Scripture and Reason Pleased for Defensive Arms, Section 6
SECT. V.
IN this Section he propounds the ſum of his ſecond and third generall, which are much matters of fact. Yet in this above the major part of Votes, hee again ſlides into matter of right and moſt illegally and unjuſtly argues againſt the major part of Votes as againſt a prevailing Faction. But if conſcience may refuſe (or ſuſpend) to conſent to ſuch Votes under that pretence, in vaine do all numerous Bodies meet; For this principle of his diſſolves, and blowes up not only all Parliaments, but all other meetings, Civill or Eccleſiaſticall. For how ſeldome are any matters of great importance, once controverted, & concluded by an unanimous Vote of all as one man? And in remote places, who can be aſſured in conſcience it was ſo, though ſaid ſo? And what a new doctrine of Politie is this, to make every one, in a great Aſſembly to have a meere Negative, as this upon the matter doth. The King hath it not, in this caſe, much leſſe any other ſingle Man. But he will not ſay ſo, if the Major part ſhould Vote any thing that pleaſes his Doctorſhip. If they would Vote the Re-eſtabliſhment of Biſhops Votes and Authority, this were Good with him no doubt, but if it be againſt his Poſitions, then it's but the prevailing of a faction. So unjuſt and partiall are Men that diſpute and Argue for their own Intereſts, though with pretence of Conſcience.
But he firſt repeates what he had told us in his firſt Section, that it is agreed, 1. That this Reſiſtance muſt be, Omnibus Ordinibus Regni Conſentientibus. 2. That it muſt be▪ Legitima Defenſi… a meere Defenſive Reſiſtance.
Repl. For the firſt of theſe if ſome agree to it, yet all do not: I cannot for the Reaſons oft inſinuated and inſerted in what went before; meaning it as he doth here of an Unanimous conſent in Parliament, for not onelyonly a legall number Voting, ſuffices to any Parliamentary Act, being the Major part preſent. But if no Parliament were called or could meet through the ſtrength of a Tyranny already prevailing. Nor the Nobility and Gentry and Commons ſo much as ſend one to another, t… know one anothers mindes, through the ſeverall Shires of a Kingdome, yet might any one Shire▪ or part of a Shire, begin to take up Armes to defend themſelves by reſiſting Outragious Attempts of Tyranny againſt their Religion Laws, and Liberties, and that from the Naturall Liberty, that all have to be no further Subject then God hath commanded, or themſelues conſented with Gods conſent; and this originally belongs (as an inſeparable priviledge of a Reaſonable Creature,) to each perſon ſingle, and from thence is derived to Parliamentary and Repreſentative Bodies, and ſo in Caſe of ſuch neceſsity, is not bound to waite, their Aſſembling, or Votes, nor to be concluded by them, if Aſſembled they ſhould Vote the contrary by a Conſpiracy with the Tyranny: But each may defend himſelfe, and each by the Law of charity may (and ſhould) alſo defend his Neighbour, but eſpecially when the danger is common; as all may without any Votes or Commands, runne together to quench a common fire, ſtop a breach made by the Sea, reſiſt a Forraine Invading Enemy: Without I ſay, and even againſt any Votes or Commands (if any ſhould be) to the contrary. Though ſtill I grant, Omnibus Ordinibus Regni Conſentientibus, out of Parliament, and much more in Parliament, (or the Major part conſenting, and much more, few or none diſſenting;) makes the defence more Honourable, more Eaſie, more Succeſſefull; OnelyOnly I cannot yeeld it as abſolutely Neceſſary to the lawfulneſſe of the defence.
But the Dr. proceeds, and would inſinu…e, that the reſiſtance begun (in the point of the Militia) not onelyonly found oppoſition, ſpecially in the Lords houſe, but alſo that the Votes were not free. And that their proceedings are declared againſt by a greater number than doe remaine in either Houſe, ſuch as have beene caſt out, or have withdrawne themſelves in diſlike of their proceedings.
Reply. Now we are come to matter of Fact, and here in many things which the Dr. hath in theſe two Sections, never any people (that deſired to ſatisfie their Conſciences) had ſuch advantage, by all ſorts of Declarations, Diurnalls, and Writings, ſumming up, and repeating actions, and proceedings, both ſince the buſineſſe of the Militia ſpecially, and even ſufficiently before, that he that will goe by an implicite Faith, as the Drs. phraſe is, or beleeve only one ſide, is inexcuſable if he be miſled. All then that that needs be done, to underſtanding and vigilant Conſciences is, but to awaken their memories, and ſend them to their Almanacks (as the Dr. ſpeakes) or their Memorialls, and apply them a little to their hands and hearts. To that then the Dr. ſaith, may be replyed, firſt, that there was need of ſetling the Militia. When once both Houſes petitioned it, the King himſelfe acknowledged it. Yet it was oppoſed a while by ſome in both Houſes, (but the Petition was not conſented to at the firſt by the Houſe of Lords.) No marvell; there were Popiſh, and Popiſhly affected Lords, whoſe deſigne, at leaſt to keep Popery among us ſtill, and in ſome of them no doubt to advance it, by the ruine of this Parliament,) would have been hindred or ſpoiled by the ſetling it. No marvell then ſuch oppoſed it; who alſo as was noted before, oppoſed the ſuccours of Ireland, till all the Kingdome almoſt cried out upon them and it, with whom joyned (to their great Honour) at leſt the moſt, if not all, the Biſhops preſent uſually. Only once (as I remember) for Irelands buſineſſe there were two or three Biſhops conſenting. But when once thoſe were outed, and the Popiſh and popiſhly affected w…thdrawn…, (even before ſome of them withdrew) all Votes paſſed for the Militia ▪ as now it is. Let conſciences now judge, whether ought to be ſtuck to, thoſe that were for it, or thoſe againſt it? Secondly, it is altogether falſe that a greater number of the Houſe of Commons have declared againſt the proceedings; then have been there, and voted their continuance. About 6…. (and not many more) have been caſt out for their notorious malignancy, and many of them for Actuall Warre againſt the Parliament. But there was ever the Major part for the Militia, and ſo for the conſequent proceedings. Elſe (as I ſaid before) why came not the Maior part, to out vote them, and ſet all Right? Let Conſcience judge.
The next thing the D…. would prove, is that the Parliament is not upon the Defenſive; and then that they keep within the Defenſive.
In the firſt, he puts two queſtions who was fi…ſt in Armes? and what is the cauſe of the Armes? In anſwering the former, becauſe he ſpeakes of an Almanack. I muſt remember him, and he ſeemes onelyonly to thinke of 1642. But 1641. muſt not be forgotten, nor throwne aſide as out of date. There we finde firſt a memorandum of the Northerne Army intended to bee brought up againſt the Parliament. By the good then, the chiefe Actors and proiectours of it, ſled beyond Sea in all haſte, after once the Portugall Ambaſſadour had diſclaimed to Mr. Wadsworth that he knew Sir Iohn Suckling (or had any Commiſſion to deſire Forces from the King for his Mrs. Service (who yet liſted and payed diverſe Officers and others, and gave ou… that he was to goe into Portugall with three or 400. Secondly, there we find a Memorandum of a great Lord that ſaid, when the Scots were once gone, they would teach the Houſe of Commons better manners, who now did what the liſt, or to this effect. Thirdly, there we fi…nde a Memorandum, that about one and the ſame time, there was firſt a ſtrange buſineſſe (GOD will in due time cleare it,) in Scotland,; and Secondly, the Popiſh Rebellion brake forth in Ireland: and thirdly, the Parliament was many wayes threatned in England, by Libells of ſeverall kinds, Quaeres, whether any Acts paſſed while two Armies were in the Kingdome were valid; Relations of Plots againſt prime Members; many intelligence of warning from forraine parts. Fourthly, there we find a Memorandum of the Iriſh Rebells, boaſtings of their Partie here, threatning to invade the Kingdome. 5. There we finde a Memorandum, that the King brought Winter with him out of Scotland (as he went thither in a kind of ſtorme, againſt the earneſt adviſe of both Houſes, and after a ſevere ſpeech made by the Lord keeper in his name and preſence) all clouds and never a Sun ſhine day all the yeare after. The priviledges of Parliament infringed in two or three things, are, the two Houſes declared to him by a Petition of Decem 1.14. The Parliament guards diſmiſſed, and a new one denied, though they deſired to truſt the then Lord Chamberlaine of the Kings Houſe: but another was offered to be put upon them, under the Command of the Lord Chamberlaine of the Queens Houſe. All theſe Memorandums, the Almanak of 1641. affords, which all put together, make ſome what toward …he neceſſitie of a preparation for Defence, at leaſt by petitioning for the Militia to be ſetled (Etſi non placent ſingula, juncta juvant.)
But now no ſooner doth our Almanack of 1642. appeare, but firſt it preſently preſents us with the accuſation of the 6. Members; and ſecondly, ſtraight after with the Kings comming to the Houſe of Commons, to demand the five Members of the Houſe. The carriage of which buſineſſe, by the Kings Attendants, if any one will be ignorant of, let him be ſo; Res ipſa loquitur, the thing it ſelfe was ſo in the ſight of the Sunne, as was uncapable of a miſtake; yet did an Anſwer (to a Petition of the Maj…r, and Aldermen of the City, upon the occaſion of a few dayes after,) ſay that the King had no other Attendants, but onelyonly Gentlemen armed with their Swords. Thirdly, about a week aft…r, the King withdrawes to Hampton-Court, and never returned to the Parliament ſince, (nor ever paſſed any Bill ſave that againſt Biſhops Votes, and two or three about Ireland;) of which what the Lord Digby ſaid to the Cavaliers, that came to the Houſe of Commons, and how he behaved himſelfe at Kingſtone upon Thames, the Parliament hath ſufficiently declared, and in their Defence of their Remonſtrance of May 26. have ſhewed, that it is evident he did ſo carry himſelfe, though it have beene denyed. Fourthly his Letter (after he was fled) to the Queen, and another to Sir Lewes Dives counſelling the King to retire to ſome ſtrong place, on which the Attempt on Hull, hath made an unhappy Comment, (and another ſince that ſurpriſed, written to the Queene, ſignifying what Counſell he gave the King in a Letter, about that time which hath been ever ſince followed.) Fiftly, the Militia denyed for Cities and Corporations, (upon pretence of a Petition from the City of London, contrived by Binion, and ſome few others) which was of the greateſt conſequence for the Parliaments ſafety, and to keep out forraine Forces; and this when the Houſes thought the King had granted it; (the meane while the Queen goes for Holland, in a ſtrange ſeaſon of the yeare, and on a ſmall occaſion, (the Parliament having the yeare before, given Reaſons againſt her offering to goe beyond Sea, upon another pretence,) and how ſhe hath done ſince her going over, is too well knowne. Finally the Earle of Newcaſtle in a diſguiſed habit and Name, and Captaine Legge, (two perſons that were named in the buſineſſe of bringing up the Northern Armes) came to Hull, and one of them, I remember now not which, but the Papers will tell,) ſhewed the Kings hand for to have had Hull, and the Magazine delivered up to him. And all this before the ſetling of the Militia by an Ordinance, or Sir Iohn Hothams taking in Forces to keep Hull ſafe. Let Conſcience now judge, whether all this gave not juſt occaſion, for a preparation for Defence▪ and of a long time after this, nothing more was done, the Militia ſetled in very …ew Countries, till the Kings proceedings hath further warned them …o ſtand upon their guard, in other places beſides London.
It is true the King for a time had nothing but Proclamations and Declarations to oppoſe them. But after he was once gone Northward (and the Qu. beyond Sea▪) what did hee ever doe or ſay, but in oppoſition to them? and while his Declarations renounced all thoughts of Warre, notes were ſent over into Holland for Armes, and a beginning of an Army raiſed at Yorke, under the name of a Guard. When firſt the Houſes having petitioned the Removing the Magazine at Hull to London. (Upon a counter-Petition of a very few Gentlemen of Yorkſhire, pretending the name of the whole County that it might be kept cleare ſtill) the King goes inſtantly to Hull, and demands entrance, intending as he declares to the Parliament after▪ that he meant ſo to doe) to take poſſesſion of the Towne and Magazine, and diſpoſe of it: and being denyed, proclaimes Sir Iohn Hotham Traitor, without any proceſſe of Law, or ſending firſt to the Houſe to know if they would owne it; and after demands juſtice ſo peremptorily, as to deny before hand all other buſineſſes, but that of Ireland, (and how well that was done, we muſt remember anon) and then was the Army raiſed under Colour of a Guard the Yorkſhire men, not comming in readily enough to make it appeare a great Army.) And all this before ever it was declared by the Houſes that the King ſeduced by wicked Councell, intended to make war againſt his Parliament, and ſo before ever they ſet out the Propoſitions for Money, Plate Horſes, and therefore certainly before any one man was liſted. In all which the event hath ſhewed, that they were rather in wiſdome too ſlow, then in conſcience too quick in their Preparations for defence. Remembring alſo, that as ſoone as the Ship (Providence) was come to them (a provdence indeed to diſcover what was before intended) the Siege was ſtraight …aid to Hu…, and the Declarations then ſpoke another Language then common men underſtood them to ſpeake before. For after all the Lords preſent with the King had ſubſcrib…d (about Iune 16.) that they ſaw in the pretented Guard, &c. no intention of Warre againſt the Parliament: within few dayes, the King tels them, that if to ſeeke to recover Hull and the Magazine (then at London) and ſuppreſſe the Militia) in all which the Parliament was engaged as much as could be) were to make Warre againſt the Parliament, he ever meant to doe theſe things, and had ever declared ſo; though I beleeve none that beleeved him did or could ſo underſtand: Let Conſcience now judge who began firſt.
As touching the cauſe of theſe Armes, the Doctor would perſwade us, that it is for ſomthing which the King hath right to Deny. To evince which, he firſt affirmes, that it cannot be for Religion or Priviledges and ancient Rights and Liberties, for theſe the King doth not deny.
REPL. But now ſufficient verball promiſes, with ſuch actions done (as were noted even now) are to ſecure Religion or the State, Conſcience muſt judge, and it may a little the better, when we come to conſider them againe in the proper place for them (for here they outrunne their ſeaſon like Abortives) in the next Section. Secondly, he ſaith it muſt then be for denying the Militia, the diſpoſing offices of State, and ſuch like; alſo the government of the Church, and the revenue of it; and for not denying his power of denying in Parliament.
REPL. 1. For the Militia, I referre to what hath beene ſaid, how juſt reaſon the Parliament had to petition the ſecuring it, and after to ſettle it (as in caſe of necesſity) by Ordinance. Of which their Declarations have given more full account. 2. For diſpoſing Offices of State, it was never deſired, till the difference was very farre advanced, and Hull attempted; and Sir Iohn Hotham proclaimed Traitour, and the Army raiſed at Yorke, called a Guard. And ſo onelyonly deſired as a Security after ſuch a breach; and no way a cauſe of the breach; Thirdly, For the Kings power of denying, it was never in queſtion betweene him and them, till the Militia was abſolutely and peremptorily denyed. And in all their Declarations they never take it away; but contrarily in the defence of that May, 26. they grant, that though the King be bound by Oath and care of his people, not to deny any Bill for generall ſafety and good (for in ordinary matters they yeeld he may deny) Yet if he doe deny, it is no Law without him. OnelyOnly in caſe of the common ſafety, they ſay the two Houſes may doe what is neceſſary, and it binds the Subjects for that necesſity, though he doe deny. The denyall then of the Militia only, in the caſe of necesſity (with other things noted before) forced them to doe what they did toward Armes; and not any difference about a power of deniall in generall. 4. For the government and Revenue of the Church. I beleeve indeed it was a part of the cauſe of taking Armes; but not on the Parliaments part: the major part of whom in either Houſe, never (till very lately) declared, nor ſhewed any purpoſe of taking either away quite, but only reforming (which the Doctor ſaith his Majeſty is alway ready to agree,) as may appeare even by the great agitations for ſo long in the Houſe of Commons of the Bill againſt Epiſcopacy root and branch; and at laſt it was wholly laid aſide; which ſhewes the major part never owned it as their delight. Elſe they would firſt have abſolutely concluded the deſtructive part; and then conſulted what to have in the roome. B…t to conſult firſt for Succeſſours; was Pacuvius his Policy to preſerve the Senatours of Capua, though he made ſhew to condemne them all. And had the Commons paſt the Bill againſt them; yet did the Lords never ſhew any ſuch intendment, who were not eaſily wonne to take away their Votes, till their Proteſtation againſt both Houſes in their abſence helped to perſwade them to it. It can then no way appeare to Conſcience that ever the Parliament had thoughts of Armes, to obtaine their taking away. But, I am verily perſwaded, by all I could ever heare from the Epiſcopall Party; that their feare of this made them (who had ſtill enough of the Kings eare and heart,) urge the King to many Actions, which have helped the Warre forward. Among the reſt, I cannot but note one▪ not a weeke paſſed betweene the 12. Biſhops for their Proteſtation before the King firſt accuſed of high Treaſon, the L. Kimbol…on, and the other five, and then came in that manner to the Houſe of Commons to demand thoſe five. And whereas the Doctor ſaith the King is bound by Oath to maintaine the Government and Revenue, as by Law they are eſtabliſh't.
REPL. 1. He diſcovers a ſecret to us which we underſtood not before. All men ſtood amazed at the late Oath to this effect for the government; and among other Arguments againſt it not a few conſiderable men of the Miniſtry and Gentry before the Parliament lookt at it as an injury to the King, and oppoſite to our Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacie (and ſo the Parliament did in effect vote it) becauſe it urged men to ſweare never to conſent to alter the Government, which yet the King and State might posſibly judge fit to be altered. But we never thought that the King was ſuppoſed bound by his Oath to it already; and much leſſe that all Kings in ſuccesſion would be bound (as now the Doctor teaches us) by their Oathes to maintaine it as it is by Law eſtabliſht. This it ſeems they preſumed upon, and ſo thought to have made all ſure, by ſwearing all the Miniſtery and Univerſities, and Maſters of Arts, and Schoolemaſters, and Phyſitians▪ who would have had influence enough into the whole Kingdome within awhile. But God laught at this Project, turned it upon the Head of the Projectours and all the Party, as appeares this Day. And ſo I am perſwaded He will doe, all their Preſent endeavours of Warre to recover themſelves. 2. But in good earneſt doth the Doctor (or any elſe) thinke the King bound by Oath to maintain Biſhops ſtill in England (though he hath conſented to take them away in Scotland, to prevent War) even though he hazard the ruine of the Kingdome by a Civill Warre? and notwithſtanding any inconveniences repreſented to him by the complaints of his People, and the wiſedome of his Parliament, and his owne too? Or doth his Oath bind him to any more then to maintaine them ſo long as they are eſtabliſht by Law as he ſweares to maintaine all his other Subjects in their Rights; and yet an Act of Parliament may alter many things in mens Rights. Are not all Rights of Church and State (which are not properly jure divino) compromitted to the Parliament the three Eſtates, King, Lords, Commons, every time they meet? And may they not alter and change this or that, ſo farre as it is humane and eſtabliſht but by the Lawes of the Land? The Kings Oath then binds not him and his Parliament from taking away Biſhops, if they judge them (not jure divino) and their continuance to be prejudiciall to the State and Church; (and ſo of Revenues the ſame may be ſaid.) 3. And if the Dr. will not admit this Anſwere, but ſtill contend, the King did ſweare to maintaine them (at his Coronation) as they were then by Law eſtabliſhed. Is not the King beholding to him for charging him with Perjury (as in effect hee doth) ſince it is evident that by taking away the high Commisſion Court, and their power in their Courts of impoſing Oathes and Penalties, and after that their Votes in Parl. hee hath not maintain'd them as they were by Law eſtabliſht, when he tooke the Oath.
How the Doctor will anſwer this I know not: ſure I am, if any Miniſter having taken the Oath (never to conſent to alter the Government as it now ſtands eſtabliſht,) had offered to petition ſuch a taking away of their governing power; he ſhould quickly have beene accurſed as a perjured perſon, and accordingly ſo dealt with. It remaines then that the King onelyonly ſwore to maintaine them according to Law; while they ſhould ſtand by Law, and not to bind himſelfe from any Law-making, though to take them away, in caſe it ſhould appeare to be for the good of Church and State. And if this be not made good that their taking away will be ſo; let us all fight for them. But if it be, woe to thoſe men that hazard the King and two of his Kingdomes (England and Ireland) once more▪ (as before they would two yeares one after another, have hazarded England and Scotland) to maintaine Epiſcopall greatneſſe and Authority. 4. What degree of Reformation (or any thing like to the Primitive Biſhops) did they ever offer to be reduced unto? which might have contented Parliament and People both, if ever propounded in earneſt, to have asked no more. Or what cure for any effectuall Reformation have any of them (or their Party) ever ſhewed ſince the Parliament met, to have rendred it any way hopefull that they would bee good inſtruments hereafter? 5. If therfore after all warnings, they will needs put the King ſtill on (as it appeares even by the Doctors words) to fight for their maintenance: Let them remember Mr. Brightmans Propheticall Interpretation of the ſpewing out of the Laodicean Angell. And though a vomiting ſomtimes makes a mans heart ſick, and ready to dye; yet where he hath ſtrength of Nature it comes up at laſt, and proves happy cure. Which in this caſe (if it be Chriſts act▪ as it much ſeemes to be) will not faile to bee fulfilled to our comfort at laſt, how weake ſoever it bring us firſt. I conclude this then, that as Phyſick is upon the defenſive▪ ſo much more the endeavour to caſt up the humour which unprovoked or but a little ſtirred, endangers the Bodies health by Inflamations & the like. So the late voting down the B…s▪ was meerly defenſive; and the War, ſo much as it is to maintaine them, themſelves are and ever were upon the offenſive, and offenders, in and the Parliament not at all.
Now for the managing of the reſiſtance, the Doctor offers to examine whether it hath beene ſo void of Hoſtility as that defenſive way, they pretend to, ſhould bee. Let us examine it with him. Here he contends 1. that the Defendant ſhould be of anſwerable demeanour to David defending himſelfe againſt Saul. REP. But he may be pleaſed to conſider, that as all that handle the difference betweene an offenſive War and a defenſive, do rationally maintain, that he that is outragiouſly injuried (as David in his Embaſſadors, 2 Sam. …0.) Or dangerouſly threatned, is but on the defenſive; though he be actually …n Armes firſt, through diligence and ſome advantages perhaps: ſo a man▪ keeps himſelfe within the bounds of a defence, though he actually offend him that does, or that would aſſault him, and even though he begin firſt. So David did in the former caſe, invading the Ammonites Country, and yet he was properly defenſive. So a man on the high way, if a Robber ſhould aſſault him; if he could prevent his blow and ſtrike firſt, it were but in his owne defence: but much more to ſtrike againe and kill (if he cannot otherwiſe defend himſelfe) which yet is the higheſt degree of offence betweene party and party. Ob. But David ſtill withdrew and having taken the Kings ſpeare and cruſe, he reſtored them without demand. Rep. True, but I have formerly given the reaſon why he ever withdrew, Pag. I need not repeat it. And as for the cruſe and ſpeare, he tooke them not away for feare of being hurt by them (as now Ammunitions and other proviſions) but as the Dr. well ſayes, to ſhew Abners neglect and his own integrity; and therfore when they had done him that ſervice, he reſtored them without demand. But the Parl. cannot fly from place to place like David; they muſt keep at Weſtminſter, or diſſolve themſelves; and they have offered to reſtore that which they took to prevent their own and the Kingdomes being miſchefed by it; ſo that ſecurity might have been obtained for time to come; witneſſe the Petition ſent by the E. of Holland and others to Beverley, while Hull was beſieged. In a word there hath been nothing done in this kind, of all that the Dr. reckons up, which meer necesſity hath not forced; and moſt of thoſe things muſt have beene done by David, if he had kept Keilah againſt Saul as he deſired and meant to have done. 2, And whereas the Dr. further urges [that the Kings loyall and peaceable Subjects are aſſaulted, deſpoiled of their Armes, goods, eſtates, their perſons impriſoned, becauſe they would according to their allegiance asſiſt him in this extremity; or would not contrary to their conſcience, joyne with them againſt him] Rep. This concerns two ſorts of perſons; and for both▪ though ſomwhat differently, the ſatisfaction to this allegation depends upon the juſtice of the defence it ſelfe. For 1. if the Parl. do juſtly take up Arms, then without all doubt (however the Dr. talks of an implicit faith) they may ſeize upon the arms goods eſtates▪ perſons of thoſe that actually under what pretence ſoever) asſiſt againſt them. Though if their defence be not juſt, then all this is confeſſedly a multiplication of injuſtice: but if they may fight with the Army that oppoſes them, they may diſarm, &c. thoſe that ſtrengthen the army with monys &c. 2. as for thoſe that only wold not, contrary to their conſcience joyn with them againſt him, I have 2. things to ſay. 1. If any of theſe have in former times any way promoted illegall commands and practiſes it is much to be doubted they can bring but ſlender proof of their forbearing to joyn with the Parl. out of conſcience. There is nothing more eaſie then to pretend conſcience in all controverted points. But hee deſerves not to be beleeved in his pretence, that hath been but even now (and much more if he be ſtill) a violatour of rules of conſcience in other reſpects. It is wel known how tender they have been of other mens conſciences in needleſs Ceremonies, in illegall Innovations, in prophane violations of the Lords Sabbath and the 4th. Com. who now cry conſcience to ſave their mony, or to weaken the Parl. 2. If any be really conſcientious in the point; ye… upon the necesſity of a juſt def…nce the Parl. may as well ſecure their perſons, and ſpecially their Armes▪ and levy ſome monies upon them as in a common danger of a forrain enemy trenches may be digged on a mans Land or Forts built ev…n againſt his will▪ and in a fire breaking violently out the next houſe may be p…l'd downe to ſave a towne or many more houſes. Though it is alſo true, that ſuch ought to have recompence afterward when al the danger is over, and ſo I doubt not, but all truely conſciencious ſhall have in due time. When it ſhall appeare they only forbeare out of conſcience, and did no acts of malignancy withall; nor ſpoke malignantly againſt the Parliament and their juſt proceedings.
The Modeſty of ſome (of many) that have ſuffered a great deale worſe within theſe few yeares, then the Parliament makes their moſt Malignant Priſoner, ſuffer may ſufficiently ſhew, what a Conſcientious refuſall ſignifies, if it be no more but ſo. And if the Parliam. have nothing more to Anſwer for then rigour againſt ſuch, the Dr. will hardly prove, they have tranſgreſſed the bounds of a lawfull defence. His reproaches therfore in the cloſe of this Sect. I let paſſe and come at laſt to his 7. & laſt Sect. wherunto▪ if as good a reply can be made as to the former, I ſhall not much doubt the Sentence of Conſcience (of any one who is unengaged or unpartial) in the whole Queſtion between us.