quietly at Gortyna in Greet, and fell there into the envy of many by reason of his great wealth, he filled certain great chests with lead, and deposited them in the Temple of Diana there, as a treasure for a dead lift: and thereupon the people, having such a pledge as that of him, looked the lesse after him: but he in the mean time stole away to Prusias, surnamed, as I said before, the Hunter, King of Bythinia, having first molten his gold and infused it into certain hollow Statues of brasse, which he carried away with him, [Justin, lib. 32. cap. 4. and Emil. Probus, in Hannibale.]
There fell a little after a war in hand, between Prusias and Eumenes, King of Pergamus: which Prusias began, breaking the league that was between them, meerly in confidence of Hannibal, whom he had there to manage his war for him, [Justin, ibid.] The war therefore grew hot between them, both by land and sea: but Eumenes by the assistance of the Romans, over-powered him in both: and whereas Prusias was but poor, and weake of himself, Hannibal procured him the assistance of some other Kings and States, and those of very warlike Nations, [Emil. Prob.] and among them, the aid of Philippus King of Macedon, who sent him Philocles his General, with a considerable army to help him, [Polyb. Legat. 46.]
In the 149 Olymp. when M. Claudius Marcellus, Year of the World 3821 and Q. Fabius Labeo, first entered into their Consul-ship, came to Rome an Embassie from Eumenes, carried by Athenaeus his youngest brother, who brought with him a Crown of Gold of 15000 talents price, to complain of Philippus; both for that he had not withdrawn his Garrisons out of Thracia, as also for that he sent aid to Prusias, King of Bithynia, who had willfully broken his league, and made war upon his brother Eumenes, [Polyb. Legat. 46. Livie, lib. 39.] and among other Ambassadors, from Lacedemon, came Areus and Alcibiades to the Senate, [Polyb. ibid.]
When Prusias had received an overthrow from Eumenes by land, The Julian Period. 4531 and seeking to try his fortune by sea, Year before Christ 183 was too weak for Eumenes: there also Hannibal advised him to to try whether he could do by policy and fraud, what by plain force he was not able to effect. He put therefore a multitude of all sorts of serpents into earthen vessels, and in the middest of the fight, to be hurled aboard the enemies ships; giving order to the souldiers and sea-men, to set all upon the ship wherein Eumenes himself was, and defend themselves from the rest as well as they could; by this device of the serpents, and that they might the more certainly know, in what ship Eumenes himself was, he sent before-hand a letter to him by a Herald, purporting nothing but a meer flout to Eumenes, and full of abuses to his person. When as therefore Prusias his men, came to it, they fought neither against great nor small, but onelyonly against the ship which Eumenes was in: whereupon he was fain to seek his safety by flight; but had perished therein, had he not thrust in upon the next shoar, where he had placed before-hand, for a relief upon all occasions, a company of his own. As for Eumenes his other ships, when they pressed hard upon the enemy, they let flie their earthen pitchers full of Snakes, which falling on the decks, brake, and out flew the Serpents among them; and this at first seemed a ridiculous thing unto them: but when they could stir no where in the ship for Serpents, and found themselves no lesse annoyed with their stings than with the arrows of their enemy, they gave off the fight, and fled to their sea-camp which was upon the shoare. [Justin lib. 32. cap. 4. Emil. Prob. in Hannibale.]
Thus Hannibal, by this trick, got the better of Eumenes, in that fight; nor then onelyonly, but also in sundry other encounters and by one stratageme or another, he ever put Eumenes to the worst. And once, when he advised Prusias to fight, and he durst not, because the entrailes of the beasts, said he, forbid me: What, said Hnnibal, will you rely more upon a little piece of flesh in a Calf, than upon the judgement of an old experienced Captain in the field, [Cic. De Divinat. lib. 2. Plut. in his Treatise, De Exilio. Valer Max. lib. 3. cap. 7.]
Now when news of these doings came to Rome, Ambassadors were out of hand dispatcht away by the Senate, to make a peace between the two Kings, and to demand Hannibal, out of Prusias his hands. [Polybius Legat. 47.] tells us, That Ti. Qu. Flaminius, was at that time sent Ambassador, both to Prusias, and also to Seleucus, King of Syria, and Livie, [lib. 36. out of Galerius Antias] shews, That Lu. Scipio Asiaticus, and P. Scipio Nasica, were joyned in Commission with him to Prusias.
Agesipolis, who in his nonage, was King of Sparta, being sent with others to Rome, from such as were then bannished out of Lacedemon, by the way fell into the hands of Pirates, and was by them slain, [Polyb. Legat. 49.] This Agesipolis was the son of Cleomenes the King of Sparta, who was slain in Alexandria, as before, An Mun. 3784. and was solemnly taken in for their King, by the Ephori there, but was turned out again, by those usurping Tyrants which succeeded in that state, Lycurgus, Machanidas and Nabis, as Polybius, [lib. 4. pag. 304.] teacheth us. But now, that this lawful King was dead, Areus, of whom I speak before out of Polybius, Livie, and Pausanias, being a most earnest and violent defender of his Countries liberty against the Achaeans, their power being now abated by the Romans, seemeth to have acquired to himself the title of a King among them, for Josephus, [l. 12. Antiq. c. 4. & Euseb. in Chron.] both testifie, that Areus the King of Lacedemon, sent an Embassie, and wrote his letters to Onias 3. son of Onias, the High Priest at Jerusalem, which letters are extant in Josephus, [cap. 5. lb. & cap. 12. lib. 1. Macabae.] a book exactly translated out of the Hebrew, (for that book was originally written in Hebrew, as Jerom shews) and retaineth every where the brevitie and Hebraismes of it, in which letters, mention is made of the blood and kinred that was between the Jews and Lacedemonians, which seemeth to have been taken out of the Mythological or fabulous writings of the Greeks; such as was that of Claudius Iolaus, in Stephanus Byzantinus in the word Judaea, that the name of the Jews came from one Judaeus Sportones, a companion or fellow souldier of Bacchus in his wars; though Pausanias in his Corinthiaca, [pag. 58.] assures us, That the names of Sportones, was altogether unknown to the Spartans or Lacedemonians of his time.
Eumenes began now to make war with Prusias King of Bythinia and Ortyagon, one of the Kings of the Galls. [Prolog. Trogi, lib. 32. with Polyb. lib. 3. lib. 159.]
The death of Hannibal, I conceive, fell in with the Consulship of L. Emilius Paulus, and Cn. Baebius Pamphilus, for so Polybius, and Valerius Max. write; and not in the year before: as Atticus, and Livie, who follow him there, would have it, nor yet in the year next following, as Sulpitius, and in Emil. Probus, in Hannibale. Now the manner of his death, as we find it … Livie, [lib. 39. in Justin lib. 32. cap. 4. in Plut. in the Life of T. Q. Flaminius in Dion, quoted by Zonaras, in Emil. Prob. in Hannibale, and in Appianus in his Syriaea, pag. 92.] was in this manner.
Hannibal kept himself close in one place, Year of the World 3822 which was a little Castle, given him by Prusias; to which he had made seven dores; some of which were blind, to the end, That if any came to beset the house, they should not set any guard there, because they appeared not to be doors. When therefore he heard, that the Kings souldiers were in the porch, to break in upon him, he went to get out at one of those blind back-doors: but when he found that, contrary to his expectation, beset also with men to take him; and the house beset quite round every where, he took his poison, which he carryed ever about him, for that purpose, and so dyed at the age of 70 years old: of whose death it is said. That there was this Oracle long before uttered.
foreign, (i. e.)
The land of Lybia Hannibals Corpss shall cover.
Which word Lybia, or Lybyssa, he ever understood of Lybia in Afric: whereas it was indeed a little Village in Bythinia, near the sea side, called also by the same name, of which Pliny, [lib. 5. cap. 22.] speaking, saith: There was in those parts, a little Town called Libyssa, where's now nothing worth the seeing, but Hannibals tomb onelyonly.
Pharnaces King of Pontus fell suddenly upon the City of Synope and took it; which from thence forward continued in the possession of him and his successors. [Strabo lib. 12. pag. 545, 546.]
In the second year of the 149 Olymp. came Ambassadors to Rome from the two Kings, Eumenes and Pharnaces, who were then in war one against the other, as also from the Rhodians, complaining of the wrong done to them of Synope, by Pharnaces. Whoreupon Marius and others in commission with him, were sent Ambassadors to take knowledge of the case of Synope; and to compose all differences between the two Kings, [Polyb. Legut. 52, 53. and Livie lib. 40.]
Hyrcanus (the son of Josephus, and nephew to Tobias) was sent to Seleucus, to gather up his tributes, on the other side of the river Jordan Eastward: where he built a fair and most fortified Castle, all of white marble, which he called by the name of Tyros, to wit, in the codfines of Arabia, and Judea on the other side Jordan, not far from the land of Heshbon, and was governour of all that Region, during the last seven years of Seleucus his reign; living all that time in war with the Arabians, and making great slaughters of them, besides many prisoners taken, and made slaves by him. [Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 4, 5.]
Marcius and his fellow Commissioners, who were sent to see how the squares went between Eumenes and Pharnaces, returned; and made their report in the Senate, of what they found; setting out Eumenes his fair dealing, and temperate carriage in all things, blazoning the avarice and high fierce carriage of Pharnaces to the full, [olyb. Legat. 53.] for indeed he was the most violent and invirious King that ever was before him, [Id. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 130.]
When Ariarathes King of Cappadocia, Year of the World 3823 joyning in with Eumenes of Pergamus, made war upon Pharnaces King of Pontus, all three at once, sent their Ambassadors to Rome, and the Senate having heard them all, answered, That they would send Comm…ssioners once more into those parts, with power to hear and determine all matters between them, [Id. Ib. cum. lib. 3. pag. 159. Liv. lib. 40.]
Pharnaces, scorning thus to dance attendance upon the Romans, burst out again, and sent Leocritus in the middest of winter, with an army of ten thousand men, to harast and ravage all the Country of Galatia. [Polyb. Legat. 55.]
And himself in person, the spring following, mustered all his forces, as if he would have fallen upon Cappadocia. [Id. ib.]
Eumenes fretting to see him thus transgresse all bounds of law and honesty as he did, together with his brother Attalus, newly then returned from Rome, marched into Galatia, against Leocritus, but him they found not there: and when Carsignatus (or rather, Epossognatus, as Fulvius Ursinus thinks it should be) and Gazotorius sent their Ambassadors to desire them to forbear doing them any harm, for that they were ready to do what ever they were commanded, but were rejected by him, as men who had formerly falsified and broken their faith and word unto him, and so they went on against Pharnaces. [Ibid.]
At the end of five dayes march, Eumenes with his brother came from Calpito, al. Calpia, a City of Bythinia, to the river Halys; and the sixth day after to Amisus, a city in Cappadocia: where when Ariarathes the King of that Country, had joyned his army with theirs, they all came into the plaine of Amisus, where they had scantly pitcht Camp, when news came, that Commissioners were come from Rome, to make a peace between them: whereupon Eumenes presently sent away his brother Attalus to wellcome them into those parts, and he in the mean time doubled his army, and put them all into the best equ page he could, [Ibid.]
The Commissioners at their first arrival, exhorted both parties to a peace. Eumenes and Ariarathes, answered, With all their hearts; and what ever else they should be pleased to command; and when the Commissioners prayed, That during the treaty, they would draw out their forces from the enemies Country, Eumenes readily assented thereto, and the next morning gave order to send back his forces into Galatia, [Ibid.]
The Commissioners then treating with Pharnaces, could by no means prevail with him, to come to any conference where Eumenes should be present, and much a do they had at last to perswade him to send his Ambassadors to some place by the sea side, with full power there to treat, and to stand to such order as they should think fit to set down between them; and when his Ambassadors came to the place appointed, and the conference was now began, Eumenes was ready to yield to any conditions: but the Ambassadors of Pharnaces shewed themselves in such a fashion as the Commissioners easily perceived, that Pharnaces himself had no mind to come to any agreement, [Ibid.]
So the conference brake off, and no peace concluded between them, and when the Commissioners were gone from Pergamus, and Pharnaces his Ambassadors sent away, the war went on as before, between them two: and Eumenes fell to prepare all things necessary for it on his part; neverthelesse, at the earnest instance of the Rhodians, who desired his aid against the Lycians, he let Pharnaces alone for that time, and went to help them, [Ibid.]
Leocritus, the General of Pharnaces his Forces, having laid hard siege to Pius (or rather Teios) a Town in Pontus, forced the Garrison which was there, consisting all of mercenary souldiers, to deliver up the Twon to him, upon condition, that they themselves, should be conveyed to what place they should name for themselves, in safety: but having afterward received an expresse from Pharnaces to put them all to the sword, because they had formerly offended him, he pursued them upon the way, and slew them every man, [Diodor. Sic. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 302.]
Seleucus, having gotten together a reasonable army, and going to the aid of Pharnaces, was ready to passe the Taurus: neverthelesse, calling to mind that in so doing, he should break the articles accorded between his father and the Romans, upon better advice, he brake off that journey, and returned home again, [Id. ibid.]
Yet afterward Pharnaces fell to an agreement with Attalus, Year of the World 3824 and the rest, The Julian Period. 4534 and they entered into a solemn league between them. Year before Christ 180 Eumenes at that time had laien sick at Pergamus, but was now recovered: and having ratified all that Attalus had done therein, upon his return, sent both him and the rest of his brothers all to Rome, where every man, who knew what service they had done in the wars in Asia, bad them heartily welcome; but the Senate, in special, caused lodgings to be provided for them, and large allowance to be made them at the publick charge. And Attalus coming into the Senate-house, complained of the wrong that Pharnaces had done them; and desired them to chastise him according to the measure of his offence: to whom they made a gracious answer, promising to send Commissioners, who should make, a final accord between them, [Polyb. Legat. 56. Diodor. Legat. 14.]
Ptolemaeus Epiphanes, desirous to make a more strict association with the Achaeans, sent his Ambassadors to them, promising them ten ships, each of 50 oares a piece ready furnished to the full. The Achaeans, considering that the offer was too good to be refused, as amounting to the value of almost 10 talents, accepted thereof very willingly: And sent him their Ambassadors, Lycortas with his son Polybius, (to wit, the Historian) though younger at that time, than by their law and Ambassador should be: and with them, Aratus, the son of Aratus the Sicyonian, with instructions both to thank the King for the armes and monies, which he had formerly sent them by Lycortas; and also to receive from him, the ten ships now promised, and to bring them, into Peloponese. But this Embassie never went further then Achaia it self, by reason, that newes came of the death of Ptolemei, [Id. Legat. 57.]
For when Ptolemei laid a trap to take Seleucus in, and withal set on foot an army to go against him, and one of his Captains asked him where he would get money to go thorough with what he took in hand, his answer was, That his friends were his treasur: which saying of his, flying abroad, and coming to his Friends and Captains eares, and they conceiving that his meaning was, to furnish himself by stripping them of their means, agreed among themselves and poisoned him, [Jerom upon Daeniel, chap. 11.] This Ptolemei Epiphanes, in Priscian the Grammarian, is said by Cato, to have been a most excellent and bountiful King; and the truth is, that for a long time, he carryed himself very nobly and well; but afterward when by the perswasion of some clawbacks of the Court, he had caused Aristomenes, whom he had formerly honoured as a father, to take a drench of hemlocks, whereof he died, he grew to a further heighth of blood and cruelty, and ruled his people more like a Tyrant than a King; whereby he fell into such hatred and detestation among them, that they were ready to depose him, [Diodor. Sic. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 294, 297.]
At his death, he left two sons, both under age: the eldest was called, Philometor, the younger, Physcon, [Josephus, lib. 12. cap. 5.] Ptolemaeus Philometor (whom Epiphanius miscalleth Philopator) reigned after his father 35 years: as [Clau. Ptolemaeus, in Can. Reg. Clemens Alexandrinus, Eusebius,] and others tell us: of which we, to make the times even, abate 3 moneths onelyonly.
Pharnaces, Year of the World 3825 finding himself over-laid by this unexpected and violent coming on of the enemy, The Julian Period. 4535 sent his Ambassadors to Eumenes and Ariarathes, Year before Christ 179 and sued for peace: so this war between Eumenes and Ariarathes on the one side, and Pharnaces and Mithridates, Lord of Armenia, on the other, was taken up, and ended upon these conditions; to wit, That Pharnaces should no more set foot in Galatia; and should break off all former agreements and leagues made with the Galatians. That he should likewise get him going out of all Paphlagonia: and such of the Inhabitants thereof as he had carryed from thence, he should send home again, with their armes. That he should restore to Ariarathes, all the places which he had taken from him, with such hostages as he had received of him. That he should restore all the prisoners which he had taken, ransom-free; and deliver up those which had left their King, and fled over to him. That he should restore to Morzias and Ariarathes the 900 talents, which he had taken from them and 300 more to Eumenes, for his charges in the war: and that Mithridates the Lord of Armenia, should pay 300 talents, for making war upon Ariarathes, contrary to the league which he had made with Eumenes. In this league, were comprised, of the great men of Asia, Artaxias, a petty king of the greater part of all Armenia, and one Acusilochus: and of those in Europe side, Gatalus of Sarmatia, and of free States, those of Heraclea, Mesembrya, Chersonesus, and Cyzicum: for performance whereof, so soon as the hostages sent by Pharnaces were come, the armies brake up, and dispersed themselves, every man to his own home, [Polyb. Legat. 59.]
Teius, Year of the World 3826 a Town in Pontus, which Prusias by the Articles was to restore to Eumenes, Eumenes freely gave back to him again, and had many thanks given him by Prusias for it, [Id. ibid.]
After the death of Philippus, King of Macedon, his son Perses, or Perseus, succeeded him, in the year when Q. Fulvius, and L. Manlius, were Consuls at Rome: and he reigned 11 years, [Liv. lib. 45.] or rather 10 years, 11 moneths, as Porphyrie more exactly counteth it, [Scal. in Graec. Euseb. pag. 229.]
Here begins the third Periode, of Calippus.
The Lycians sent their Ambassadors to Rome, The Julian Period. 4536 to complain of the cruelty of the Rhodians, to whom they were assigned, and made subject by L. Cornelius Scipio, saying, that the slavery which they endured under Antiochus, in comparison of this, was an excellent kind of liberty and freedom; and that there was no difference now left between them, and the very slaves they bought in the Market for their money. The Senate moved with this piteous complaint, gave them their letters to carry to the Rhodians; whereby they put the Rhodians in mind, that they indeed put the Lycians into their subjection, and protection withal; yet so, as they ceased not to be free States still, and of the sovereignty of the people of Rome, [Liv. lib. 41.]
Prusias married the sister of Perseus, Year of the World 3827 and Perseus the daughter of Seleucus, The Julian Period. 4537 called Laodice; Year before Christ 177 and the Rhodians with their Fleet, received and conveyed her into Macedon to her husband, [Liv. lib. 42. Polyb. Legat. 60. Appia. Legat. 25.]
When the Rhodians persisted, and now made an open war upon the poor Lycians, they of Xanthus fled by their Embassies for help to the Achaeans, and to the people of Rome; foreman in which Embassie, was one Nicostratus, [Polyb. Legat. 60.]
The Lycians were already troden under foot by the Rhodians, before their Ambassadors could get audience of the Senate of Rome; which was not till Tiberius and Claudius the Consuls of that year, were gone out against the Istrians and Agrians: but when they were admitted, they so displayed and laid open before them, the cruelty and oppression of the Rhodians against the poor Lycians, that they prevailed so far with the Senate, as that they sent Ambassadors to Rhodes, to let them know, that having perused the Acts, and Records, which the ten Commissioners drew up, in Asia, they found by the tenor thereof, That the Lycians were by the Romans consigned to the Rhodians, not for a gift, to do with them what they would, but to use them as friends and associates. This message was not so well liked of by the common sort in Rome, who were grown offended with the Rhodians for their officiousnesse, in bringing home Perseus his wife unto him, and could have been well content, to have seen them and the Lycians to try it out by the teeth, that the Rhodians might have some occasion to spend their treasure and provisions, with which they so much abounded, [Id. Ibid.]
When the Roman Commissioners came to Rhodes, Year of the World 3828 the inhabitants there, began to grow into an uproare, saying, Since all things were now well settled in Lycia, What meant they to give occasion of new trouble there? For indeed the Lycians, hearing what declaration the Senate had made in their behalf, began presently to rise again, protesting openly that they would endure any thing, to recover their just rights and liberty again. But the Rhodians, conceiving that the Senate had been misinformed, and abused by some false suggestions of the Lycians, dispatcht away Lycophron their Ambassador to Rome: and the Senate having heard his errand, gave him no present answer, [Id. Legat. 61, 62.]
One Simon, The Julian Period. 4538 a man of the Tribe of Benjamin, Year before Christ 176 Chief President or Keeper of the Temple, falling into a contention with Onias 3. the High Priest there; when he could not get his will on him, gat himself to Apollonius the Governour of Coelosyria and Phoenicia: and informed him, that there was a vast masse of money in the treasury of the Temple, which the Priests made no use of; and therefore would do very well in the Kings cofers: which when Apollonius had acquainted his Master Selecus with, he presently sent away his L. Treasurer Heliodorus to Jerusalem, to fetch him that money from thence: But when he came, Onias the High Priest told him, That true it was, there were some monies in the Temple; but they were the monies of Widows and Orphans, there deposited onelyonly as in a place of safety; part of which, were the proper goods of Hyrcanus, the Nephew of Tobias, (of whom we spake sup. An. Mun. 3812.) a most honourable person; and that all that there was amounted not to above 400 talents of Silver, and 200 of Gold, and that such was the Holinesse of the place, and of the thing it self, that no man might or ought to lay hand upon it: But when Heliodorus made no reckoning either of Onias his words, or the tumult of the people, lamenting such a prophanation of their Temple, he was struck down by the Angels of God in the very place, and carried to his lodging half dead by his own servants that were about him. But being anon after restored to his health, by the intercession and prayers to God made by Onias the High Priest, he returned to Seleucus that sent him; magnifying the Holinesse of the Temple, and the Power of God that dwelt therein. This story is recorded in [2 Macchab. chap. 3.] and by Josephus in his book, foreign: who yet instead of Heliodotus, here names Apollonius: (and so do the Fasti Siculi too) and shews that this fell out a little before the death of Seleucus: whereas by the articles between Antiochus and the Romans, Antiochus was to change his hostages, and send new ones, instead of the old, every 3 years end; now, in the stead of Antiochus Epiphanes, the younger son of the former Antiochus who was then a hostage at Rome, [1 Maccab. chap. 1. v. 11.] was sent Demetrius the son of Seleucus, now reigning, [Appia. in Syriac. pag. 116.]
Simon the Benjamite, that Traytor of his Country, and discloser of the monies deposited in the Temple, accused Onias the High Priest, a man who had so well deserved of the City and Country of the Jews; as if he had forced Heliodorus, and contrived all the mischief against him, and the King: and when matters proceeded so far, that many murders were acted by Simon and his party in the City, and Apollonius waxed mad withal, and backt him in what he did; Onias took a journey to Seleucus, [2 Maccab. chap. 4. v. 1, 6.] but the abbreviator of Jason of Cyrenia, seems to say, That Seleucus was dead before he came: though Eusebius in his Chron. saith, That he found him alive, and got this Simon to be banished by the King.
And so have I brought down this our Chronicle of Asia and Egypt, to the beginning of Antiochus Epiphanes, and the History of the Maccabees; The continuation whereof to the utter destruction of Jerusalem, under the Emperor Vespasian, together with the Annals of the New Testament, and a brief of the History of the Church during that time, to the beginning of the fourth Age or Century after Christ, I purpose, if God send life and health, to make hereafter.
Glory be to God on High.
FINIS.