The Interest of These United Provinces, Section 6
Sect. 6. The third Argument which preponderates for England, is the preſervation of our Eſtates: in regard of Souldiers violence, Governors Impoſitions, Publick Debts by Obligation, and Revenues of the Romiſh Church.
WE proceed now to ſhew, that its better to be under England in regard of our Eſtates. Both in reſpect of getting them, (as I ſhall ſhew in the following Section) and the keeping thoſe we have gotten already, or by the bleſſing of God may get hereafter. And to this I give the precedency, becauſe the enjoyment of Riches is the end for which, and Trade only the means by which, we labour to obtain them. Now if it can be made apparent, that we can neither get, nor keep ſuch Eſtates under France, as we can under England: there are none ſo regardleſs herein (whatever they are of Religion and Liberty) but will eaſily grant the truth of our Concluſion.
1. Then let us conſider that except we can keep that which is our own we are never the better for it, but a great deal the worſe. Had we a grant of Midas's wiſh, that all we touched ſhould be turned into gold; or were we inſured that all our adventures, ſhould bring us returns as rich as the Eaſt India Companies; what ſhould it profit us, if we could notkeep them? Nay, were we not a great deal worſe than without them? What toil and anxiety is there in getting! What fears and troubles are there in keeping! and what ſorrow and vexation in the parting with riches! Not that I think any civil Authority, will ever take away our Eſtates, except we forfeit them through miſdemeanors; but when the Sword brings ſuch a Commiſſion, I would gladly know who dare deny it? And whether the poor man then, that hath all his money in his purſe-pocket; be not both fafer in his perſon, and more ſecure of his Eſtate; than the rich Merchant, whoſe bags and warehouſes are filled with his wealth? Craeſus was rich even to a Proverb, yet ſhewing to Solon all his Treaſures, Solon told him, that if any came with better iron than he wore, they would be maſter of all that Gold. Now in regard of plundring, depedrations, and all manner of violence by Souldiers both to our perſons and eſtates; I think we are far more ſecure from the Engliſh, than French. And for this, I ſhall appeal to the Common experience of all ages and places where their Armies have come; which bear witneſs, to the great exorbitances of the latter, more than the other; in the violation both of womens chaſtity and mens eſtates, and frequent deſolations by fire and ſword. Yea I will make their own Hiſtorian Comines judge of the controverſie, who having ſhown, how unjuſtly great ones govern, and the innocent people are oppreſt,Lib. 5.6.18. both by them and the Souldiers, whoſe flagitious lives, petulant carriage, and violent rapines are intollerable; profeſſes that he mentions theſe things for France's ſake, which of all the Principalities he had known, was moſt afflicted with them. Whereas on the contrary, he ſays England excel'd them all, in theſe three particulars; reſpect to the common good, the peoples freedom from injury, and the little ſpoil their Souldiers and Armies made in their Wars; the laſt whereof he repeats, and enlarges a little after in the ſame Chapter.
2. But we will ſuppoſe the beſt in all uncertainties, and therefore hope we ſhall eſcape all plundering, and violence from the Souldiers in a time of confuſion; and make no doubt thereof, in a ſetled condition. But yet we know we ſhall not eſcape paying ſuch Taxes, as indeed juſtly deter us, both in regard of their greatneſs, and alſo the arbitrarines of their Impoſition. In both which we know no people in Europe more miſerable than France, nor none happier in the contrary, than the Subjects of the Crown of England. Which partly occaſioned that known ſaying of the Emperour Maximilian the firſt, that he was Rex regum, the King of Spain Rex hominum, the King of France Rex aſinorum, and the King of England Rex diabolorum. For he could have nothing but what the Germain Princeſs conſented to, Spain only what the Laws allowed him; France all that he pleaſed; and England nothing that pleaſed not the people.
As touching their greatneſs. 1. I willingly grant that Subjects muſt afford their Soveraigns aſſiſtance; and in times of extremity, and utmoſt dangers, it is hard to determine, how far their power may not lawfully be extended. Secondly, I know that the grandeur of the French Court is great,Politiicke Weegſchaal. l. 3. c. 3.4. & 5. which is lately ſhown us in our own Language. That their Armies are often numerous; and ſome always neceſſary, both for defence of the Government from their domeſtick enemies, and of the Frontiers from foreign, in the adjacent Countries. And that theſe require vaſt ſums to ſupport them. Yet notwithſtanding, thirdly, Moderation ought to be uſed, ſo that the common people may enjoy the fruit of their labours. But to ſhew how far the Government of France hath been from this, would be an endleſs work. We ſhould but tire our ſelves to read, what their own Hiſtorians have related; and be weary with the rehearſal, of the many tumults and rebellions that have ariſen from their gabels. It would fill any one with ſorrow to hear of the great complaints and out cries, that the people have made in former Ages; and fright us to hear thoſe of the preſent: which yet their Governors are ſo uſed to, that they count them but the old fa fa of France, and oppreſſion the ſin of the old World. What remorſe of Conſcience ſeveral of their Kings have had for their extortion, is well known to thoſe that have read their Hiſtories. Some in their life time as Charles the eighth; ſome at their death as Philip the fourth, who remitted the Taxes he had unjuſtly required, and commanded his Sons to eaſe the people. But above all Lewis the eleventh, who reſolved to reform, but it was too late; and therefore charged the Dauphin againſt that oppreſſion he had practiſed. And indeed it was highly neceſſary; for he had reduced the common people to ſuch poverty, that many of the Farmers were forced, with halters about their necks to draw their own Plows; except they would ſteal, and once for all, ſtretch both themſelves and ropes on the Gallows. But I ſhould not once mention any of theſe things, if I thought it not better for us, both to know and believe them before hand, than experience them afterwards to our coſt. For I fear if we come once under the French, there will be no end of paying contributions; until we be brought into the condition of the Andrians of old,Plut. in vita Themiſtocl. ex Herodoto. who when Themiſtocles demanded money telling them he had brought two Goddeſſes to require it, perſwaſion & power; anſwered that they had two great Goddeſſes alſo who taught them to deny it, which were poverty and impoſſibility. And then the Hollanders may do that living,Procopius decad. 6. lib. 6. which Saladinus the Emperor of Aſia did dying; ſhew their winding ſheets and ſay, Theſe are all the rich Hollanders have left.
But ſhould we part with ſome of our Eſtates, though it were a good ſhare; ſo we were ſure to enjoy the reſt, it was leſs matter: but when we are always obnoxious to an arbitrary power, ſtill to be ſqueaſed like Spunges at the pleaſure of others; we can ſcarce call any thing our own, and are rather procuratores than Domini divitiarum. I know well, that ſome of the French Kings,Sueton. in vita Tib. Buſſieres Hiſt. Franc. L. 15. have like good Shepherds, fleeced not flead their flocks, (according to Tiberius his ſaying, Boni paſtoris eſt pecus tondere, non deglubere) eſpecially Lewis the twelfth: who therefore (as the Jeſuite well obſerves) had no rebellion in all his raign, which is a rare bleſſing (as he ſays) and extraordinary in that Realm. And the great wiſdom and generoſity of his preſent Majeſty, puts me out of all doubt of his elemency; but a good, a great, a wiſe Solomon may have a Reboboam to his ſon and ſucceſſor, whoſe little ſinger may be heavier than his Fathers loyns. By which example in Sacred Hiſtory, we are ſhown, that what ever Prince will force his Subjects to open their purſes to his pleaſure, ſhall quickly find their hearts ſhut; and though for the preſent they may ſupplicate, and outwardly ſeem to adore him (as the Indians their dieties ne noceant) yet they hate him worſe than the Devil himſelf; and upon the firſt occaſion tumultuouſly cry, every man to your Tents; whence open diviſions, lawleſs rapines, bloody wars, and all the miſerable effects that follow them, break in upon a Nation beyond controll. But let us be frank in conceding (as it becomes us when we ſpeak of Kings) that there ſhall never ariſe a Rehoboam out of Lewis's race; yea that this is as impoſſible, as for a Vulture to riſe out of the Phoenix aſhes: yet we know the beſt of Kings may have bad Governors under them; and that they muſt often, both ſee with other eys, and hear with other ears than their own. Yea let us ſuppoſe, that we ſhall never pay more Tribute to the fair Lillies of France, than we have done to the Belgick Lion; except that of reſpect, which we acknowledge his due: yet there ſtill remains a vaſt difference, betwixt a legal and a permiſſive exemption, and of the ſame payments made by publick conſent, and thoſe that are commanded by abſolute power; though not in regard of the money, yet in regard both of the authority that requires it, which if abſolute and arbitrary is alterable, although it ſhould not be altered; and the different impreſſions which they make, and effects that follow in the minds and affections of men. For when a people know the neceſſities of State, and freely vote their own Contributions, they account themſelves free and uninjured though the Taxations be never ſo great, (according to the rule, that volenti non fit injuria:) and look upon them as a gift rather than a debt, and therefore pay them willingly, and generouſly bear their parting with their ſhare, Whereas on the contrary, when they are ignorant of the grounds of ſuch impoſitions, they are always jealous, that they are not ſo great as is pretended; and when they have no ſuffrage therein, look upon themſelves as wronged and oppreſſed; and though they pay them, yet it is with reluctancy; and becauſe they muſt and cannot withſtand it, their minds are dejected, and their ſpirit and courage ſtrangely depreſt, as I could ſhew by many examples. The difference of theſe two authorities, and their various and different effects, is well obſerved by two Noble Lords, Bacon of Verulam, and Comines of Argenton; both of them famous for their wiſdom, one in the Theory and the other in the Practice thereof; ſo that if the former had had the latters Prudence, and the latter the formers Learning, no Age could have paralel'd them. That of publick conſent the Learned Bacon obſerves, doth not ſo diſpirit a people and diminiſh their Martial courage, and inſtances in theſe very Provinces, Eſſay (or Sermofidelis) 29.ſhewing how cheerfully they have born the grean burthen of Exciſe, becauſe it came from themſelves and their own authority. And that of arbitrary power, is ſhewn of France, by that great States-man Comines Counſellor to Lewis the eleventh; whoſe Hiſtory is ſo much eſteemed by the French, Hiſt. Franc. l. 13.(as Buſſieres the Jeſuite tells us) that they neither envy the Greeks their Thueydides, nor the Romans their Livy or Tacitus. Wherein he ſo frequently inveys againſt theſe impoſitions, and complains of the peoples miſeries thereby; ſo freely expoſtulates with the Kings and Governors, and is ſo honeſt an Advocate for their Subjects; that I wiſh all Princes, would make this excellent Hiſtorian, as familiar to them, as did Charles the fifth, that great and wiſe Emperour. Et Bodin de rep. l. 6. c. 2.In the 18. Chapter l. 5. He ſaith, that neither the King of France, nor any other, hath power to exact of their Subjects without their own conſent; except they will tyrannically uſe their power contrary to all right both divine and humane. And chapter the ſeventh l. 6. that Charles the ſeventh, who in the Engliſh wars had introduced, this imperious way of taxing the people, without the conſent of the States; had burdened both his own Conſcience, and the ſucceſſive Kings with great guilt, and moſt cruelly wounded the Kingdom, of which it was like a long time to bleed. Nor doth he only thus declame againſt the unlawfulneſs thereof, but alſo ſhews how ungrateful it is to the people, as well as injurious. And on the contrary how readily and unanimouſly without tumult or contradiction even in the Kingdoms greateſt poverty, the States conſented and people paid to Charles the eighth. But if Princes will forget, the good adviſe this Hiſtorian there gives them; yet I wiſh they would remember at leaſt old Pythagoras's Symbol, Sudorem ferro abſtergere, tetrum facinus. Which Plutarch (as a learned man tells us) expounds, That none ſhould take away that with the ſword Gyrald. Symb. Pythagar.which others have earned with the ſweat of their brows. If they will only uſe their own abſolute power, yet let it be ſo attempered with equity and moderation; that the cries of the poor, and the curſes of the people, may never bring Gods vengeance upon them. But if we ſhould ſpeak the ſenſe of our Souls, we muſt needs (alas!) ſay, that moderation is ſo rare a jewel in the Crown of abſolute Monarchs; and the Governors under them ſo uſed to hunt, and hawk at all game to enrich themſelves: that though we may all hope to eſcape, yet we have more reaſon to fear: that if the fate of the other Provinces befal us, we ſhall all (as the beaſts) ſaid in the fable) meet at laſt at the Furriers ſhop. If any can flatter themſelves with fancies, that our Common-wealth ſhall under France, become like Plato's Republick, wherein violence and oppreſſion ſhall not be known; and that their Governors will be like thoſe in Ʋtopia, Fathers to our fortunes as much as their own: I muſt confeſs that I am not ſo Mercurially made; and do no more expect to ſee the world ſo happy, than to ſee the great Platonick year. But on the contrary, that great Impoſitions will be added, to the great Exciſe that is upon us already; whereby the number of the Poor will certainly increaſe, and the proviſions for them daily decreaſe. Yea it is well, if the maintaining of the land againſt the water, be not neglected; and ſo our Eden be laid waſte: and that our rich and pompous Cities, return not in time to their old condition, of poor and deſpicable Fiſhers Villages. However, ſeeing the bleſſing of Judah and Iſſachar, can never befal the ſame people, as Bacon obſerves in the forementioned place, if we and our Eſtates ſhall come under arbitrary power; then let us deface the Lion Rampant, that was the Arms of generous Judah, which our Anceſtors and we have hitherto born: and ſet up luggiſh Iſſachar's of an Aſs couchant between two burdens, that is to ſay the Popes trumperies, & France's tribute.
3. There is another conſideration, which is of great importance to the Inhabitants of theſe Countries and that is concerning their Debts. For mentioning Eſtates, we mean not only that in our own, but alſo that in other mens hands. As for Private debts, we know they muſt needs be very many and great in places of ſuch Merchandiſe; ſeeing the greateſt part of trade is all over, and here eſpecially, driven upon credit. Now how theſe will be gotten, if bad time come on, ſo that many remove, and more be impoveriſhed; I leave thoſe to conſider, whoſe concernment it is. Concerning Publick debts, (which are yet more deſperate, whatever change happens) they are ſuch as are contracted, either for Service to the Common-wealth, and Commodities delivered for publick uſes; or for Monies upon obligation; all which ways many thouſands are greatly concerned, eſpecially the laſt. There being very many, who have lent, ſome a good part, and others the greateſt part of their Eſtates, upon the publick faith of the Land, Cities and Lombards of theſe Provinces. So that if this publick faith prove faithleſs like the Punick of old, a great number of Families, and (which is moſt deplorable) Widows and Orphans, (who being uncapable to imploy their Eſtates thus intruſted them) will be wholly ruined and undone. Herein I think all that have any ſenſe of juſtice and equity, will conclude with me.
1. That it is very unreaſonable and unjuſt, that if the preſent Government cannot diſcharge theſe debts, or a change happens; that thoſe who have credited the Republick, ſhould ſit down with all the loſs, and others not bear their proportion.
2. That ſeeing they were lent to the Publick, and Obligation accordingly given; and that for publick uſes, and ſo imployed, (or if other-ways converted, yet without the Creditors fault:) it is all the reaſon in the world, that the Publick ſhould faithfully pay the ſame.
3. That if the Republick ſtand, care ought to be taken to ſatistic theſe Creditors: and that if a change of Government happen, the people remaining the ſame, are both in Law and equity liable to pay theſe debts. For though it is a great queſtion how far Subjects are obliged to pay their Soveraigns; yet it was never queſtioned by any, but that ſuch as are made for the Publick by the peoples tacit, and much more expreſs conſent; muſt be paid by the people, what ever change be made in the Government. Whether from a Monarchy to a Republick,Demoſthen adv. Leptin. V. Diſquiſit. politic. 53. as the Communality of Athens paid the 100 Talents which their 30 Tyrants had borrowed of the Lacedemonians; and theſe very Provinces, that which the King of Spain was indebted to the people: Or from a Republick to a Monarchy; Non deſinit debere pecuniam populus rege ſibi impoſito, quam liber debebat; eſt enim idem populus, & dominium retinet eorum quae populi fuerant; imò & imperium inſe retinet, quanquam jam non exercendum à corpore ſed à capite, &c. Grotius de jure belli & pacis, l. 2. c. 9. Sect. 8. See alſo Arniſaeus de rep. lib. 1. c. 5. Sect. 4. Quatenus acta Reip. obligent civitatem, and the Civilians de rebus creditis, Digeſt. lib. 11. tit. 1. l. 27.
All the difficulty therefore will be if a change come, how the payment of theſe juſt debts may be procured. And here we need no other Counſellors advice, than our own reaſon, which will inform us, that the freer any people are and the more they participate of power; the more probable it is, and alſo the more facile for them to obtain their rights. Now that we are likely to have more freedom under England than France, I have ſhewn ſufficiently in the former Section. Yea common experience as well as reaſon hath learnt the world this leſſon; that when inferiors can only pray and petition, they may daily get fair promiſes, and perhaps be ſprinkled with ſome Court-holy-water; but performances and payments are ſtill the work of to morrow, and continually kept as reſerves in the rear. Nor can they biing more arguments for their expedition, than Superiors have excuſes for their delaying: and if at laſt their patience be worn as thread-bare, as their clothes with attendance; ſo that they become importune in requeſting; then Grandees grow deaf in hearing, and reſolvedly peremptory in denying: whence both ſides frequently fall to irregular proceedings; the one for recovering, and the other for defrauding them of their rights. Whereas thoſe that can, not only requeſt, but alſo legally require, that juſtice be done; have ground to hope, that when the touchines of times is over, and the boiſterous paſſions of great ones are laid; ſome happy conjuncture of affairs may prove a proſperous gale to bring them at laſt, their hazardous adventures home in ſafety.
4. and laſtly, (that I may draw this arrow to the head) I ſhall deſire that we may conſider a little of the Lands and Revenues, formerly belonging to the Romiſh Church. Which to defend our ſelves in our Wars with Spain, were ſold to ſeveral, and are ſince parcelled out into many more hands. Now the very mentioning of this I ſhould think ſufficient; the difference between France and England herein, being ſo well known. Do we hear what the former hath already done, in all thoſe places ſubject to him, and how they have ſet up all the Romiſh rable; and can we think that they will not in time recover (what ever promiſes they paſs for the preſent) that which not only they themſelves, but all of their Religion account their right? Can we imagine that their Biſhops, Abbots, Priors, and other Superior Orders, will live like Parochials or Mendicant Friers? Who is ſo ignorant as knows not, that where ever the old Gentleman of Rome comes to rule, he brings with him many attendants to bear up his train; and that their pomp muſt be ſupported, though many Gentlemen thereby be ruined? Whereas on the contrary, England is by them, in the ſame condemnation with our ſelves; neither permitting his headſhip and dominion over them, nor his members and followers any demains among them. So that we may ſafely conclude, that all thoſe that poſſes ſuch Eſtates, as the Church of Rome doth challenge; can neither rationally hope to keep them under France, nor fear to loſe them under England.