A Weapon-Salve for the Churchs Wounds, Religious treatise 1 · Part 1 · Chapter 3
CHAP. III.
How far Church Government is founded upon the Law of Nature. Two things in it founded thereon. 1. That there must be a Society of men for the Worship of God. 2. That this Society be governed in the most convenient manner. A Society for Worship manifested, Gen. 4. 26. considered. The Sons of God, and the Sons of Men, who? Societies for Worship among Heathens evidenced by three things. 1. Solemnity of Sacrifices; Sacrificing how far Natural; the antiquity of the Feast of first-fruits, largely discovered. 2. The Original of Festivals for the Honour of their Deities. 3. The Secrecy and Solemnity of their Mysteries. This further proved from Mans Sociable Nature, the improvement of it by Religion, the Honor redounding to God by such a Society for his Worship.
HAving now laid our Foundation, we proceed to raise§. 1. a superstructure upon it. And we now come closely to inquire how far Government in the Church is founded upon an unalterable Divine Right? That we have found to be built upon a double Foundation, the Dictates of the Law of Nature, and Divine Positive Laws. We shall impartially inquire into both of them, and see how far Church-Government is setled upon either of these two. I begin then with the Law of Nature. Two general things, I conceive, are of an unalterable Divine Right in reference to this: First, That there be a Society and joyning together of men for the Worship of God: Secondly, That this Society be governed, preserved, and maintained in a most convenient manner. First, That there must be a Society of men joyning together for the Worship of God. For the Dictate of Nature being common to all, that God must be served, Nature requires some kind of Mutual Society for the joynt performance of their common duties. An Evidence of which Dictate of Nature, appears in the first mention we find of any Publick Society; so that a Society for Religious Worship was as ancient as the first Civil Societies we have any Records of. Nay, the very first Publick Society we read of, was gathered upon this account. For we read in the early days of the world that the Charter for this Society was soon made use of, Gen. 4. 26. In the days of Enosh men began to call upon the Name of the Lord. Now Enosh was Seths Son, whom Adam had given to him in the place of Abel; and assoon as the number of men did increase, that men grew into Societies, they then had their publike societies for Gods Worship. For we cannot understand that place absolutely, as though God had not been called on before, but now he was called on more signally and solemnly; when men were increased that they began to imbody themselves into Societies, Coepit congregare populum ad tractandum simul Dei cu…tum, saith Pererius. Tunc coeptum est populariter coli Deus, Mariana. Invocare, i. e. palam colere, Emanuel Sa. relating all to the publike societies being then gathered for the worship of the true God. From which time in all probability did commence that Title of those who joyned in those societies that they were called foreign The sons of God which we read of soon after. Gen. 6. 2. as they are distinguished from the foreign sons of men: which Titles as I am far from understanding in the sense of the Fathers taking them for the Angels, (which in likely-hood they took from that supposititious piece going under the name of Enochs Prophesie); so I cannot understand them as commonly they are taken, for meer discretive Titles of the posterity of Seth and Cain; as though all that came of Seth were the Sons of God, and all of Cain were the sons of men. For as there certainly were many bad of Seths Posterity, because the flood destroyed all of them, Noah only and his Family excepted: so there might be some good of the other, vice being no more enta…ld then vertue is; and Jewels may sometimes lye in a heap of dung: and so this name of the sons of God might be appropriated to those who joyned themselves to those Societies for Gods worship. In which sense some understand the very words of the Text foreign then began men to be called by the Not in Maim. de Idol c. 1. sect. 1.Name of the Lord: which I suppose is the sense of Aquila who thus renders the place, foreign, although it be brought by Dionys. Vossius to justifie the former interpretation of the words. This sense, if the construction of the words will bear it (which Drusius questions, but othersV Chamier: Panstrat. Cath. To. 2. l. 9. c. 9. s. 9. Amam. An. tib. Bibl. l. 2. p. 228. are much for it, and Theodoret, The French, and Piscator so render it) seems most genuine and natural; and not at all impugning what I have formerly gathered from the words, but implying it; For this distinction of Names and Titles did argue a distinction of Societies among them. I am not ignorant that the generality of Jewish Expositors and many of their followers, do carry the sense of the words quite another way, from the ambiguity of the signification of foreign whichV. Selden. de Diis Syris Proleg. p. 28. & 44. Abodazara cap. 1. may be interpreted as well to Prophane as Begin, and so they read it, tunc prophanatum est ad invocandum nomen Domini, Then men prophaned the Name of the Lord: And accordingly Maimonides begins Idolatry foreign from the dayes of Enosh. But the words will scarce bear this construction, as Vossius upon him observes; and besides, there is no mention at all of the name of any false Gods, but only of the true one. So much then for the first originall of this Society for Religion, which we see began assoon as there was matter for a Society to be gathered up of. Some indeed derive this SocietyBirtram. de Polit. Iud. cap. 2. p. 12. Franz. Sch. Sacrif. disp. 2. Coppenb. Sch. Sacrif. p. 14. a great deal higher; and because we read that Abel and Cain brought their sacrifices, they thence infer, that it was to Adam, who was the publike Priest then, and performed all publike duties of worship in his own person, and so was indeed Occumenicall Bishop of the whole world, and yet had but four persons or but few more for his Charge. Such a Diocess we might be content to allow him that pleads for the same Office, and derives his Title somewhat higher then Adam; For Pope Boniface the eighth proved there must be but one chief Priest, and so one Pope, because it is said, Gen. 1. 1. That God created the world in Principio, not in Principiis; mark the number; therefore there must be but one beginning, and so one Bishop, and not many. What excellent Disputants an Infallible▪ Chair makes men! Much good may his argument do him.
As a further evidence, How much Nature dictates that such a Society there should be for Divine Worship, we shall§. 2. inquire into the practise of men in their dispersion after the Flood. And what we find unanimously continued among them, under such gross Idolatry as they were given to, and which did arise not from their Idolatry as such, but from the general nature of it as a kind of Worship, we have reason to look upon as one of those planks which hath escaped the common shipwrack of humane nature by the fall of man. And so though that argument from the generall consent of Nations owning a way of Worship though a false one, in order to the proving the existence of God be slighted by some, yetSocinus prael. cap. 2. there is this double evidence in it to prove it, more then is generally taken notice of, and beyond the bare testimony its self given by that consent. First, From mens being so easily imposed upon by false Religions, in that they are so soon gull'd into Idolatry; it argues there are some Jewels in the World, or else men would never be deceived with counterfeits; It argues that a Child hath a Father, who is ready to call every one that comes to him, Father; So it argues there is some naturall instinct in men towards the Worship of God, when men are so easily brought to worship other things instead of God. We see no other creatures can be so imposed upon; we read of no Idolatry among the Brutes, nor that the Bees though they have a King and honour him, did ever bow their Knees to Baal, or worship the Hive instead of him. If men had no journeys to go, others need not be sworn as the Athenians were, not to put them out of their way. If there were no inclinableness to Religion, all cautions against Idolatry were superfluous: there is then from mens proness to error, as to the person and object of Worship, an evidence of naturall foreign, an instinct within towards the act of Worship; And as when I see sheep flock together, even in their wandrings, I may easily gather that though they are out of their proper pastures, yet they are of a tame and sociable nature; So when we see Societies for Worship were preserved among men after they were degenerated into Idolatry; it is an evident argument that such associating together for the generall nature of the act, doth flow from the nature of man. Secondly▪ All mens agreeing in some kind of Worship, though differing as to the object and manner of it, is an evidence it comes from Nature, because it plainly evinces it could be nothing taken up out of design, received by custome, nor convey'd by tradition, because even among those whose interests and designs have been contrary to one another, and could have no mutuall compacts to deceive their people, have all agreed in this thing, though almost in all other things they have strangely differ'd. All other Customs and Traditions, are either changed, or lost among severall Nations; as the rude barbarous Northern Nations, that in their inrodes and incursions upon other places, have left in process of time, almost all other customs but only their Religion behind them. This sticks closer then Saladines black shirt, or the old Monks cloathes, which they put not off till they dyed, Nay even those Nations, who openly, and as by a Law, violate the other received dictates of Nature, do yet maintain and hold up this. Those that have had the least of commerce and converse with civilized people, have yet had their societies for worship: And when they could find no gods to worship, they would rather make then want them. The Egyptians would rather spoyl their Sallets then be without gods; and they that whipt their gods, yet had them still. They who had no sense of another life, yet would pray to their gods for the good things of this: and they that would not pray that the gods would do them good, yet would that they might do them no hurt: So that in the most prodigious Idolatry, we have an argument for Religion; and in the strange diversities of the wayes of worship, we have an evidence how naturall a society for worship is. This, to shew the validity and force of the Argument drawn from Consent of Nations, even in their Idolatry.
Three things I shall evidence these Societies for Worship§ 3. among the Heathens by; the solemnity of their Sacrifices, their publick Festivals, and their secret Mysteries, all which were instituted peculiarly in honour of their gods: It being necessary in such Societies for Worship to have some particular Rites, whereby to testifie the end of such Societies to be for the honour of their Deity; and to distinguish those solemnities from all other. First then for Sacrifices; Paulus Scrutin. Scrip. part. 2. dist. 3. cap. 11.Burgensis observing how this custome spread all the World over, concludes from thence that it was naturall to men. In qualibet aetate, & apud quaslibet hominum nationes, semper fuit aliqua sacrificiorum oblatio. Quod autem est apud omnes, naturale est. Thus far I confesse sacrificing naturall, as it was a solemn and sensible Rite of Worship; but if he meant byV. Porphyr. foreign. En…ytlop. ad …ram Nonarii Terrig. c. 9. p. 96. that, the destroying of some living creatures to be offered up to God, I both deny the universall practice of it, and its being from the dictate of Nature: and I rather believe with Fortunius Licetus, that it was continued down by Tradition, from the sacrifices of Cain and Abel before the flood, or rather from Noahs after; which might the easier be, because Nature dictating there must be some way of worship, and it being very agreeable to Nature it should be by sensible signs, all Nations having no other Rule to direct them, were willing to observe that Rite and Custome in it, which was conveyed down to them from their Progenitors; But let us see what reason Burgensis gives; Ratio naturalis dictat, ut secundum naturalem inclinationem, homines ei quod est supra omnes, subjectionem exhibeant, secundum modum homini convenientem. Qui quidem modus est, ut sensibilibus signis utatur, ad exprimendum interiorem conceptum, sicut ex sensibilibus cognitionem accipit invisibilium. Unde ex naturali ratione procedit, quod homo sensibilibus signis utatur, offerens eas Deo in signum subjectionis & honoris ad similitudinem eorum qui Dominis suis aliquid offerunt in recognitionem Dominii. But all this will extend no further, then that it is very agreeable to naturall reason, that as man attains the knowledge of invisible things by visible, so he should expresse his sense of invisible things by some visible signs, thereby declaring subjection to God as his Lord and Master; as Tenants expresse their Homage to their Lord by offering something to them. And I withall acknowledge, that as to oblations without blood, they seem indeed very naturall: Whence we shall somewhat largely discover the antiquity of the Feasts of first-fruits, which were the clearest acknowledgement of their dependance upon God, and receiving these things from him. Aristotle tells us, foreign.Nicomach. l. 8. That the most ancient sacrifices and Assemblies appear to have been upon the in-gathering of fruits, such as the sacrifices of first-fruits to the gods were. To the same purpose Porphyrius, De Abstin. lib. 2. s. 27.foreign. The first sacrifices were of first-fruits. And Horace,
Agricolae prisci fortes, parvoque beati
Condita post frumenta, levantes tempore festo
Corpus, & ipsum animum spe finis dura ferentes,Ep. ad Aug.
Cum sociis operum & pueris & conjuge fidâ,
Tellurem porco, Sylvanum lacte piabant.
Although he be not so expresse for offering the very fruits of the earth; yet it is evident from him, that their great festivals in honour of their gods; were immediately after Harvest, and that they had great Assemblies for that purpose, and did then solemnly sacrifice. And from these solemnities came the original of Tragedies and Comedies, as Horace intimates, and is largely shewed by Isaac Casaubon in his Treatise de Satyricâ Lib. 1. c. 1.Poesi. But to fetch this yet a little higher, and so bring it downwards; The first sacrifice we read of in Scripture, was this of the fruits of the earth (unlesse the skins which Adam cloathed himself with, were of the beasts sacrificed, as some conjecture:) Cains sacrifice was foreign an oblation of the Gen. 4. 2.fruits of the earth: in all probability the first-fruits, as Abel offered the first-born of the Cattel to the Lord: This seems to have been at some solemn time of sacrificing, which is implyed in foreign At the end of dayes. In process of time we render it; but the Jews understand it at the end of theV. Ainsworth, in loc. year: Dayes in Scripture being often put for Years; which Interpretation if we follow, we find a very early observation of the Anniversary Festival of First-fruits; But however this be, we have by unquestionable tradition, that no Festival was more anciently, nor more universally observed, then this of offering the First fruits to God of their increase. The Jews were bound up so strictly to it by their Law, Leviticus 23. 14. that they were to eat nothing of their crop till the offering of first-fruits was made. And Porphyrius tells us out of Hermippus, De abstin. l. 4. s. 22.that one of the Laws made for the Athenians by Triptolemus, was, foreign, To feast the gods with their fruits: Of which Xenocrates there gives a twofold reason; sense of gratitude to the gods, and the easiness at all times to offer up these; by which he supposed the custome would continue longer. Draco afterwards puts this among his foreign,V. petit. ad Log, Act. p. 3. his unalterable Laws, foreign To worship their gods with their first-fruits. Besides which, for other Greeks we have the testimony of Plutarch, foreign.Quaest. Grac. q. 6 The most of the Grecians, saith he, in their most ancient sacrifices did use barley, the first fruits being offered by the Citizens: and therefore the Opuntii called their chief Priest foreign, because he gathered in the first-fruits. The manner of offering the first-fruits among them, was much of the same nature with the Mincha among the Jews, whichLevit. 3▪ 13. was of fine flower mingled with oyl for a burnt-offering to the Lord: The word there used implyes the bruising the ears of Corn in a Morter, because they were as yet moist, and could not be ground hard as Corn was. Whence, because it was not all brought to flower, the Cake was call'd foreign and foreign. It is called by the Sept…agint foreign. So I suppose it should be read, which in our great Bibles is foreign, and it is call'd by the Greeks foreign, which word is frequently used by Homer, and Apollonius Rhodius, whom I forbear to transcribe; it being so obvious; which is expounded both by the excellent Scholiast on Apollonius, and by Eustathius and the short Scholiast on Homer, to be foreign.Iliad. foreign 449 A…g. 1. v. 409, &c▪ Barley and Salt mixed together. To which among the Romans the Mola salsa answered, of which Festus: Est far tostum & sale conspersum, as the Mincha under the Law, was alwayes salted with salt, Levit. 2. 13. This Mola salsa among the Romans, had originally relation to the first-fruits: For the custome of offering up first-fruits among them, was as ancient as their institution of religious Rites; as Pliny fullyHist. Natur. lib. 18. c. 2. informs us, Numa instituit Deos fruge colere, & molâ salsâ supplicare; atque ut autor est Hemina, far torrere: which likewise answers to the Jewish Mincha, which was to be foreign tosta in igne, parched in the fire: For which purposeLevit. 2. 14. Numa instituted the Fornacalia, which were farris torrendi feriae, the feasts of first-fruits among them, the parching the Corn being in order thereto, For as Pliny adds, ac ne …egustabant novas fruges, aut vina antequam sacerdotes primitias libassent: which may be exactly rendred in the very words of the Law, Leviticus 23. 14. But though the Mola salsa cameV. Saubertum de sacris. c. 19. originally from hence, it afterwards came to be used in most sacrifices, thence the word immolare to sacrifice, again Parallel to the Mincha accessorium, as some call it among the Jews, which was used in other sacrifices; and was distinct from the Mincha per se, which of it self was an oblation to the Lord. From this offering up bruised Corn, some derive the name of Ceres from foreign which signifies as much, and wasVossius de 1 …ol, l 2. cap. 59. required, Leviticus 2. 14. thence Ovid l. 8 Met. Primitias frugum Cereri, sua vina …yaeo. But besides Ceres, they offered their first fruits among the Greeks to Hora, Diana, Apollo, Gr…c. Fer.Vesta, as may be seen in Meursius in foreign. Thus we see how these three Nations did agree not only in the observation of the Feast of First-fruits, but very much in the ceremonies of their offering too. Only this difference may be observed between them, The Romans did mix their Mola salsa with water, the Jews their Mincha with oyl only; The Greeks did not bruise the Corn in their foreign, but only mixed salt with the grains of Corn. But the Jews and Romans bo…h brui…ed and parched it, before they offered it up for the first-fruits. Thus much to shew the antiquity and observation of the offering up of the first-fruits among the most ancient and civilized Nations. Which though it may seem a Digression, yet I hope not wholly unacceptable, it being likewise the offering of my First-fruits, and therefore the more seasonable.
Proceed we now to other Festivall-solemnities to see what§. 4. evidences of a Society for worship we find in them. And for this, it is apparent that the first originall of Festivals among the Heathen was for the honour of the Gods. Upon which account a grave and prudent Author accounts the observation of some Festivalls naturall; because Nature doth dictate the necessity of some Society for the worship of God. For thus Strabo foreign.Geogr. l. 10. It was the custome of all Nations (who are comprehended under his words) to have Festival days for the honour of their Gods, which Nature its self dictates. Hence the Greeks, as Athenaeus observes, foreign, used to say, that their Gods beg'd them all their playdays. After telling us of the mirth and jollity used after their sacrifices,Deipnosoph. lib. 9. which was alwayes the second course at these Festivalls, thence the Jews called their High Festival days foreign good days, or days of Mirth. We read of few Nations but had these Festival Solemnities for the honour of their Gods. The Persians had theirs for their God Mithras: The Babylonians, Deipnos. l▪ 14. cap. 10. V. Meursi… Graec. Arist. Castellon. foreign. Hospin. de Festis. M…h Benther de Fastis.saith Athenaeus out of Berosus, had their Feast Sacaea, which Casaubon would have called Sesacaea, because Babylon in Scripture is called foreign Sesac, as the Ludi Romani were from Rome. It is to no purpose to mention the Festivals observed by the Greeks and Romans in honour of their Gods, being so many, that whole books have been composed of them. That which I observe from hence, is, that Societies for the Worship of God are Natural; because of their solemn resting from their ordinary labour upon days appointed for the honour of their Gods: Thereby shewing, they looked upon those as peculiar days, and themselves as peculiar Societies upon those days, from what they were at other times. One thing more evidenceth this among them; their solemn and secret Mysteries, which were Societies on purpose, as pretended, for this very end, in honor of their Gods. Their foreign, as they were wont to call them, preserved with the greatest secrecy by the foreign. Their great and lesser Eleusinian, Samothracian, Cotyttian, Mithriacal Mysteries, to which none were admitted without passing through many degrees, foreign, before they came to be foreign perfectly initiated. Wherein they were much imitated by the ChristiansExercit. in Bar. 16. s. 42. sed vide Gothofred. in Tim. 3. 16. S…lmas. in hist. Aug. p. 31. 33. Suidas inv. Mithras. No…us in Naz▪ S…clit. p. 132. M…rsium in Eleusi…is. in the Celebration of the Lords Supper, about the fourth or fifth Century, as is largely showed by Casaubon in a most learned Diutriba on this Subject in his Exercitations; to which I refer the Reader. We see what strict Rules they had for Admission of any into these pretendedly Sacred, but truly most impious Societies. In those of Mithras, as Suidas and Nonnus tell us, they passed through eighty degrees, before they were throughly initiated, and seldome escaped with life. However, we may gain from them this general notion, that they looked on a peculiar distinct Society, as necessary for the worship and honor of the Deity they served. Thus we see à posteriori how a distinct Society for Gods Worship appears to be a Dictate of Nature.
We shall now see if we can evidence à priori, that it is a Dictate of Nature, that there must be some Society for the Worship of God. Three things will make that appear. First, The sociableness of Mans Nature. Man is foreign, a Creature that loves to herd it self with those of his own kind, foreign.Aristol. Nicom. l. 8. c. 1. If a man had all other comforts of life, and wanted Society, he would not think his life worth leading, as Aristotle observes, who further takes notice of the sociableness of mans Nature, foreign, from the general commendation that is given to courteous and affable men. I deny not, but in the entring into a Civil State or Society, either fear, or profit, might be a main inducement to it; but though it be an inducement, yet there must be supposed an inclinableness to a Society; or a Commonwealth might be assoon set up among Tygers, as Men. So that they have very little ground of Reason, who from the external inducements of fear, or profit, in entring into Civil Societies, do conclude against the sociableness of Mans Nature. If then Mans Nature be sociable in all other things, then Nature will tell men, they ought to be so in things of common concernment to them all, and which is every ones work or duty, as Religion is; if in other things men are sociable, much more in this: For Secondly, Religion gives a great improvement to mans sociable Nature; and therefore Plutarch well calls Religion foreign. A Foundation that knits and joynts Societies Moral. advers. Colotem.together. And thence wisely observes, that in the Constitution of Laws, foreign: the first and greatest thing to be looked at, is, the Religion established, or the Opinions men entertain of the Gods. To which he subjoyns this excellent reason, foreign: That it is more impossible for a Commonwealth either to be formed or subsist without Religion, then a City to si and without Foundations. Thence, a prudent States-man called Religion, Lord Bacon Essay of a King.the best Reason of State. It appears then evidently both from reason and experience, that Religion hath a great influence upon the modelling and ordering Civil Societies, whence, as the same Moralist observes, Lycurgus did, as it were, consecrate the Lacedaemonians with Religious Rites, as Numa the Romans, Ion the Athenians, and Deucalion the Hellens. Whence some half-witted men (but I know not whether more defective in wit, or grace) have (observing the great influence Religion hath to keep men in order) been ready to look upon it as only a Politick device, to awe men with greater ease. It is not here a place largely to Examine and Refute this unworthy pretence. Only I adjure them by their onelyonly Goddess, Reason, to tell me whence come men to be foreign, as Plutarch expresseth it, To be so easily awed by the hopes and fears of another life more then other creatures are? Why are they at all affected with the discourse of them? Why cannot they shake off the thoughts of these things when they please? Are not men hereby made the most miserable of creatures? For no other creature can be perswaded that it shall ever quench its thirst in those Rivers of pleasures, nor make its bed in everlasting flames. The beasts of Sardinia that have their only refreshment by the Dew of Heaven, yet have never any hopes to …ome there. The Lyon never keeps from his prey by the thoughts and fears of a great Tribunal. But suppose onelyonly mankind of all creatures should be liable to be thus imposed on, as is pretended: How comes it to pass that in no age of the world this Imposture hath not been discovered, confuted, and shaken off by some people as wise as themselves? Or have there never been any such in the world? But whence come some men then to be wiser then others? Whence come some to know things which all the Reason in the World could never finde out, without Revelation? Whence comes a power to doe any thing above the course of Nature, if there be nothing but Nature? Or are all men deceived that believe such things? If so, then there must be somewhat that must deceive men; men would not deceive themselves, and they could not be so long imposed upon by other men; there must be then some evil spirit must do it; and whence should that come? from Nature too? but then whence comes Nature its self? from its self too, or some thing 'else. Did it make it self, or was it made by a greater Power then it? if it made its self, it must be and not be at the same time; it must be as producing, and not be as produced by that Act. And what is become of our Reason now? There must be then a Supream, Eternal, Infinite Being, which made the world and all in it; which hath given Nature such a Touch of its own immortality and dependance upon God, that Reason capable of Religion is the most proper distinctive Character of man from all Inferior beings. And this Touch and Sense being common to the whole Nature; they therefore incline more to one anothers Society in the joynt performance of the common Duties, due from them to their Maker. And so Religion not onelyonly makes all other Bonds firm (which without it are nothing, as Oaths, Covenants, Promises, and the like, without which no civill Society can be upheld) but must of its self be supposed especially to tye men in a nearer Society to one another▪ in reference to the proper Acts belonging to its self. Thirdly, it appears from the greater honour which redounds to God by a sociable way of Worship. Nature that dictates that God should be worshipped, doth likewise dictate that worship should be performed in a way most for the honour and glory of God. Now this tends more to promote Gods honour, when his service is own'd a… a publike thing, and men do openly declare and profess themselves his Subjects. If the honour of a King lies in the publikely professed and avowed obedience of a multitude of Subjects; it must proportionably promote and advance Gods honour more to have a fixed, stated Worship, whereby men may in a Community and publike Society declare and manifest their homage and fealty to the supream Governour of the World. Thus then we see the light of Nature dictates there should be a society and joyning together of men for and in the Worship of God.