The Interest of These United Provinces, Section 12
Sect. 12. France's Ambition. Crowing greatnes. The cauſe thereof. We and England in the fault. The Common Intreſt of Europe to oppoſe France particularly declared of the Empire, Spaine, England, Denmarke, and this Republick and Hans Townes. Yea of Sweden, Savoy, and Switzerland. The ballance of Europe to be kept even, and by whom.
To thoſe that know the World, the ambition of France cannot be unknown. Lets but look a litle about us, and we ſhall ſee the French Intreſt is every where driven on. To ſet this forth in its right-colors, would require Volums rather then Pages. We ſhall therfore doe as the Painter, that inſtead of drawing the Giant at length, drew onelyonly his Thumb; or as Geographers that ſet forth great Countreys in ſmall Maps. And for this we ſhall not looke far backwards to former times, but onelyonly our owne, ſince France recovered of thoſe ſtrong Convulſions, by the Civil Wars and Diſſentions in Mazarines time, in the minority of his preſent Majeſty. And we ſhall find ſufficient, to awaken the moſt part of Princes and States in Europe, to looke to themſelves. The Invaſion of the Spaniſh Netherlands; the taking the French Comte (though after reſtored to the Spaniſh) and Lorreigne, which they ſtill keepe; the engageing a ſtrong party of the Electors, and Princes of the Empire for their Intreſt; the worke they have made in Poland and Hungary, that that Crowne might be at their diſpoſal, and this diverted; their taking the Swede off the Triple Alliance, and obliging him to give the Emperor worke in Germany, and Brandenburgh in Pruſſia, with a great ſum of Money; ſome ſay and Print allſo 60 Tun of Gold, or 600000 l ſterling; the endeavours they have uſed with Portugal to give Spaine a diverſion, though that Kingdom is not in a capacity to ſerve their deſignes; the worke allſo they have made in Italy; their intreſting themſelves in all Treaties allmoſt in Europe; the Penſions they allow to Miniſters of State in moſt Princes Courts, and many other wayes they take to enlarge their Empire. Thoſe that are deſirous to ſee their deſignes, may conſult the late Author of La France Politique ou ſes deſſeins executez & à executer. And eſpecially the ingenious diſcours of the Baron of Iſola, in's Bouclier d'Eſtat & de Juſtice Article 6. where he ſhows France's aſpiring to the Ʋniverſal Monarchy, and by what maxims and means, they advance apace towards it; and as their ambition is great, ſo their pretentions are boundles. Who knows not how they pretend, not onelyonly to the Spaniſh Netherlands, but the whole Empire? Des juſtes pretentions du Roy ſur l'Empire, par le Sieur Aubery Advocat au Parliament, & aux conſeils du Roy. Printed at Paris 1667. And there are Aubery's, or at leaſt Advocates enow in Paris, to draw up pretenſions to the Crowne of England; and ſo of one Kingdome and State after another, according as their Swords ſhall be able to purſue them.
And indeed ſuch is the growing greatnes of that Kingdome, that it is become formidable to all Europe. I need not inſiſt on this the World is ſufficiently ſenſible of it; but it may be worth our pains to enquire into the cauſes thereof.
France formerly had ſeverall boundaries to their Ambition, which by degrees they have broken downe. Severall Dukes, on the one ſide that of Normandie, Comines, 1, 6. c. 3.and the Engliſh after who for 400 years together latè dominati ſunt in Gallia; till Charles the 7. his time; and that of Bretagnie, till Charles the 8 gained it to the Crowne of France, by the marriage of Anne, Daughter of Francis the 2. the laſt Duke thereof; and on the other ſide the Dukes of Bungundie, till Lewis the 11. who after the death of Charles the laſt Duke ſlaine at the Battell of Nancey, ſeized thereon, and united it to the Crowne of France. Theſe three Potentates kept the French Kings continually under, by their Confederations and Wars againſt that Kingdome. Which Bands, they having once broke, they became at liberty to get more elbow-room in the World; and become the largeſt, compacteſt, and ſtrongeſt Kingdom of Europe, were it not that their owne inteſtine Diviſions, and frequent Civil Wars hath often weakned them.
After France had arrived at this greatnes, the following Kings Charles the 8. Lewis the 12. and Francis the firſt, fruitleſly ſpent the Kingdoms ſtrength in their Wars in Italy; till Francis and Charles the 5. became competitors for the Empire, and Spaine and France a fit match for each other in power. Since which time ſuch mighty conteſts have been betwixt thoſe two Kingdoms, as have filled all Europe with terror and amazement, and all Hiſtorians with their Actions. But how France hath ſo far prevailed, as we ſee at preſent, is partly by our owne, and partly by the Engliſh fault; we by Commiſſion, and they by Omiſſion, as we ſhall (with what brevity we can) make apparent, in regard it may be uſefull to us both.
During the reigne of Charles the 5. and Francis aforeſaid, the Reformation of Religion begun, which occaſioned great alterations to the Kingdom of France, and to the Kings of Spaine in theſe Low Countries. Wherein the Crowne of Spaine continued to proſecute their intreſt, in breaking downe the power of France by all means poſſible, and eſpecially by joyning with the Guiſian faction which ſtiled themſelves the Holy-League, under pretenſe of oppoſing the Proteſtants. Thoſe great conteſts which the ſeverall factions in France clothed with the glorious mantle of Religion, are well knowne to thoſe that are converſant in their Hiſtories, and are particularly declared by many; but beſt in my judgement, on the Proteſtants ſide by Beza, the Author (though not named) of thoſe 15 Bookes, he ſtiles Commentariorum de Statu Religionis & Reip. in Regno Galliae, ſub Henrico. 2. Franciſo 2. Carolo 9. & Henrico 3. And on the Papiſts by Davila in his excellent Hiſtorie of the Civil Wars of France. In which Conteſts, in the Reigns of the four forementioned Kings, the Succeſſors of Francis the 1, and in the times of Henry the 4. who ſucceded them; the Proteſtants (called there Hugonots) got into their Poſſeſſion, above 300 Garriſons and Forts in that Kingdome.
On the otherhand France was not aſleep, or awanting to proſecute their intreſt, in fomenting, promoting, and carrying on thoſe diviſions in theſe Low Countries; to breake downe the power of Spaine, into whoſe hands they had fallen by marriage (as we have ſaid) and to remove the obſtacle, which theſe Provinces conſtantly were, to their advancing their deſignes. For which end they continually aſſiſted us, and whilſt they pretended to fight our Battells; at our charges they really fought their owne. And leſt the Houſe of Auſtria ſo nearly allied to Spaine, ſhould afford them further aſſiſtance, they ingage Sweden to invade the Empire, and give the Emperor worke at home, allowing A. D. 1631. Guſtavus Adolphus 300000. Franks for levying an Army, and a Million yearly for paying them, (every Frank being two Shillings ſterling) as in the years 1625. and 1635. they fathering all the Empire did on Spaine, engaged us allſo in more firme and conſtant Leagues againſt them. This being the true State of thoſe times between thoſe two Crownes, we therein thus doubly miſcarried, and erred both in our Civil and Religious Intreſt.
Firſt in that we thought we could never bring Spaine low enough, nor aſſiſt France ſufficiently againſt them. In this blind zeale we went a great deale too far, though nothing the length that France deſired: For had we liſtned to their ſuggeſtions, we had to this day continued our Wars with Spaine, and ſo have done their worke for them. What arts France uſed to diſſwade us from peace with Spaine, may be ſeen in their Hiſtorian Priol, De Rebus Gallicis, L. 10.as well as our owne, concerning the Treaty of Munſter. But the States ſeeing the ſucceſſes of France, of whoſe greatnes they now at laſt, and indeed too late, became jealous; to which they were the more awakened, by the French approaches towards us in Flanders, and taking of Dunkirke, it being their owne proverb Aye le Francois pour ton Amy, non pas pour ton voiſin: they reſolve to take the opportunity which was put into their hands by Spaine; who deſpairing of peace with France, ſought nothing more then to take off their confederates, the Swede, and theſe united Provinces eſpecially, by concluding a peace with us, and procuring one allſo between the Empire and Sweden. For knowing their owne weaknes, and great worke on their hands, by the revolt of Portugall, Rebellion in Catalonia, the doubtfull condition of Naples, the frequent loſſes they had received, and their want of men and money to war every where; they offerd us equall conditiors; and we privately without the knowledge either of the French Plenipotentiaries, or the Mediators (Chigie from the Pope, and Contaren from the State of Venice) except them at laſt, and a peace is made betwixt us at Munſter, January 30. 1648. and quickly after between the Empire and Sueden at Oſnaburg Auguſt the 6. in the ſame yeare. By which meanes Spaine was freed from our Wars, had opportunity of Proſecuting theirs againſt Portugall, and of creating France trouble at home by joyning with the Condean fact on, in the greatnes of Mazarine, and the minoritie of his preſent Majeſty. This peace ſo ſtuck on the Cardinals ſtomack, that neither He nor that Kingdome have ever digeſted it: but becauſe we would not war for them any longer, reſolved they would war againſt us at laſt: though if we had not done that too long, they had never done this ſo ſuccesfully.
Secondly we help forward France's greatnes and our owne deſtruction, by helping to deſtroy the Proteſtant Intreſt in that Kingdome. For as France had the power of Spaine to keep them in on every ſide; ſo they had allſo a curb of the Proteſtants at home, to check them in their exorbitant deſignes. Who from the beginning of the Reformation under Francis the firſt, Henry the 2d, and Francis the 2d had growne to that ſtrength and greatnes, that they grew formidable to the Crowne of France. And notwithſtanding the Maſſacre of Merindel and Chabries A. D. 1545. and the 8 ſeveral civill Wars that was made againſt them; (by Charles the 9, and 3 by Henry the 3) the great Maſſacre at Paris 1572. yet God ſo bleſt them and multiplied them, that in the yeare 1560 there was reckoned above 1250 Churches of them, and by their ſeverall capitulations with the two forementioned Kings at the end of their civill Wars, and the Connivance of Henry the 4 formerly Head of their party, they got 300 at leaſt Garriſons and forts for their defenſe, which he uſed to call, the Commonwealth of Rochel, that and Montauban being their principall places of ſtrength. From whom they obteined ſeverall immunities, but eſpecially that of the liberty of their Religion; which he confirmed to them by the ratification of the ſeverall conceſſions of his Predeceſſors in the Edict of Nantes, 1598, paſſed in the Parliament of Paris February the 25 in the following yeare. Allthough the promulgation thereof, out of reſpect to Cardinal Medices was deferd, till March the 2. 1599. Which he then vehemently preſt, begining his ſpeech with a ſtrange prodigie that had fallen out betwixt Himſelfe and the Duke of Guiſe 26 yeares before, who being about to play at tables in the preſence of many Nobles, there appeard drops of blood, which though once and againe wiped off, yet new ſtill were perceived, and none knew whence; there being not any in the roome that bled; which he then declared for a ſad omen of much blood, that ſhould be ſhed betwixt them two, which having accordingly happend to his great grief, he deſired to take away all further occaſions of their civill Wars by publiſhing that edict &c. which may be ſeen in Thuanus.Lib. 122. This great King by name and merit, having fought 140 battels and skirmiſhes with his owne hands, beleagured 300 Cities and forts, was no ſooner ſhine by the dagger of that Raſcally villane Ravillac, in the midſt of his greateſt glory and deſignes; But his Son and Succeſſor Lewis the 13. confirmes the ſame, May the 22. 1610 wherein he acknowledges that, Experience having taught the Kings his Predeceſſors that the fury and violence of Armes had not onelyonly been unprofitable to draw their ſubjects to the Romane Church, but was rather hurtfull: which made them have recourſe by a more happy Counſel, to mildnes, granting them the exerciſe of the Reformed Religion they profeſſed: in whoſe imitation his father (Henry the 4) had made the Edict of Nantes, to reconcile all his loving ſubjects: the obſervation whereof, had ſetled and aſſured quiet amongſt them, which had ever ſince continued without interruption. And declares that though that Edict be perpotual and irrevocable, and by that meanes hath no need to be confirmed by any new declarations; yet to the end his ſubjects may be aſſured of his love and intention to have the ſaid Edict inviolably kept (being made for the good and quiet of his ſubjects) therefore it is ordained by him with the advice of the Queen Regent, Princes of the blood &c. that the ſame be kept inviolably; and thoſe that ſhall infringe it, ſeverely puniſhed, as troublers of the publick peace of the Kingdome, &c. Yet notwithſtanding all this, the King being provoked by them, is induced, much againſt his inclination, to War againſt them whom he declared Rebels 1621. and tooke many of their cautionary Townes from them, yet this was at laſt compoſed. and they reſerved Rochel and ſeverall other places ſtill for their defence. But afterwards, at the inſtigation of Cardinal Richelieu, (not out of any zeale for his Religion being called the Hugonot Cardinal, but of Policy to free France from their feares of the Proteſtant party at home) with much regret the King makes War againſt them againe 1625. and ſent to the States for Twenty ſayle of Men of War according to the late Treaty, which was aſſented unto, though with great reluctancy, and they was ſent under Admiral Hauthain; which were eſpecially inſtrumentall of ruining the Proteſtants power at Sea, and of Rochel aftewards, and conſequently all the power that party had left under the Duke of Rohan, with nere 50 places for their Protection: All their Cautionary Townes being diſmantled, and they having no other ſhelter, but the ſhaddow of the Almighty, and their Kings clemency left them to flie unto for their defence. So that as I wiſh we had otherwiſe imployed our power, ſo I pray (as Schookius *Imperium maritimum, c. 27.in our firſt War with England, Deum rego, fillis & nepotibus non imputet, quae a parentibus facta fuerunt) that God may not lay this ſin to our charge. The Proteſtants having thus made their laſt will and Teſtament, whereby the Crowne became ſole heir and executor of all they had, Lewis the laſt thereby became the greateſt Monarch ſince Charles the Great; his predeceſſors having reduced the many Provinces diſmemberd from France by Hugh Capet into one entire body, and he all the parts thereof to the entire ſubjection of the Crowne; and that Kingdome at liberty to look abroad, and carry on their deſignes where they pleaſe, having for this end gained 3 keys to their neighbor Kingdoms, Pignerol to enter Italy; Briſack Germany, and Perpignan Spaine.
We have ſeene how we have gon againſt our intreſt in overdoing our worke; lets now ſee how England have been no les guilty, in not doing their duty; wherein they have not onelyonly been greatly awanting to themſelves, but more to the Proteſtant intreſt in Europe.
The Proteſtants in France having by Armes, Treaties, Conceſſions, and Confirmations of ſeverall Kings, obteined that ſtrength which we have declared: There could be nothing more clearly the intreſt of all thoſe of the Reformed Religion, and eſpecially their Neighbors then to ſupport them in their juſt rights; Which Queen Elizabeth and her Council ſo well underſtood, that though ſhe had aſſiſted theſe Provinces both with money and men conſiderably, whereby ſhe had drawne upon her a War with Spaine which was very coſtly to her, and allſo occaſioned the Rebellion in Ireland, which to reduce ſtood Her and her Kingdom of England in 4 yeares time no les, if we take Moriſons accompt, then 1198000 L. Sterling: yet ſhe neglects not to ſupply Henry of Navar againſt the Guiſian league and faction for the ſupport of the Proteſtants, with 101560 franks for the Baron of of Donna to raiſe an Army in Germany, A. D. 1587, for his ſervice: and 71165 beſides 20000 ſhe ſpent in ſending 4000 men under the conduct and command of the Lord Willoughby A. 1589. and 33333 to levy an Army under the Prince of Anhalt, Camdeni Annales 1590.for the ſervice, and as much money ſhe lent Navar himſelfe, the following yeare 1590 and continually upon all occaſions ſupported him and the intreſt of the Reformed Religion in thoſe Kingdoms, ſo that ſhe was publickly prayed for by the Hugonots as their Protectoreſſe.
No ſooner was this great Princeſſe dead, whoſe glory yet will never dye,Lib. 129. (being accounted by her very enemies the Guiſians, the moſt glorious that ever ſwayed Scepter, glorioſiſſima, & omnium quoe unquam ſceptrum geſtarunt, foeliciſſima famina, as Thuanus tells us, adding many great elogiums of her, and conluding none ever was or will be like her of that ſex:) and King James called in, to ſucceed in that Crowne: but the French, though they had underhand oppoſed the conjunction of thoſe two Kingdoms all they could, having ſtill made uſe of Scotland formerly in their Wars with England for a diverſion to them, by ſetting them upon entring that Kingdom at the back doore betwixt them; and as loath allſo that ſuch an acceſſion of power ſhould accrew to their old enemies the Engliſh; yet now they are the firſt that come with a ſplendid Embaſſage, to welcome him to his new Crownes, This King, if he had had as much of the Lions courage, as he had of the ſoxes cunning and Kingcraft as he called it; how happy had it bene both for his owne family, and his Kingdoms! But as he was the occaſion of the ſad diſaſters that happend to both, as is ſhewne not only by the Hiſtorians, but particular Authors in the Engliſh tongue,Ruſhworth Welden. Osburne, &c. ſo I ſhall now briefly ſhew how he occaſioned many and great irreparable loſſes to the Proteſtant intreſt abroad, eſpecially by his puſillanimity.
How he perſwaded this Republick to a 12 yeares Truce with Spaine, and how prejudiciall it was to theſe Provinces, is well knowne. How earneſtly he was preſt to aſſiſt his ſon the Palſgrave, both by forreigne Princes abroad, and his Parliaments at home, I need not mention: nor how he ſpent more in Embaſſies, their traines and Treaties, then would have done his worke with men of Armes and traines of Artillery. I ſhall onelyonly ſpeak of that relating to the French Proteſtants, as the proper ſubject of my diſcourſe.
When Lewis the 13 ſet upon reducing the Cautionary Townes which the Proteſtants had in his Kingdome, by the grants of ſeverall Kings (as we have ſaid) and the diſtreſſed ſought to the Crowne of England for Reliefe: K. James according to his uſuall cuſtom, onelyonly imployes Embaſſadors, the Lord Herbert once and againe; whom the French delayd with words, till they had done their worke. For knowing King James's temper too well, Luynes the High Conſtable of France, Howels Hiſt. of Lewis 13. A. 1621.being appointed to give Herbert audience, firſt ſets a Gentleman of the Reformed Religion behind the hangings, that being an eare-witneſs of what paſt, might relate to the Reformiſts, what ſmall grounds of hope they had, of having ſuccors from the Crowne of England; and then in ſtead of hearkning to his Embaſſage, in a moſt inſolent manner affronted both his Maſter and himſelf with menaces: which when he could not brooke, but roundly replyed, His Maſter then knew what he had to doe, and offered the Conſtable who was chollerick thereat, the ſatisfaction of his Sword; the French Embaſſador miſrepreſents what paſt to K. James, and procures Herbert to be called home, and the Earle of Carlile is ſent in his place, to as little purpoſe as before. Nor was this the worſt, for the Duke of Guiſe obteined 8 Engliſh ſayle of men of War to joyne with him againſt the Rochellers and them of the Religion to diſtres them by Sea, as the Count of Soiſſons did by Land (for which the Duke of Buckingham was after queſtioned in Parliament) and thus the greateſt part of the Proteſtants power was broke downe, and had been wholy, but that the French had not then time by reaſon of the Spaniſh worke in the Valtolin; ſo that a peace was skind over for a ſmall time, till they had leiſure to open the wound againe, and make the poore Patients bleed their laſt. Theſe things cauſed great complaints of England every where amongſt them of the Reformed Religion, and occaſioned Deodate's ſaying, that King Jame's ſins of omiſſion, were greater then all his Predeceſſors ſins of Commiſſion.
Though the pacification was publiſhed at Montpellier, yet Richelieu being made Miniſter of State and chief Director of affaires in France, A. 1624; he made it his firſt worke to go on with the deſigne of deſtroying the Proteſtants power in that Kingdome; and though the King was againſt it at firſt, yet the Cardinal carried it on at laſt, ſo that afterwards he ſaid, He had taken Rochel in ſpight of three Kings, meaning his owne England and Spaine. For the accompliſhing this worke, the Eagle-eyed Richelieu foreſeeing that England and theſe States might ſtand in his way and obſtruct him, he reſolves to charme us both to a compliance. For which end France makes a ſtricter league with theſe Ʋnited Provinces, affords us 1600000 franks yearly for the two next following, to be repaid the two next years after our peace with Spain, agrees for ſhips for their ſervice, &c. And for England, though they knew K. James would not diſturb their deſignes, yet not knowing what the Prince of Wales might doe, there were meanes uſed to ingage him, by a Match with Henriette the onelyonly Daughter then unmarried of Henry the 4. K. Iames who was deſirous to match his onelyonly ſon Conſiderably, had for 9 or 10 year beene. Courting of Spaine to this purpoſe, that ſo with one he might have the Palatinate reſtored to the Palsgrave; and the Prince of Wales, having paſt through France incognito into Spaine, to make love perſonally to the Infanta, and ſee with his owne eyes if fame belied not her beauty; and being there ſtill delayed, but not denyed (the Spaniſh deſiring to ſee all the Daughters of France firſt matcht, to prevent an alliance betwixt England and that Kingdome) and the buſines of the Palatinate ſtill kept in ſuſpence; he is commanded home by his Father K. James. But having ſeen the Lady Henriette at a maske, in his paſſage through France, under the notion of an Engliſh Gentleman, and being taken with her beauty, more then the Infanta's; overtures are made of a Marriage with her, and though ſome in the French Council, were rather for her matching to Lorraigne (that ſo thoſe Territories might be gained to France, which had been long troubleſom to them) yet this reaſon of State, of obliging him not to interrupt their deſigne of ruining the Proteſtants, and prevent his marrying with Spaine prevailed, and in 9 moneths time a Match is concluded.
Richelieu thinking France ſecure of theſe two they moſt feared; falls to worke to reduce the Hugonots Cautionary Townes. Upon which Soubeze and Blankart goe for England to implore K. Charles (his Father K. Iames being then dead) his aſſiſtance. This good King thinks himſelfe obliged in conſcience and honour, notwithſtanding his marriage with the King of France's ſiſter, to ſupport them. And indeed ſo he was, for the Ambaſſadors and Agents of the Crowne of England, had become Caution to thoſe of the Religion, for the King of France's performance with them. He therfore ſends 150 ſayle of ſhips and an Army of 10000 men; under the Command of the Duke of Buckingham, to take off that odium which was upon him in England, for what was formerly done under K. Iames. Who publiſhed a Manifeſto in the K. of Englands name July the 21. 1627. declaring that though there were other grounds ſufficient for a War, as the abuſe of the Engliſh Merchants, their ſhips and goods ſeized on, and the extraordinary equipping for Sea in France; yet that the ſole cauſe of the War, was the Crowne of France's not performing of Articles with thoſe of the Reformed Religion. This expedition, and the cauſes of its miſcarriage, is writ by a learned pen*Expeditio in Ream Inſulam. authore Edovardo Herbert Baronc de Cherbury. and well knowne from the moderne Hiſtories of both Kingdoms. The French and Engliſh both proceed, the former in carrying on, the latter to prevent if poſſible, their deſignes. For which end K. Charles ſent the Earle of Denbigh with another Fleet, which was able to effect nothing; and the Earle of Linzey with the laſt (Buckingham being aſſaſinated by Felton the day before he was to embarke) But before Linzey came, ſuch ſtupendous workes were raiſed (of which Bertius hath writ a particular booke) and ſo palliſadoed, that the Cardinall ſent to the Engliſh Admirall, that he ſhould have a paſport with 6 of his ableſt Commanders, to come a ſhore and view the works, and if they thought Rochel relievable, he would raiſe loſt Rochel, upon which followed the Duke of Rohan and the reſt of the Reformiſts compliance, the diſmantling of their remaining Garriſons (above 40 whereof Mantauban was the laſt) and a peace with England, and thoſe of the Reformed Religion in France.
Since which time what mighty deſſignes have been contrived, and carried on by the two Cardinalls, Richelieu and Mazarine, for that Kingdome abroad, whoſe plots they are ſtill purſuing; is not unknowne to thoſe that are curiouſly inquiſitive. How the former wrought the revolt of Portugal, the Rebellion in Catalonia, the carrying on the Wars in theſe Countries, to bring downe Spaine; ſet on foot and fomented the diſtractions of Great Britaigne, firſt by the Scots, and afterwards by other means, to give England worke at home: tamperd with Walleſteyne for betraying the Imperiall Army, for whoſe death he moſt paſtionately wept, failing thereby of his hopes, of France's ſpeedy comeing to the Empire: engaged Sweden to ſerve their ends in Germany; tooke Pignerol to keep Italy in aw: Lorraigne is taken; the Dukes of Savoy, Mantua, and Modena are wholly at France's ſervice: and the Princes Electors, eſpecially the Eccleſiaſticall, rather courting the favour of that Crown, then the Imperiall This was the true State of France, at the death of Richelieu in 42 and the King his Maſter, who quickly followed him, May 14. 1643. the ſame day of the yeare his father died, and wherein he was Crowned. Which I have beene the larger in, firſt becauſe tis for the moſt part the ſame now, and in ſeverall things greater than then, eſpecially by their alliance with England, and ſucceſs againſt theſe and the Spaniſh Netherlands: and 2. that it might appeare, how far they have overgrowne Spaine in power, that ſo the world may be awakend, and ſee to lop off their ſuperfluous bowes, leſt they grow in time like Nebuchadnezars tree, ſo great that they overſhadow us all. For Mazarine ſucceeding Richelieu as Miniſter of State, who was his onelyonly Scholler that proved his paralel, to which two Clergy-men let me ſay it, for it is a truth (though I know the Laity may ſtomack it) France owes their preſent greatnes; the firſt 5 yeares after till 48 that tumultuous Nation was never wiſelier governed in the non-age of their Soveraigne: and though in the next luſtre or five yeares following till 53, they had ſome aguiſh fits that ſhaked them in their civill wars, yet they ſoone recovered thereof, and have ever ſince growne ſtronger and ſtronger. So that it was high time for the Neighbour Nations no longer to dance after the fidle of France. And the States ſaw this, and therefore made peace, as I have ſaid; but England herein offended againe, and prevaricated in the common intreſt of Europe. Let me ſhew how briefly, becauſe it may ſatisfie perhaps the curioſity of ſome that have wondred at it, as much as my ſelfe, in regard they have been ignorant of the true grounds thereof.
When Cromwel the Hanibal of the Engliſh Common-wealth, and immortal enimie and Terror to Rome, came to have the power of thoſe three Kingdoms in his hands; he ſaw it neceſſary to engage thoſe Nations and imploy his Armies in a forreigne War; for without an Army he could not maintaine the power he had got, and without imploying them he could not quietly enjoy it (Armies being like raiſed them) and beſides this neceſſity of intreſt, his own inclination ſtrongly carried him, and perhaps ſome extravagant hopes, to pull downe the Pope; for he once ſaid to Lambert, were I as young as you, I ſhould not doubt to knock at the gates of Rome before I died. Spaine and France both courted him, knowing what mettal his ſword was made of, and his Iron-ſides wore; of which competition he made his advantage, obteining ſuch conditions of France, as were a wonder to all, that underſtood the maxims of their Government. That which moſt inclined him to the French, was that he judged Spaine and Auſtria the two ſtrongeſt Hornes of Antichriſt, whoſe fall was come as one of his Prophets (whom I could name) inſpired him, and that France might be brought to renounce Rome; intending withall to get ſuch places in Flanders and over againſt the coaſt of England, that he might keep the Dutch in aw, and with a few of his Ships command a toll for the paſſage in the Channel, as the Dane did in the Sound. A League thereofore is made with France, March 23. 1657 for a yeare, and renewed the next, by Lockard his Ambaſſador, who for his parts and ſagacity was ſo acceptable to Mazarine, that he had more acces to him, and buſines with him, then all the Ambaſſadors at Paris beſides. Theſe two Cromwel, and the Cardinal the ſtronglier to carry on their deſignes, take in the King of Sweden for a third into their confederacy (Chriſtina having reſigned that Crowne, and wandring about like a blazing Comet) and theſe three Leagued together made the Triumvirate of thoſe times.
Sweden was to pluck the plumes of the Roman Eagle, when he had clipt the wings of his Neighbours, that they might not fly upon the prey he left behind. Wherein Oliver ſo concerned himſelf, that when the Dane had got the Dutch for his ſecond, he ſent Montague to boye up Swedens ſinking intreſt in the Sound: and they were ſo neere an engagement, that they had certainly fought, had not the Engliſh eſpied an Advice-Yacht coming towards them, which bringing them newes of the Protectors death, they hoyſt up failes, and returnd home.
France was to pull downe Spaine by Land, with his own forces, and ſuch as the Protector could ſpare. Which Lockard the Embaſſador there commanded. Who having beene more uſed to fight in the field, then play the pioneers with their ſpades, were not ſo much eſteemed at firſt by the French: till the ſight with Don John of Auſtria's Army which came to relieve Dunkirke, wherein they behaved themſelves with that gallantry, that Don John cryed out he was beat by raging wild beaſts rather then men; and that great Soldjer the Prince of Conde hath often ſaid ſince, that he never ſaw the like action, as was that day performed by the Engliſh Shortly after Dunkerke yielded, and was put into the Engliſh hands.
The Protector was to bring downe Spaine by Sea, which he ſaid he would do, or he and his ſhould live on bread and water. Intending allſo to carrie on the deſigne, which Sidney, Rawleight and ſeveral of the wiſeſt men of the Indies; but as ſhe had too many irons in the fire to carry on that worke, ſo how he miſcarried in it, is ſufficiently knowne. And indeed he had broke Spaines Naval power much more then he did, allthough he did a great deale at Tenerif and elſewhere, had it not been for a ſmall accident that happend, which was this. Admirall Blake, who ſtill principled his ſeamen in thoſe Confuſions and frequent Revolutions of Government, that the Fleet ſerved no Parties nor Perſons, but the Engliſh Nation; having brought ſome of his great ſhips before Tunis, batterd down the Caſtle and compeld them to his termes; for which extraordinary ſervice he expected the reward of gratitude at leaſt: In ſtead thereof, by his next Advice from England he hath a pardon ſent him, for endangering, the Fleet in ſuch an attempt without order, &c. Which ſo ſtuck on the ſtomack of that ſtout and ſturdy Stoick, that afterwards the Spaniſh Fleet coming on the maine Ocean off Cadiz; He reading his Commiſſion, and finding it onelyonly for fighting them in the Mediterranean, would not fall on them, though the Commanders Sollicited him, promiſed to anſwer it for him, &c. onelyonly was willing to fight if the Spanjards begun; but though the Engliſh provoked them to it, and affronted them all they could, yet the wary Spanjard was wiſer then to ingage, and ſo ſaved themſelves; at which Oliver ſtormed not a litle, but Blake cared not much, the Admirall heereby crying quits with the Generall.
Thus you ſee what great things a little blind zeale may doe. And indeed it is not ſo much to be admired at in him, he having had ſuch an enthuſiaſticall heat, as all know, that knew him well; nor can we wonder ſo much, if his head ſometimes run round, who was ſo continually wrapt up in ſuch whirlepooles of affaires, as he was perpetually plunged in: though to miſcarry in ſo great a concernment for the Proteſtant Intreſt, was a capitall crime in him above all others; who deſigning to pul down the Pope, *Grotius de jure bel. & pac. l. 2. c. 22. voluntatem implondi vaticinia, ſine Dei, mandato, non eſſè cauſam bellitby bringing downe Spaine, ſet up France to ruine the Protestants throughout Chriſtendome. Thus Ludit in humanis divina potentia rebus!
But theſe three lived not long to goe on with theſe deſignes, and indeed it was well for the world they did not. Oliver went firſt, at which Mazarine, was ſecretly glad, ſaying when the newes was brought him as he was at play, there's then a fortunate foole gon. But this was but to trample upon a dead lion, whom he ſo ridiculouſly feared before, that his greateſt Confidents made themſelves privately merry therewith. Knowing how uncivily for this, he put the King of England out of France; and the Duke of Yorke allſo notwithſtanding his ſervice, and the Cavalries acclamations of vive's to him, and curſes of the Cardinal: Yea how after his death he feared his ſhaddow, for in the Iſle of Feſant 59 at the interview of the two Kings and their Courts, where the marriage was made, and peace concluded betwixt them, (which Mazarine had reſerved for his owne glory) and the King of great Britaine being there received by Lewis de Haro at firſt with the height of a Spaniſh complement in the depth of the mire, and treated after with all civility: yet the Cardinal, though courted by the Duke of Ormond, durſt not ſpeake with him, for feare of Lockard that was preſent at the Treatie. But though the crafty Cardinal was no coward, yet thus fearefull, and timorouſly was he cautious for Him, whom I know he hated above all Mortals, and that Common-wealth above all people in the world; as I can many wayes make apparent, if it was of any importance to the publick.
But to be briefe, Olivers other two Conſorts followed after him quickly, and theſe three Conquerors, being cut of by death, who kept all Chriſtendome in aw whilſt they lived, the world had a little quiet, till France got a horſeback again in Flanders.
But betwixt and that time was that great change in England by the wonderfull providence of God in the reſtoration of his Majeſty, by which meanes the French got Dunkirke again into their hands, and were therby capacitated, the better to carry on their worke againſt theſe Countries. Atwhich the French made themſelves merry, and ſome ſay abuſively, by having Dunkirke drawn with a purſe hanging over it: The Engliſh ſtormed, and ſome ſwore Oliver would have ſold his great noſe, rather then Dunkerke. Yea this ſtill ſticks on many of their ſtomachs; I remember at my laſt being in England in 66, and ſeeing Clarenden Houſe; and wondring a little why it was ſituated ſo neer the roade, which made it both unfree, and moleſted with duſt; and critiſing upon ſome other things, the Oratory eſpecially, that the Chancelor that was the eldeſt Son of the Church of England, ſhould make his Chappel, as a wag writ of Emanuel Colledge's, ſo awry: Juſt North and South, yea verily: when I came above on the leads I was ſo pleaſed with the pleaſantnes of the proſpect, that I thought for that it might compare with any Houſe I had ſeen, knowing no place in England except above Greenwich, that I thought comparable to it, upon which the domeſtick had the confidence, perceiving me a ſtranger, to tell me I could not thence ſee Dunkirke; for the Commonality had Chriſtened it, and made Dunkirke the Godfather, calling the Houſe after its name. But though I confeſs it was againſt the Common Intreſt of Europe, that it ſhould fall to the French againe; yet whether it was againſt the Intreſt of the King of England, and that Kingdome, is not ſo cleare to me. I will onelyonly ſay this, that I know a perſon hath weighed that ſo well, that I ſhall carry this challenge for him, That if any Gentleman, Engliſh or French, pleaſes fairely to ſtate this Queſtion in hypotheſi, according to the circumſtances of thoſe times, let him take which ſide thereof he pleaſes, and uſe what weapons he will (and I think thats very faire) and he ſhall not want an Antagoniſt, that ſhall fight him fairely, whether he pleaſes to appeare in Roman buf, or in his halfe ſhirt made of his owne mothers language, upon the publick Theater of the World. And truly his deſigne is ſo honeſt, I dare be his Compurgator, and being a litle acquainted with it, I ſhall tell you briefly: It is to let men ſee, how hard it is ſometimes to diſcerne on which ſide the true intreſt of State lies, (there being ſo many circumſtances conſiderable, which often in the Scale of Policy, weigh heavier then that which byſtanders think the maine) and therby allſo to check the ſawcines of every ſhopkeeper, who like the litle Spaniſh Dons, will be cenſuring Princes Counſels, and condemning Miniſters of State, though they are ignorant of the grounds of their Actions, and much more of that which is true policy.
Having thus ſhewne the true State of France, and its continuall growing greatnes downe to the times of his preſent Majeſty, who hath not onelyonly got Dunkirke, regained Lorraigne, conquered a great part of Flanders from the Spaniſh but three Provinces allſo entirely from the States: It will clearely follow to be the Common Intreſt of Europe to oppoſe France in their future progreſs, except they meane to follow our fate.
I had thought to have been larger heerein then I ſhall, in regard my paines is heerein in part prevented, by the Authour of la France Politique from page 470 to 525, or the end: And having been ſo long allready, I may happily hereafter, diſcourſe this more largely in another language. I ſhall therefore be brieſ in that which remaines.
The Empire, though greatly concerned, (the French being not onelyonly nigh them, but among them, and having got ſuch places of the Rhyne, capacitated to pas over all at their pleaſure) yet ſeeme a ſleepe, and are therefore to be rouſed; and if no words will doe it, yet let the alarmes of War raiſe them, and the ſtrength of their enimies make them combine, leſt fighting ſingly, they be all foiled. I ſhall not ſtand to particularize, but ſurely the Duke of Newburgh and Prince of Liege that have been moſt guilty in letting the French have paſſage through, and quarter in their Countries; will have the firſt cauſe to repent, except they meane to ſell them to the Crowne of France; which yet may happily beat them downe in price, now they are ſo impoveriſhed by them. For though Gulick belonging to Newburg be ſtrong, the Caſtle eſpecially (which was the Patterne to that of Antwerp) yet it is on dry ground, eaſily approachable, and in a champaigne Country and not relievable from a ſiege. And if that ſmall City once be taken, all that pleaſant corne Country may cry out,
Impius haec tam culta novalia miles habebit,
Barbarus has ſegetes!
And though Liege (or Luyke) be great and populous, and the deſperateſt people in all times, that I know in Europe; yet vana eſt ſine viribus ira, the City hath ſuch hills overhanging it, that it is neither ſtrong by its ſituation, nor can hope of relief if they ſhould be diſtreſſed, except it be by a confederacy from others; and if this ſingle City be loſt, all their Country will be ſo quickly.
Yea not onelyonly thoſe on this ſide the Rhijne, but even all the reſt will quickly find, that if the wings of the Roman Eagle be clipt, and prove too ſhort to ſhaddow her young Ones; they will ſoone become a prey to the power of France, and will be throwne out of their neſts as ſpurious, if they cannot ſtedfaſtly behold the riſing ſun, and will not receive their warmth from his beames.
Spaine is ſenſible enough of their concernments, knowing that not onelyonly their Netherlands, but their Indies and Italy lie at the ſtake: for if France be Maſter of all theſe Provinces, they will ſoone be ſo of the Indies allſo; and the Dutch fetch thence, the Spaniſh Gold for the French Crowne; and the Lilies of France, be the Royall flower, in all their Gardens both in Italia and Sicilia.
England, though now their Confederate, cannot but know what danger they are in for their Trade; which is the beſt jewel in that Crowne, and the greateſt darling of that Kingdome. And therefore it is high time ſurely, that the Soveraigne ſtraiten not his intereſt at home, by eſpouſing any particular party; nor the ſubjects quarrel about Ceremonies, when the ſubſtance of Religion is ſo endangered; that ſo they may timouſly looke abroad, before it be too late and all be loſt; and his Majeſty in due time retire from France, and make himſelf and ſucceſſors (as is much deſired) the Head of all the Proteſtant party in Europe.
Denmark ſurely knows, that if the Empire fall they cannot ſtand: but muſt loſe both their toll in the Sound, and what by Land the French pleaſes.
This Republick of all others is moſt immediately concerned, for he is blind that ſees not, whatever ſome may flatter themſelves, that the French intend nothing les then reducing of us to their obedience.
And when this is done, and they advance upwards in the Empire; what are Stratsburg, Colen, Aken, Breme, Hamburg, and the reſt of the Hanſe Townes, and free Cities, but as ſo many morſels, eaſily eaten up and devoured?
Yea their conſtant friends and Allies may looke to themſelves.
Sweden how they will ſave their Biſhoprick of Breme, Pomeren, and what lies on this ſide the Baltick: and how they will ſell their Copper, which is the Staple commodity of their owne Countrey. And in ſtead of the French Crownes, which is now their uſuall money amongſt them; when that Kingdome hath no more neede of their ſervice; they may carry their owne Copper coyne on their backs to pay a collation, or laden a horſe when they travel, to pay for 2 or 3 good nights lodging.
Savoy knows he is at France's mercy, and therefore dances after their pipe, endeavouring to ſave himſelfe by his devotion. But they may remember the Lamb in the Fable, who when the Wolf above quarreld him, becauſe he troubled the water; anſwered that could not be ſo, in regard it deſcended to him, not from him; the Wolf then ſaid, he had reviled him 6 months before, to which the Lamb replying, he was not then borne. But thy Father then did ſaith He, and that's cauſe enough for the ſons ſuffering.
For Switzerland, though their mountaines and Poverty may ſecure perhaps their Countrey: yet what ſhall ſecure their liberty, which conſiſts in an equality amongſt them? or what ſhall ſecure the. Religion of the Proteſtant Cantons? or the good pay which the Popiſh have long had, for their ſervice in the Wars of France? They muſt then be content with what they can get, or be turned to graze on their owne mountaines.
And thus you ſee what neceſſity there is that the French be kept within bounds: and conſequently. that the ballance of Europe, be both brought and held in a greater equality. For intreſts changing continually with the revolution of times; and Kingdoms and Commonwealths, Cities and places, having their youth ſtrength and old age, as well as particular perſons: If leſſer Powers combine not together, they ſingly become like the ſmaller fiſhes, eaſily ſwallowed up and devoured by the greater. Thus the league between the King of Naples, Lib. 1.Duke of Millain and Florence A. D. 1480. ſecured Italy againſt the power of the Venctians; and the Confederacy of the Italians at Venice in 95, preſerved them from being all ruind by the French under Charles the 8, who had in a ſmall time conquered ſeverall, and got the Kingdome of Naples he came for:Lib. 2. as that wiſe Hiſtorian Guicciardine ſhews, in his excellent Hiſtorie of the Wars of Italie.
Nor let any thinke to obſtruct my paſſage with ſaying, that Wars to bring downe the growing greatnes of others are unlawfull.
For though very many both Lawiers and Hiſtorians are of the opinion they are,De jure belli l. 1. c. 14. as may be ſeene in Gentilis, and ſome Divines allſo, yea the whole Colledge of Sorben gave their determination for this, and the Learned Bacon *Eſſay (or ſermo fidelis) 19.ſaies plainely that the contrary opinion is not to be received, and many other moderne Authors concur heerein, beſides the many Precedents of States that have made preventive Wars, as the Lacedemonians againſt the Arhenians of old, and many eſpecially of later times; and the Arguments for it are not contemptible: yet notwithſtanding I am rather of Grotius's opinion,De jure belli & pac. l. 2. c. 1. §. 17. &c. 22. §. 5. that neither our owne feares and jealouſies, nor the growing greatnes of others, are ſufficient cauſes of warring againſt them.
But indeed neither of theſe is the cauſe we plead, but the following, which we will maintaine jure gentium or by the law of Nations to be juſt and equitable.
1. Let any Kingdome or Common-wealth grow as great, as they can by Gods bleſſing; yet ſo long as they keep themſelves, within the bounds of juſtice and equity with others; there is no juſt cauſe of breaking downe their power by War. For jealouſie that we may thereby ſuffer, is no ſufficient ground for us to fight them. It being with publick as wel as private ſafety, as Phyſitians ſay it is with our health, tollerably well, but never abſolute and perfect. And therefore againſt ſuch force as we may feare, we muſt truſt the Providence of God, and uſe lawfull meanes cautiouſly to prevent dangers; our Saviour having taught all Chriſtians to uſe the wiſdome of the Serpent with the innocencie of the dove, and curſed be they that ſeperates, what Chriſt hath joyned together.
2. When Neighbor Nations ſee the growing power of any, whence they have juſt cauſe of jealouſie: they ought to combine together; that ſo they may prevent the dangers they feare. And if any of the Confederates be unjuſtly invaded, they have all a juſt cauſe of War againſt the Agreſſor. As the Italians being jealous of the Venetians Power,Guicciardine's Hiſt. of Ital. l. 1. leagued themſelves for their owne defence, ſo that though the Republick of Venice was too ſtrong for any of them ſingly, yet being far too weake for them all, was kept within bounds, and they thereby wiſely ſecured themſelves.
3. When any Potentate that is ſtronger then his Neighbors aggreſſes any of them, the reſt ought to Confederate; and if his cauſe be juſt compell him to accept of due ſatisfaction, and if he will not, his cauſe then becoming unjuſt, and much more if it was ſo originally, to make War againſt him. As the Italians did againſt the French, when they under Charles the 8 were invaded. And the Triple Alliance of late, when the ſame nation had taken the County of Burgundie, commonly called the French Comté and invaded Flanders, both which belong to the Crowne of Spaine. Thus our Neighbors allſo ſhould now allie with us, in point of honeſt intreſt; that ſo we may reduce France to keepe within bounds, leſt we ſhould all be ruind by them.
I ſhall make theſe things plaine by familiar example. The ballancing of Nations is like to that of boats: they that by an even poize, might all ſit ſafe in a boate on a rough Sea, by the riſing up of ſome are all in danger to be drowned. In ſuch caſe therefore the company perceiving, a quarrel likely to ariſe amongſt ſome of them, muſt either agree before hand to keepe them quiet; or if the conteſt come ſuddenly, afterwards reſolve together, to compel thoſe that are injurious, to keepe their place; and if they will not, throw them over-board. And this ballancing of powers, I ſhall defend by the Fundamentall Law of Nature ſelfe-preſervation, and from the Law of Nations, as well as from the Word of God, and back the ſame by many approved examples; if any one hath a mind to conteſt with me heerein.
Lets ſee a litle how, and by whom, ſtronger powers muſt be ballanced, and I ſhall give a releaſe to your patience.
1. By the Confederacy of weaker Nations that are their Neighbors, and are in danger thereby of being overcome, as we have allready ſhewne.
2. Or by a Neutrall Nation that reſerve themſelves free, to league with the weaker, when they ſee them injured by the ſtronger powers. And this was the Ancient policy of England, Memoires de Ribier T. 1. l. 2. l. 347. Memoires de du Pleſſis. Memoire du Duc de Sulli, T. 2. c. 4. p. 14. Ambaſſades du Cardinal Oſſat part. 1. p. 180. Annales Eliz. A. 1577.ſince France and Spaine became the two great ballances in Europe. Which (as I have ſaid) begun to be ſo under Charles the 5, and Francis the firſt, whom Henry the 8 of England ſtill kept even, as the many Hiſtories of thoſe times ſhew, as well as other writers of State affaires, engraving this motto upon his Gold, Cui adhaereo, praeeſt. From this maxim of State Q. Elizabeth, allſo his Daughter, firſt aſſiſted Henry the 4, which Mornay ſtrongly pleaded to Walſingham; and after when France was growne great, aſſiſted theſe Provinces, leſt they ſhould fall into the hands of France; as we have before ſhewne out of the beſt Hiſtorians of thoſe times, Thuanus and Cambden, the latter whereof after his declaring this reaſon of State in the place formentioned A. 1575, afterwards ſhews how this noble Heroine ſate as the honourable Arbitratrix, (holding the ballance in her hands) between Spaine, France, and theſe Low Countries.