Scripture and Reason Pleased for Defensive Arms, Section 7
SECT. 7.
WE are now come to the Tendreſt Peece of all the Reſt; and how confidently ſo ever the Dr. charges the Parliament and all that cleave to them with Rendring the King odious, &c. and ſaith it concernes them ſo to doe; yet it ſhall appeare by what I have to reply to him in this Section, how little delight I have to make the King Odious, and that the Parliament alſo hath and doth as much as lay in them to put off all Imputations from the King and charge them (as the Law doth) upon his Councellors, Judges, Followers and Favourites. Here 1. let me remember him; that whereas in other Kingdomes, ſome Favourites, when they have ſeen their Prince endangered have rather taken his actions upon themſelves, then caſt theirs on him, and been content to Sacrifice themſelves rather for his ſafety, then expoſe him to ſhield themſelves. It hath been the continuall practiſe of the plotters againſt our Religion, and Liberties to Entitle the King to all their Illegallities and Oppreſsions; There can ſcarce that Grievance be named (if we except the Ship-money which was devolved upon the Judges, and yet it is well knowne how they were tampered with in the Kings Name) which they have not Fraudulently gotten the King to own as his Act; and this is their conſtant practiſe to this day, who then hath laboured to make the King Odious? or whom did it concerne but they? that ſo far as the people would finde fault with any thing▪ they ſhould be forced in a ſort to finde fault with the King; and this alſo helped to Charme all Tongues▪ and tie down all hands till they provoked the Scots beyond all degrees of ſufferance, to come in with an Army and demand ſecurity in and by an Engliſh Parl. aſwell as one in Scotland.
2. Next whereas the Dr. upbraids the Parliament and People, [That it ſeemes they are men that would be loath to ſuffer for their Religion, they are ſo ready to fly to Armes to ſecure themſelves]
Repl. 1. It ill becomes a pretender to, and Diſputer for Conſcience to ſpeake this Language that hath lived to ſee how many ſufferings (though not reſiſting to blood▪ ſtriving againſt ſinne) many even of the Parliament, but ſpecially of the Miniſtery and people have yeelded to within 16. or 18. yeares, and never thought of flying to Armes, but rather of flying out of their Native Country, as thouſands have done: Unleſſe the Dr. will undertake to juſtifie, all that was Impoſed upon mens Conſciences all this while; And if he will do ſo he ſhall ſave many Conſciences a labour to judge with what a Conſcience hee Writes. 2. Doth he thinke, that they could be ſo ſimple as not to foreſee that their very flying to Armes was and would be a great ſuffering, and might prove (if God ſhould defeat them) the meanes of extreame ſuffering. A people ſo taught, ſo enured to Paſsive obedience, and no way enured to Warre, could not be ſuppoſed willing or forward to engage themſelves, their purſes, or much leſſe their Perſons, againſt the Name of their King: and each day ſince the firſt Neceſsity hath continually ſounded this out, ſo that they had no reaſon to be forward to fly to Armes. 3. By what I ſaid on the former Section, and added with the Petition by the E. of Holland (even now mentioned) It appeares they did not fly to Armes but fly from it, as far as they could and durſt. 3. Wheras the Dr. often in this Section, in the beginning, middle and end inſiſts mainly, upon the breach of Charity, in ſuſpecting the King upon Remote feare, and meere Jealouſies, cauſeleſſe Jealouſies &c.
Repl. This may ſufficiently be ſatisfied both in the behalfe of the Parliament, and then of the People that adhere to them joyntly and ſingly. For the Parliament and people both joyntly; This may juſtly be ſaid, 1. The Dr. miſtakes, it is not ſimply a Jealouſie of the King, but rather of the Kings Councellors and Followers, who find ſo much favour with him (as they and others did before the Parliament againſt the Scots and us both, and Ireland too, witneſſe all their heavy complaints againſt the Great Favourite Strafford) that they are able to put him from time to time, upon theſe Actions which his goodneſſe of it ſelfe, rightly informed and councelled, would abhorre; and hath ſo often declared againſt, and yet Actions againe have diſcredited thoſe declarations, as the Memory of thoſe that have been awake cannot forget, both Referring to Religion and Liberties and the Parliament Remonſtrances do amply ſet out, beſids other Books. If therfore Security be once obtained againſt ſuch perſons; I am perſwaded the King will be no more ſuſpected; and in the meane time, it muſt be a ſtrange Charity that can chuſe but ſuſpect them. 2. Where the danger is of much importance, both for Greatneſſe of Miſchiefe and Inevitableneſſe according to Man, if not timely prevented; Charity to ourſelves (and others) will not onelyonly allow, but commend, and even command to ſuſpect and accordingly prevent, ſuch dangers by ſuſpecting Perſons and Actions which in leſſer matters they would and might and ſhould venture to truſt. Fire neere ſtraw or Gunpowder, is to be ſuſpected more then neere hard wood. Hedge-breakers and breakers of Houſes are not equally to be ſuſpected. Religion▪ Laws and Liberties are precious things and may be ſooner loſt then recovered. And his Charity hath drunk of the water of Lethe, that forgets theſe were lately attempted and endangered. (The Kings own Declarations acknowledge Laws and Liberties have been broken.) And how ſince the E. of Straffo…ds death, all the old Projectors are become Converts, is too hard a morſell for Charity to ſwallow, when it muſt hazard ſuch deare things to many of the ſame Perſons againe. Specially ſeeing ſtill, what they have done ſince the firſt ſitting of the Parliam. toward their old Projects, as hath been partly noted already and ſomewhat more muſt be ſaid by and by.
Next for the Parliament alone. They are the great Councell of the Kingdome the publique Watch-men, the Higheſt Court of Judicature, it concerns them therfore to exerciſe their Charity, for the ſafety of thoſe that have truſted them. Charity towards Attempters againſt a City, is none of the Vertues of a Watchman, nor toward Attempters of dangerous Treaſons againſt a King and Kingdome, the Vertue of a Judge. Were they onelyonly to looſe their own Liberties or Lives, their Charity might venture much further, then now it may, when they muſt Anſwer for Religion, Laws, and Liberties (and ſo Lives and Conſciences) of a whole Kingdome, of 2 Kingdomes, England and Ireland, as formerly of England and Scotland, if not rather then and ſtill, of all 3. in a degree. Who would not Curſe their Charity, deteſt their Folly, if by their Credulity, all this ſhould be betrayed and ruined. If Rhetorick needed in this cauſe, no Subject could deſerve it better, then to cry down ſuch a pernitious Charity, as this would prove, if they ſhould be deceived with credulity.
And then for the People alone, have they not a charity to exerciſe toward the Parliament, as well as toward the Kings Followers; whom have they truſted to be publike Watchmen, the one or the other? Whom hath the law truſted to be the great Councell and chief Judges, the one or the other? Who hath pleaded for their Liberties the one or the other? 12. Subſidies were demanded (with intent thereby to engage us in a bloody War againſt Scotland) in the Parliament of Aprill, 1640. OnelyOnly for taking away of Ship-money. But this Parliament hath proved it ſo illegall and other things more, that it was taken away without any coſt at all, by way of Exchange, and many other happy Lawes hath the …arliament paſſed, and obtained for us. But what one thing did the Kings former Counſellors move him to offer to his people, by way of prevention, for State or Religion, in a whole yeer together? To whom then muſt the People exerciſe their charity? Muſt they condemn their watchmen, as ſcaring them needleſſely with Old Enemies, diſcredit the law that ſaith. [No diſhonourable thing ought to be thought of ſuch a great Councell, ſuch a high Judicature.] And that when they, more then ever any Parliament before give account to all men, of all their Actions and the grounds of them? Well, ſhall that People deſerve a ruine, that believe Old Wolves, rather then their faithfull Dogs, then their Councell of Shepheards: That ſhall thinke themſelves bound to be charitable, to thoſe that have attempted their ruine, and uncharitable to thoſe that under God have hitherto ſaved them. In a word, let thoſe that love Religion, and Laws, and Liberties compare the beſt actions on the one ſide, with the beſt on the other, and the worſt on the one ſide, with the worſt on the other: and then let charity judge (if it dare, or can) the Parliament Fooles or Traytors, to GOD and the KING, and the STATE; and the Kings followers, the only wiſe men, that have diſcovered their cunning Treachery, and the only faithfull men to Religion, his Majeſty and Kingdome. Take in then▪ the Declarations and Proteſtations; on the one ſide▪ and on the other, and remember is is not a ſingle charity, whether I ſhall ſuſpect the King; but firſt mixt▪ whether I ſhall or may ſuſpect the Kings followers who can doe any thing with him ſo farre, as that they may doe contrary to what he ſaith and then a diſtinguiſhing charity▪ whether I ſhall ſuſpect them, who were once (moſt of them apparently) Delinquents, againſt Religion and the Laws, Or the Publike Watchmen, and the great Councell an Judicature of the Kingdom: who have done ſo much and with ſuch diligence to ſave and reſtore both and then let Conſcience exerciſe charity as it will anſwer to GOD, to it ſelfe to all it's Fellow Engliſh men and Chriſtians, and even to the whole World. Thus in generall, now we muſt examine ſome particulars.
The Dr. names 4, grounds of feares and jealouſie, with which the people have been poſſeſſed. All which he firſt rejects with a gentle comparing of the Parliamont (who hath ſet them forth) to the Devill the Arch-accuſer. This is his charity. In ſtead of rataliating, I will onelyonly ſay the Lord forgive thee▪
His firſt ground is [Reports of Forraign Power to be brought in. This, he ſaith, was given out before the ſetting up of the MILITIA, to keepe the People amuſed, the eaſier to draw them into ſuch a poſture of defence as was pretended; and they are all diſcovered by time to have been vaine.]
REPL. 1. why will he perpetually forget that the King himſelf granted the Militia neceſſary to be ſetled. 2 It was not meerely Forraigne Forces to bee brought in; but Papiſts and Delinquents riſing at home, that was inſinuated a cauſe of the deſire to have the Kingdom put in a poſture of defence. 3. Who knows not of the billeting of many thouſands of Iriſh upon us even during the fitting of a former Parliament? The Project of Germane Horſe in the Dukes time is it quite forgotten? The Earle of Staffords Councell, not only to bring in his Iriſh Army conſiſting moſt of Papiſts, wherewith to reduce this Kingdome, was it not proved by the Oath of a Privy Counſellor preſent, and confirmed by his own Notes taken at the time, and did not the reſt of the adviſe then given by that Politician, (that the King being now deſerted by his Parliament, might doe any act of power (Quaere the words in his charge) amount to Counſelling the bringing in of any forces from any place? And why muſt all intelligences after theſe prevented, bee counted vaine 4. For is all ſuſpition vaine, becauſe the thing ſuſpected comes not to paſſe, when mean are uſed to prevent it? Is all preventing Phyſicke Vaine? Is all feare of Pyrates in a Sea voyage vaine, if none aſſault a well man'd and provided Ship? Was not ſuch a Navy being ſecured in ſafe hands, as would under God have made great Forraign Forces repent their comming againſt the Kingdomee; competent reaſon why thoſe that did mean to come (if they might have had no reſiſtance on the Sea) now thought it too hot a ſervice? 5. But beſides the Navy, they had no Landing place, Hull being contrary to the Court-expectation (and attempt as was Noted before) ſecured by the Parliament, and ſo might well be the more diſcouraged. 6. Which is the more conſiderable, because no ſooner had they got a Port-Town, namely Newcaſtle; but though no Forraign Forces came, who could not be ſo ſoon ready; yet Forraign Ammunition came, not a little; and Forces of our Country-men, who ſerved in Forraign Countries, and money too, from Forraigne Princes or People. And what more is comming, if our unhappineſſe continue till the Spring who can be ſecure!
But for this if it prove ſo, the Dr. hath a defence ready. [All Chriſtian Kings (he ſaith) cannot but thinke themſelves concerned in the cauſe, and it will be as juſt for the King to uſe them▪ againſt ſubjects now in arms as it was unjuſt in the Barons to call in the French againſt their naturall King▪
REPL. 1. The Dr. beſtirres himſelf to make the King ſtrong; (to maintain the Prelacy among other things as himſelf hath told us) before, in the former Section, he ſaid that they that aſsiſt him, doe it according to their Allegiance. So that he intends that all his Subjects are bound by their Allegiance to aſsiſt him and fight againſt the Parliament (even though their Conſciences judge them to intend the conſervation of Religion, Laws and liberties, and his followers to intend their ſubverſion.) And here hee calls all Chriſtian Kings i…, as themſelves concerned in the Cauſe 2. When the Rochellers took Arms according to their Priviledges and Edicts of the Kingdome to defend themſelves. And our Proteſtant or Popiſh Councellors got 8. Ships to be ſent to aſsiſt the King of France againſt them, and in the Low-Country they did the like too, what will the Dr. ſay, were all the Chriſtian Princes concerned to aſsiſt againſt the Rochellers? If, hee doe, the very ſouldiers and marriners that went into Ships, ſhall riſe up in judgment againſt him, who when they knew what they went for, utterly refuſed to fight againſt their Religion; and ſo the greateſt part of them were ſet a Shore againe, and the reſt went on their voyage, and did the miſchief to help beat the Rochell Fleet, and give the King poſſeſsion of the Haven, ſo as he afterward with the help of the King of Spaine (ſo ſtill Princes are concerned againſt the Proteſtant▪) made a Barricado ſo ſtrong as when a Fleet from hence after re-Voyage attempted to relieve Rochell by Sea, (being then actually beſieged by Land) it could not be done. 3. What will the Dr. ſay to that Voyage to Rey and that to releeve Rochell, when it proved too late? Why was not the King ſtill concerned to helpe the King of France? or was he? 4▪ Will it be Juſt for the King to uſe Forraign Forces, when to the underſtanding of Common Readers hee hath utterly diſclaimed it in more then one Declaration? 5, What Counſell, would an Enemy to the King and Kingdome (that hath read Stories, and ours in ſpeciall as the Dr. ſeemes to have done) give, but the uſing of Forraign Forces? was not the Kingdome Conquered by this very meanes, by the Saxons, when King Vorteger was in debate with his Lords and People, call'd them in to aſsiſt him? Did not the Turkes ſo come into Europe? and oft the like hath hapened. 6. He counts it damnable, to reſiſt for defence meerly, much more then, as the Barons in K. Iohns time, to call in a Stranger to make him King: if then to call in other Kings to aſsiſt againſt the Parliament be as juſt as that was unjuſt, it is a high vertue though to the utter endangering of the whole Kingdom, whoſe Counſellour ſurely it were pity the Dr. ſhould ever be, who hath no more judgment, or more Conſcience or charity toward the publique good, then to adviſe and commend ſuch a practiſe. 2. Next he propounds the Queens Religion, as a matter which is urged to cauſe feares and jelouſies. Of which he ſaith, It is no new cauſe.
REPL. 1. It is true, to the great grief of all that truly love Religion, or wiſh well to her Majeſtie, but had others wiſh't it otherwiſe (as the Dr. ſpeakes for himſelfe) who have had acceſſe unto her, She had not bin told by a great man in the Church, (in the worſt ſeaſon that could be, when it is ſaid ſhee had ſome Pangs about Her Religion and asked of it) that Shee might well be ſaved in her Religion. Or if any give no credit to this paſſage, yet it is notorious enough that her illumination hath been ſo farre from the endeavours of thoſe who might have bin heard by the King and the Queen both, that Miniſters have bin check't for praying for Her converſion. 2. But no man hath ſaid, this alone is a ſufficient Cauſe, nor was the Chief cauſe at the firſt. It is well known tha… at the firſt, and for diverſe y…e…s Shee carryed her ſelf ſo, as thoſe that loved the true Religion pitied her rather then ſeverely blamed her, and hoped good of her, if any meanes were uſed for Her good. But when after ſome yeeres, a Nuncio from the Pope, was brought over and ſetled here, thoſe about her have been more active: and yet more ſince the Q…: Mother came firſt over, things have ripened apace, and how farre Her Religion hath beene a Cauſe of the dangers of Scotland, England, and Jreland, by the countenance of the Popiſh Party generally, and multitudes of Jeſuites and Prieſts, in Court, City, and Country, any common underſtanding may judge, that remember ſpecially, what even a Solomon did for Out-Landiſh Idolairous wives, which Nehemiah ſet ſo home …. 13.
3. The little buſineſſe of her journey into Holland, and the great buſineſſe that hath been acted by meanes of that, is but an unhappy comm…nt or explication, of the iuſtneſſe of feares and Jealouſies from her Religion.
4. As for the Doctrines and practiſes of theſe Times which the Doctor ſaith, are not the way to make her fall in love with our Religion and draw her to it. She hath little reaſon to be offended with them, if ſhe be pleaſed with the Doctrines and practiſes of her own Popiſh Religion; Witneſſe the Pariſian Maſſacre, the powder Treaſon; and the preſent too lamentable rebellion of Ireland. Let but that be compared with the worſt can be imagined of our Doctrines and practiſes, and then let her love, which is faireſt and meekeſt?
3. Then he comes to the reſort of Papiſts and his Majeſties entertaining them, and Davids example (1 Sam. 22.2.) toward Ziba is alledged to juſtifie it.
Rep. 1. But the Dr. forgets that the time before the Parliament, the Papiſts and popiſh party had undeniably made an inrode upon our Doctrine, publike Worſhip, Laws and Liberties; and againſt them in ſpeciall was the Militia deſired to be ſetled by people and Parliament. And after all this, upon a difference about the Militia, to imploy them againſt the Parliament ſooner or later, is an example beyond example; and beyond the power of words to take off the exception. Suppoſe a Woman ſuſpected of incontinence: (And Popery is ſpirituall whoredome) ſhould take to her ſelfe the parties with whom ſhe were ſuſpected to be her ſervants the better to defend her honour, were this a way to cleare her ſelfe? Or a Captaine to take in Forces to defend himſelfe, having been challenged that they had a deſigne to ruine his Army or Caſtle? 2. What charity can ſtretch it ſelfe to beleeve, they intend to aſſiſt the King in maintaining the Proteſtant Religion, and the Laws againſt themſelves, which yet his Proteſtations proclaime? Surely ſome about him, muſt needs give them other aſſurance, or they would not be ſo mad, as to fight for their own ſuppreſſion, and their Adverſaries promotion. 3. But if they be ſo good ſubjects (as the D…maintaines) and helpe the King in ſuch an extremity, muſt they not be counted to deſerve a great reward, and what can that be, but Ziba-like, to divide the Land? A Tolleration at leaſt they muſt needs expect, if not indent for, or be promiſed. 4. Or, if they be ſtrong enough to overthrow the Parliament, will a diviſion content them? Will they not be able to command King and All hence-forward? (N. B.) If Proteſtants charity can be ſo ſottiſh, by this Doctors deluſions, as to truſt to their faire dealing with Religion and Laws, when the Parliament is by their force ruined, they deſerve no other pitty then a bewitched or diſtracted Man, who is not afraid of Fire nor Water, but let Straw or Gun-powder lye neare the one, and pulls up floud-gates to give the other paſſage. 5. Davids followers 1 Sam. 22.2. were far from Popiſh qualities. The Text deſcribes them thus, [Every one that was in diſtreſſe, and every one that was in debt, and every one that was diſcontented, bitter of ſoule:] Here is not a word of all this, that ſignifies them to be wicked. A faithfull Man may be in diſtreſſe ſeverall wayes; he may be in debt, through Gods hand upon him, not his miſpending; and not able to pay, but willing if he were able, and reſolved when he ſhould be able: and may be bitter of ſoule, through oppreſſion, &c. So that though in likelihood among ſo many there were ſome vicious; Yet here is nothing to affirme, that they came as vicious, but as afflicted. 6. Had any of them been Idolaters (as Papiſts are) had they been of confederacy with the profeſſed enemies of Gods true Religion and people, and ſo known, then David had been too blame to have entertained them; (and Saul would have been ſure to have laid it to his charge:) Neither could he ever have purged himſelfe ſo long as he had made them his Guard, that he meant to be faithfull to God and Iſrael: And ſpecially if Saul had before excepted againſt ſuch Men as treacherous. This is the Caſe now, The enmity of Papiſts, by their very Religion, againſt ours, our Parliament, and Proteſtant people, is known to all the world, that underſtands any thing. The Parliament hath often and often declared their feare of them theſe two Yeares, and in reference to the ſetling of the Militia, that ſo their deſigne on the Kingdome might be defeated. The King proteſts, not to owne them nor their helpe. Yet things all along ſince the firſt diſcontents, are ſtill acted as they could wiſh, and did and doe applaud. And now after all this, to take them into the Armies, and imploy them againſt the Parliament, is as far from Davids fact in entertaining his Troopes, as their deſignes againſt the Parliament are far from his againſt Saul ▪ 7. It is true indeed, that profeſſed Papiſts were not actually entertained at the firſt; It had been too groſſe for them to have appeared at the firſt, ſpecially in any number; and would have raiſed all the Kingdome againſt them. The Ice therefore muſt be broke by others firſt; and by Court-converts; Of whoſe Religion the Prieſt that had lately written on the ſubject, (on which Dr. Featly had animadverted,) hath given a faire warning, ſufficient to ſtartle any man almoſt. To which purpoſe, let me adde a word of a Booke I have ſeen, cal'd Jeſuitica Negotiatio, printed neare 20 Yeares ſince by Order of the States of Frizeland; which containes Inſtructions (ſurprized) of the Jeſuites, toward the Converſion of the united Provinces: Among which this was one, [That whoſoever they could convert to the Romiſh Religion, ſhould be ſtill allowed to profeſſe the Proteſtant Religion, and keep any Office or place he was poſſeſt of; and give ſentence againſt any Papiſt, or Prieſt, or Jeſuit, according to his place, even ſentence of death, if he could not avoid… it: OnelyOnly with two cautions. 1. That he ſhould be as favourable as was poſſible. 2. That he ſhould give timely Intelligence of any ſevere ſentence.] Let now charity judge, what circumſpection almoſt can ſuffice againſt ſuch a generation of Men? Or what jealouſie can be too much of them that ſtill profeſſe this treacherous Religion? And yet all this notwithſtanding, at laſt to have even profeſſed Papiſts taken in againſt the Parliament: Can this be without a deſigne in them that have counſelled the King to it? Was it not in a prudent fore-ſight, that they ſhould be cal'd and admitted to helpe, that the Papiſts have no where been plundered by the Kings Army, though others have, who held not with the Parliament? 8. As for Ziba, David knew not his treachery at the firſt, and his lyes had ſo blaſted honeſt-hearted Mephiboſheth, that it appeares, David did ſcarcely beleeve his apology for himſelfe: Otherwiſe (what ever may now be ſaid of his credulous charity to Ziba, to the prejudice of one that was not preſent to anſwer for himſelfe) it was none of Davids good deeds (to be imitated,) to recompence a flattering Sycophant (that had brought him a preſent, in a hard time indeed,) with ſo large, a ſhare in Mephiboſheths eſtate, When by the Law of God, he was to dye for his falſe accuſation of Treaſon, as Mephiboſheth had deſerved death had it been true. But now our Papiſts are knowne to be Enemies to the Parliament (as was ſaid before,) and ſome of their Party in the Country ſticke not to ſay, that the Parliaments Intentions of rigour againſt them, already ſhewed by the executing of ſo many Prieſts and Jeſuites, Men of tender conſciences; is one part of the Court-quarrell againſt them. They are more like Doeg then Ziba, who firſt accuſed the Prieſts, and then readily undertooke the execution of a moſt cruell ſentence, and executed it with all cruelty. But Pſal. 52. Reades their doome. And Pſal. 54.4. Sutes the Ziphims too, thoſe of Davids owne Tribe, that came and diſcovered him to Saul, 1▪ Sa. 23.26▪ once and againe, and ſo incenſed him afreſh againſt him; Though Saul bleſſes them, (1 Sa. 23.21.) as his ſpeciall good ſubjects that had compaſſion of him. Conſcience muſt now judge, whether the Papiſts being favoured▪ were any cauſe of the reſiſtance now made; or only the reſiſtance now …de was the cauſe, that they were admitted to helpe the King in his diſtreſſe. 9. But for the D•. to honour them with the Title of good ſubjects, preferring them before the Parliament and ſo great a part of the Kingdome as viſibly adhere to them, is one of the higheſt reproaches that ever was belcht out againſt them; enough for a Jeſuite or a Pope to have ſaid. But the Dr. (how ever he pretend modeſty oft-times, and reſpect to the Parliament,) ſtabbs them as deſperately, as any enemy could doe now and then: While he ſeemes alſo reſolved to juſtifie all that hath been done againſt them, elſe he would have been ſilent in this peece, and the next that followes about Ireland. 10. In the meane time, becauſe he upbraids, with a ſcandall that this reſiſtance brings on our Religion, which (ſaith he) would not be eaſily wiped of, were it to ſtand or fall by the doctrines of this giddy age. I muſt needs make bold to tell him, that he forgets himſelfe ſtrangely, and the Doctrines and practiſes of our Religion, when he can ſcarce name that Country, where there are any Proteſtants, that have not taken Armes to defend Laws and Liberties, and with them Religion, (even though not before allowed by Laws.) Sweden, Germany, France, The low Countries, Bohemiah, Scotland. And did not Q. Elizabeth of bleſſed memory, aſſiſt them in France, Holland and Scotland? and K. James, Holland, and at leaſt owned the cauſe of the French, though he only ſent Ambaſſadours? and K. Charles did ſend to aide Rochel (as I noted before) and ownes the Prince of Orange ſufficiently, who yet is Rebell Generall againſt the K. of Spain, if our Parliaments reſiſtance be Rebellion. Indeed, we in England are the laſt; and above all other Nations have been by the Court Doctors within this 40 Yeares, much prepared to ſuffer any thing rather then reſiſt, (Yet Biſhop Bilſon in the Queens time, was ſuffered to averre that the States of a Kingdome might reſiſt, vide) But it now above all other times, greeves; that we offer to doe what all others have done before us (upon a great deale leſſe Authority; conſidering our Parliament continued by Act, and its power granted by the King, as I have noted before, againſt all delinquents:) For if they could have ſubdued and ſwallowed us up, the other Proteſtants in other Countreyes would much more eaſily have been devoured.
4. The laſt Allegation, is concerning the buſineſſes of Ireland. Of which becauſe the Dr. ſaith the King hath written enough, he had done wiſely to have written nothing but that word. Though I have not yet been ſo happy (who would be glad to ſee it) to meet with any Anſwer to the laſt Peece of the Houſe of Commons, which reckons ſo many particulars of wrong done to that poore Kingdom…. (Therefore till I meete with that, I muſt needs tell the Dr. he ſaith not enough to cleare the buſineſſe, nor the Kings Councellours in that buſineſſe. For whereas his whole defence is …in a word,) that the Kings neceſſity, made it lawfull to make uſe of any thing intended for their releefe, which he parallels by the Neceſſity that excuſed the Scots comming in hither. To this divers things may and muſt be replyed. 1. The Scots are no parallell for this carriage toward Ireland. Their coming (what ever the Dr. affirmes) brought no ſuch great detriment to the Inhabitants there, if you except their profeſſed enemies, Papiſts and Prelates, as the poore Souldiers and other Proteſtants of Ireland have ſuffered by the actions done concerning them. 2. The King and Parliament have juſtified by Act of Parliament, their coming, as neceſſitated; Yet they were proclaimed Traitours againe and againe, and it was counted neceſſary to make War againſt them one yeare, and a ſecond, as now againſt the Parliament. The neceſſity then that is now pretended by the Kings party, wants a great deale of the juſtification that the Scots have had before all the world, ſpecially remembring all that was noted before, of the doings of the Kings followers, before ever the Parliament did any thing but Petition. 3. Which neceſſity by them pretended, if it appeare a neceſſity, by themſelves made, will it not make their actions concerning Ireland more horrid, and proclaime the deſigne to be more rooted. 4. But it muſt by no means be forgotten, what hath been pretended for Ireland, to which theſe actions are moſt contrary. 1. When the King rode Northward, and the Parliament more then once repreſented that it would greatly prejudice Ireland, The King proteſted ſtill it ſhould not; but he would be as ready to doe all things for Ireland, as if he had ſtayed at London. 2. When he had been at Hull, and demanded of the Parliament juſtice upon Sr. John Hotham, he declared, he would doe no buſineſſe till he had ſatisfaction in that, except only the buſineſſe of Ireland. 3. A few dayes after that, he would in all haſte goe over in Perſon to ſubdue the bloody Rebels, and venture his Royall Perſon to recover that poore Kingdome. Who now almoſt can beleeve his Eares or Eyes, that any thing ſhould be done to the prejudice of Ireland. 4. If the dates be obſerved of ſome of thoſe things mentioned in that Anſwer of the Houſe of Commons, they will be found done, before the Parliament had done any thing more toward their own defence, then when that profeſſion was made after the Kings being at Hull, & when the King would have ventured himſelfe to goe into Ireland. 5. It is ſtrange that the puni…hing of Sr. John Hotham, and the ſuppreſſing the Militia, the recovery of Hull and the Magazene, which at laſt (after many other Declarations perſwading of no intention at all of a War againſt the Parliament) the King declares he would looſe his life, but he would obtaine, and this (I think, Quaere) before there was any one man liſted for the Parliaments defence; ſhould be thought a neceſſity allowing any retarding, much leſſe diſappointing the crying neceſſities of Ireland, after ſuch Proteſtations of care for it. 6. If the Parliament be not only, not ſo good ſubjects, as the now entertained Recuſants, but unleſſe they be worſe then thoſe horrid Rebels, (of whom ſome of the Kings Declarations ſpeake with deſtation enough;) while the Parliament proteſts before God and the Kingdome, and the world; that they have no Thoughts nor Intentions but loyall to the King, and faithfull to the Religion and Kingdome, and the Popiſh bloody Rebels, who one while avouch they have the Kings authority for what they have done, another while ſeeme to renounce him and to intend a new King; But alwayes profeſſe to intend the extirpation of the Brittiſh Nation, and Proteſtant Religion in that Kingdome, and then to come over into England to fight againſt the Parliament and Puritans and Proteſtants here: If I ſay the Parliament be not worſe then the Iriſh Traitours, it is a prodegy, that any neceſſity can be thought ſufficient to doe ſuch and ſo many acts as that Declaration of the Houſe of Commons mentions, or almoſt any one of them; to the woefull prejudice of that bleeding Kingdome, and great incouragement of the bloody Rebels. It would be too long to inſiſt on every particular, which if a man would Rhetorically (and but juſtly) amplifie, he might aſtoniſh all men, how the former Proteſtations and thoſe actions could agree, and what neceſſity could be pretended for ſome of them, as entertaining Iriſh Rebels, &c. (vide) 7. Unto all which, adde but this as a corrollary, that the whole is a moſt unhappy verification of that which at the firſt breaking out of the Rebellion was related as ſpoken from the Rebels, that they had a conſiderable Party in England, in the very Parliament, and the Court; and that they doubted not but to find us ſo much work at home, as we ſhould have no leiſure to ſend ſuccours to the Proteſtants there (Nor can I forget, what I heard a few dayes before the Iriſh Rebellion brake out, that a Steward of a Popiſh great Lord, diſſwading a Church-warden from obeying the Order of the Houſe of Commons, about taking away Idolatrous Pictures, &c. Bidds him not be too haſty, for before a MonethMonth were at an end, he ſhould ſee great alteration, and ſo it appeared, though bleſſed be God, not yet to the full of their hopes.)
Lay now all theſe things together (which the Dr. hath inſtanced in, and forced this deſcant upon) with thoſe in the former Section, and then let all conſciences exerciſe their moſt unpartiall judgement, and moſt ample charity, and then ſuſpect in whom the deſigne hath bin and is, which hath neceſſitated the other party to take Armes, to defend themſelves; and then let them ſay Amen, to an Application of two Stories of Scriptures, one of Jotham to the men of Shechem, If you have done faithfully, &c. then rejoyce, and …et your party rejoyce; but if not, then fire come forth and devoure, &c. The other of Solomon, concerning Abner and Amaſa's bloud, let it reſt on the head of Joab, &c. but upon David, and upon his houſe, and upon his Throne, let there be peace from the Lord for ever; and let I ſay, all that love God, and the King, and Juſtice, and Truth ſay, Amen.
But the Doctor will have us conſider what the King hath done to exempt theſe ſcruples of feares and jealouſies from the peoples minds. Which in ſumme are the paſſing of Bils this Parliament; and proteſtations for Religion, Priviledges of Parliament, Laws and Liberties. For the firſt of theſe, what are they worth, in ill times; and under ill Judges (if once the Militia and the Navy be ſurrendred, and this Parliament diſſolved) what did magna Charta, the Petition of Right, Articles of Religion, ſerve to prevent all the illegalities and innovations upon Church and State before this Parliament; or what did all the Laws and Priviledges of Scotland ſerve them for? If ſuſpected Councellours and followers be ſtill about the King and favoured by him, where ſhall be a ſecurity to take away theſe feares. Alſo for the other, What have Proteſtations prevailed to prevent former danger. That unparallel'd danger to the Houſe of COMMONS, and the whole Kingdome, by his comming into the Houſe, with ſuch Followers waiting at the doors, ſo weaponed, ſo behaving themſelvs and ſpeaking then and ſince, was it not the very day after his Meſſage, denying them the Guard they deſired, and proteſting toward the cloſe [We do ingage unto you ſolemnly the word of a King, that the ſecurity of all and every one of you from violence, is and ſhall ever be as much Our care, as the preſervation of Ʋs and Our Children.] And how did all men judge (that beleeved the Proteſtations ſet out at Yorke a while) that no war was intended againſt the Parliament, till ſome ſtrength gotten, as was noted before, under the name of a Guard out of Yorke-ſhiere, and more endeavoured by Agents in ſeverall parts of the Kingdom, and hoped for from beyond Sea, altered the language and the face of things, till it came to the preſent extremities. Alſo whatever the Doctors Informations were at the time he was penning his clauſe of applauding the Kings excellent moderation amidſt the preſſures and extremities of warr, ſhewing what reſpect he hath to the Property and Liberty of the Subject; whoſoever remembers what all (but wilfully ignorant, or altogether careleſſe) know of taking away armes from the Countries along to Cheſter and backe afterward, the plundering of Banbury (notwithſtanding the Kings promiſe to the contrary) and Abington, Reading (but moſt ſpecially Brainford) and Kingſton, though helping them in, and having promiſe of all favour, and then at Marlborow, and great cruelties to thoſe that were led away Priſoners, and this ſince the Kings Proclamation againſt plundring; and ſince that Newbury, and many other Townes formerly, and of late in Bark ſhiere, Oxford ſhiere, Surrey, Buckingham ſhiere, will have little cauſe to believe the Doctors intelligences; or aſſurances, that all proteſtations that come in the Kings name may be truſted. And whereas he urges, that we may not raiſe an evill thought againſt the King, Eccl. 10. What ſhall we ſay to thoſe men, unleſſe that of David concerning Sauls Councellours, 1 Sam. 24. That at leaſt they deſerve to be accurſed, that force men either to diſtruſt or to ſuffer ruine, becauſe they have power and will to breake that which we would truſt the King in, moſt gladly and deſiredly, if he had no ſuch men about him. I have no deſire nor will to proſecute particulars further: But the Doctor abuſes his Readers to caſt an oblique aſperſion, as if the Parliament had any thoughts of contending for a new frame of Religion, which deſerves no anſwer, ſo groſſe a ſlander it is. And then 2dly to inſinuate plainly that the 19. Propoſitions were urged, as ſo neceſſary, as unles they were granted, the Kingdom muſt be imbroyled in a civill warr, and the reliefe of Ireland neglected. The fore-named Petition by the Earle of Holland clears that ſufficiently, and the Petition too, that the Earle of Eſſex ſhould have preſented or ſent, but the King would receive none from him.
The reſt of the Doctors book is but recapitulations Rhetoricall of what he hath ſaid before (and an Anſwer to the inſtance of Libna's revolt, which I will be no juſtifier of, becauſe ſo little is ſaid of it in Scripture.) To which I have only theſe things to adde.
1. Though Abſalom (which he mentioned before, and I ſlipt) did falſly calumniate David (what ever petty neglect might be in ſome officers) as appears by 2 Sam. 8. & 1 Ch. & ſo being a comly perſon which takes much with the multitude, & a ſtrange f…atterer of all that came for Juſtice, what ever their cauſe were, 2 Sa. 15. and the heire apparant of the Crown, might invegle the people into a Rebellion: Yet neither is this any thing like to the cauſes of complaint or ſuſpitions, that we have had and have ſtill; nor yet is there any probability, that a people juſtly governed ſhould by Parliamentary Declarations be armed againſt their King: As beſides all other Arguments appeares, by the ſmall aſſiſtance of armed men, any Country hath yeelded to the Parliament, even where they think them in the right in the cauſe, and themſelves too in danger to be plundered.
2. If the Parliaments actions in all things about their defence cannot be excuſed or juſtified (ſpecially by thoſe that ſee not the whole of their actions, and much leſſe the reaſons of them) yet their conſciences, that ſee the juſtnes of the action for the main, of defence; and grounds to believe their Proteſtations of their intentions in the defence, are not bound to be Neuters, much leſſe to aſſiſt the King againſt them, becauſe they are not or cannot be ſatisfied in this or that particular. For then ſcarce any warre might lawfully be joyned in.
3. In ſpeciall, for the ſufferance of ſo many Sects to vent their doctrins with ſuch liberty, and to commit unſufferable out-rages upon the worſhip of God. 1; Hath not the Parliament declared againſt Brownists, Anabaptiſts in the firſt Remonſtrance. 2. Have not ſome Sectaries bin puniſhed? as he that made the new Creed, was he not impriſoned? 3. How many ſcandalous and innovating Miniſters have bin complained of, and yet few of them queſtioned and thoſe not fully cenſured (ſcarce one by both Houſes) the Doctor will not lay to their charge the ſuffering of ſuch: which yet he may with more reaſon, as being offendors of longer continuance and more danger. 4. The truth is, partly the multitude of offendors at firſt complained of, and partly for neare a yeare and an halfe of late, their owne extreame danger by the Malignant parties getting ſtrength, ſince the Iriſh rebellion broke out, and ſo multitude of buſineſſes over-whelming them, have hindred that Juſtice, which elſe thoſe Sects and out-rages (the Doctor mentions) would have found, and may yet in due time, if legally proved. 5. And if he will ſay. ſome ſpeciall men favoured them in the very Houſes, he cannot ſay more then may be made good of others favouring Superſtitions, Arminianiſme, Socianiſme, and even Popery it ſelfe, Yet this were moſt unjuſtly charged upon the Body of either Houſe, and much leſſe on both. And when it ſhall pleaſe God, that the Conſultation of Divines ſhall meet (for which they have more then once paſſed the Bill for his Majeſty to confirm) it will I doubt not appeare to all the world, that they never ment to ſuffer any ſuch opinions or practiſes, as are truly diſhonourable to the true Reformed Proteſtant Religion: as even in the mean time, the Orthodoxiſme and Moderation of the Members of that Aſſembly (generally) known to all that know the perſons, may be a ſufficient pledge; among them all, there being very few, that are liable to any pretence of exception for Sects; and perhaps none at all, for countenancing any ſuch out-rage, as the Doctor cryes out upon. 6. In fine, the worſt of the Parliament (charged upon them with any ſhadow) in matter of Religion is but omiſſions or delayes, which are but Moats to the beames which the Doctor overlooks in their Adverſaries, of old and ſtill. Who have made ſtables of Churches, but they? Who have burned and troden under foot Bibles, but their Partiſans of Ireland? Not to inſiſt on their horrid blaſphemies (which if Gods word be true, as they will one day find it) makes our Land groane and mourne under them. If a conſcience comes to weigh theſe in the ballance with the Parliament; let it, if it dare, be charitable to the Cavaliers and their Army, ſo as to believe, Religion is like to be defended by them, when the Parliament intends to ruine it. I will ſay no more to the Doctor but this one thing, that a ſober conſcience that peruſes his whole Treatiſe, will wonder what kind of conſcience his is, that Rhetorizes ſo for charity on the one ſide, and wholly neglects it on the other; telling us more then once, that though we lay downe our lives for our Religion, it is nothing, if we have not the charity he cals, While himſelfe with all confidence, charges the Parliament with many grievous faults againſt Religion, Allegiance, Lawes and Liberties, and Liberties, and diſcredits all their Proteſtations and Declarations to the contrary, as if he thought, that as his great Text, Rom. 13. ſpeaks only in his conceit of Monarchs; ſo 1 Cor 13. related alſo to them only. No reſiſting that higher power, but all charity to him, what ever he doe or ſay. But as for the Parliament, their power is of no regard, They may be reſiſted at pleaſure, and their words and actions deſerving no charity, or challenging none. Conſciences will judge (and may without breach of charity) how charitable or true theſe interpretations and imputations be. And ſo I have done with him.
If any other now aske me, why it is not as fitting eaſie to put off all imputations from the Parliament, and lay it upon a Faction there (as the Declarations in the Kings Name uſe to doe) as it is for the Parliament to put off all from the King to his Councellours and Followers. I anſwer in a word, the Law commands the one, and Reaſon gives a faire ground for it. The King is but one; and ſo if thoſe about him, fill his head with ſtrange Doctrines in Religion, and Maximes or interpretations of law, and with ſtrange relations in matters of Fact, and anſwerable ſuggeſtions, unles he were a Prophet or an Angell, he can hardly avoid falſe opinions and errours in government. Himſelfe tels us in the fore-cited anſwer to the 19 Propoſitions, of ſurreptiouſly-gotten commands from a King, by followers and favourites againſt the Law, which he is bound to protect when he knowes it. Therfore according to our Law, The King may be miſ-informed, but hee cannot be miſtaken, and the King can doe no wrong, becauſe it ſuppoſes hee doth nothing but by Adviſe of his Councellours in matters of State, and Judges in matters of law. Therfore he grants the Commons may impeach ſuch Favourites and Followers of his, and then the Lords are to judge and puniſh them. Would this have bin ſuffered, or would it yet, the Parliament and he would ſoon accord. But they get him to let them lay all upon him, which themſelves ſay and doe; and this hazards our undoing. We would not charge or diſtruſt the King: We dare not, muſt not (unleſſe we meane to be ruined) truſt or diſcharge his Councellours. But we hope and pray that God will bleſſe him ſo at laſt, as that thoſe being taken away from before him (or rather being yeelded up by him) as droſſe from the ſilver, his Throne ſhall be eſtabliſhed in righteouſneſſe, Majeſty and Honour. Meane time we proclaime, they injury him, and us, and the law, that interpret what is ſaid or done againſt the multitude of his Followers and Army, or any of them, though ſheltred by his Name and Preſence, as done againſt him. On the contrary ſide, the Parliament is a numerous Body, where each one Votes ſingle, and it muſt be a Maior part that carries any thing; and there is no other ſence of a Parliament in Law and Reaſon, then the maior part at leaſt: Therfore the Votes, and Orders, and Declarations that come (as all do) from the maior part, cannot be leſſe then the Votes of the Parliament, themſelves … the Counſellors & Judges, and have none on whom to diſcharge any imputation. So th… unles a Parliament can be a Faction (which in our Law is a meere contradiction) It i… impoſſible, that a Faction can carry things there; or what is there done can be ſo put… off, and the Parliament diſcharged. I conclude then, a King may be charitably believe to meane well, as he proteſts, only to be miſ-informed and abuſed by wicked Councellours. But the Parliament cannot be (is not) well thought of by charity it ſelf in it's higheſt perfection, if the maior part vote and act evill things. The Parliament is then the offendor before God and man.
For concluſion of all. Let me adde 5 or 6 Qualifications or Cautions upon the whole matter. 1. All Governours, Supreme ſpecially, have ſomewhat of Prerogative, beyond written or expreſſe Lawes. But this to be uſed for the Subjects good not hurt. 2. A Chriſtian, though able and innocent, is not to reſiſt all injuries, done to him in his Eſtate or perſon, no not by private perſons, much leſſe if done by the command of Governours, ſpecially of the Supreme. Chriſtian meeknes requires the one, and Chriſtian ſubjection the other. 3. An open and publike reſiſtance by armes, is the laſt Refuge under Heaven, of an oppreſſed, and endangered Nation. Many injuries are to be let pa… while appearing but perſonall, not politicall, or deſigned as preſidents. Jealouſies are not to be ſuddenly taken up, nor too deeply taken in: And all poſſible meanes of redreſſe and ſatisfaction is to be endeavoured before this courſe be taken. 4. If Lawes doe injury, they muſt not be reſiſted, unles they command undeniably againſt God, and not only ſo, but threaten extreame extremity. 5. Whatſoever injury happens to be done to innocent perſons, is to be recompenced as ſpeedily and fully as may be. 6. A Peace is to be imbraced, deſired, purſued with all faithfullneſſe; ſo it may be but rationally ſafe▪ and not betray to the miſery, which war was undertaken to prevent or remedy. 7. The Nation (and Parliament) that is put to this neceſſity of a warr muſt acknowledge God… juſt and heavy diſpleaſure, which ſo threatens them, ſo endangers them; and therefore muſt before all, and in all, and with all, humble themſelves moſt unfainedly to God, and ſeeke to make their peace with him, and thus may hope He will bleſſe their Arms and deſires of peace, with ſufficient victory and a peacefull and happy Concluſion in due time. Which the Lord of Hoſts and God of Peace, may doe for us (as He will for all His.) I ſhut up all with that Prayer and Propheſie, Pſal. 125.4, 5. Do good O Lord to thoſe that be good: and to them that are upright in their hearts. As for ſuch as turne aſide to their crooked wayes, the Lord ſhall leade them forth with the workers of iniquity: but peace ſhall be upon Iſrael. Amen, Amen.
FINIS.
End of the text · Herbert Palmer, Scripture and Reason Pleased for Defensive Arms (1643)