Baxters Narrative of His Life and Times, Part 3 · Section 1 · Letter 4
Feb. 16. 1668. SIR,
UPon the perusal of Yours when I came home, I find your Exceptions to be mostly the same which you speak; and therefore shall be the briefer in my Answer, upon Supposition of what was said.
To your First Qu. I answer, I am as much for Brevity as you can possibly wish: so be it our Agreement be not thereby frustrated, and made insufficient to its ends. I would desire you to look over all the Particulars, and name me not only every one that you think unsound, but every one which you judge unprofitable or needless. But if we leave out that which most, or many will require, and none have any thing against, it will but stop our Work, and make Men judge of it, as you did of the want of a longer Profession than the Scriptures against Socinianism: And it will contradict the Title, The Iust Terms of Agreement: For our Terms will be insufficient.
And as to your Words [the first attempt] my business is to discover the sufficient Terms at first, that so it may facilitate Consent: For if we purposely leave out any needful part as for [a second attempt] we bring contempt upon our first Essay; and before the second, third, and perhaps twentieth Attempt have been used to bring us to Agreement, by Alterations, and cross Humours, and Apprehensions, things will go as they have done, and all be pulled in pieces. Therefore we must, if possible, find out the sufficient Terms before too many hands be ingaged in it. Your own Exceptions here say, That if too many Explications had not afterward occurred, you had been unsatisfied in that which went before. And you know what Mr. Nye is wont to say against drawing a Hose over our Differences (though for my part I know no other way where we agree not in particulars, but to take up with an Agreement in Generals.) But where indeed we do agree in Particulars, I know no Reason why we should hide it, to make our Difference to seem greater than it is.
2. The Reasons, why I make no larger a Profession necessary than the Creed and Scriptures, are, because if we depart from this old sufficient Catholick Rule, we narrow the Church, and depart from the old Catholicism: And we shall never know where to rest: From the same Reasons as you will take in Four Councils, another will take in Six, and another Eight, and the Papists will say, Why not the rest, as well as these?
3. Because we should Sin against the Churches 1200 Years Experience, which hath been torn by this Conceit, That our Rule or Profession must be altered to obviate every new Heresie. As if you could ever make a Creed or Law which no Offender shall mis-interpret, nor hypocritically profess. By this means the Devil may drive us to make a new Creed every Year, by Sowing the Tares of a new Heresie every Year. Hilary hath said so much against this, not sparing even the Nicene Creed it self, that I need say no more than he hath done upon that Argument of Experience, but only that if 30 or 40 Years Experience so much moved him against new Creed-making, what should 1200 Years do by us?
4. And the Means will be certainly Fruitless, seeing that Hereticks are usually Men of wide Consciences, and if their Interest require it, they will Equivocate, as Men do now with Oaths and Subscriptions, and take any Words in their own Sense.
5. And the Means is needless, seeing there is another and fitter Remedy against Heresie provided, and that is not making a new Rule or Law, but judging Hereticks by the Law of God already made. Either they are Hereticks only in Heart, or in Tongue also, and Expression. If in Heart only, we have nothing to do to Judge them. Heart-Infidels are and will be in the Churches. If they be proved to be Hereticks in Tongue, then it is either before they are taken into the Communion of the Church, or after. If before, you are to use them as in case of proved Wickedness; that is, call them to publick Repentance before they be admitted: If it be after, they must be admonished, and Rejected after the first and second contemned Admonition: And is not this enough? And is not this the certain regular way? Is it not confusion to put Law for Iudgment, and say there wants a new Law or Rule, when there wants but a due Iudgment by the Rule in being.
6. Lastly, We shall never have done with the Papists, if we let go the Scripture-Sufficiency. And it is a double Crime in us to do it, who Dispute with them so vehemently for it. And we harden and justifie Church-Tyranny and Impositions when we will do the like our selves.
If there be nothing against Socinianism in the Scripture, it is no Heresie: If there be (as sure there is enough, and plain enough) Judge them by that Rule, and make not new ones.
But if any will not hold to this truly Catholick Course, I shall next like your Motion very well, to take up with the Creed, as Expounded in the 4 First Councils, called General: which I can readily subscribe my self, but it's better let them all alone, and not to be so found of one onelyonly Engine, which hath torn the Church for about 1200 Years. I mean departing from the Ancient Rule, and making new Creeds and Forms of Communion.
To your Third Qu. 1. I suppose you observe that what I say about Separation, is not under the third Head (of the Concord of Neighbour Churches; but under the second Head of the Concord of Members in the same particular Churches) and were you not heretofore at Agreement in your own Churches? And is it not the Duty and Interest of your own Churches to keep Unity, and that the Members separate not unjustly whether you agree with other Churches or not?
2. Either what I say about Separation is that which we are all (now Uniting) agreed in, or not: If it be, i… honoureth our Brethren to profess it, and can be no Reproach or Offence to them to declare it: If any have sinned against their own present Judgment, I hope they are not so Impenitent, as to desire us to forbear agreeing with their own Iudgments, because it is against their former sins. And here is no Word said Historically to upbraid any with these Sins at all. But if we are not all agreed thus far against Separation, I desire you to name the Terms which we agree not in, and then we shall see whether we may leave them out, or whether it render our Concord desperate and impossible (of which anon.)
To your Fourth Qu. The Iealousies and Errors of these Times do make it necessary to our Peace, to make some Profession of our Judgment about Magistracy; and I think there is nothing questionable in this. I am sure there is nothing but what many of the Congregational-Party do allow; but if you come to Particulars, I shall consider of them again.
The particular Exceptions which you Obliterate not your selves are but these.
1. To Qu. Prop. 9. Whether I mean prescribed Forms, and Homilies, and Habits, by the Terms [what Words to use in Preaching and Prayer, &c.] Answ. That which I say as plain as I can is, 1. That a determination of such Circumstances is not a sinful Addition to God's Word, nor will allow the People therefore to avoid the Churches Communion. 2. That it belongs to the Pastor's Office to determine them (what Words he shall Preach and Pray in, &c.) Therefore you have no cause to ask my meaning about imposing upon him, but only whether he may so far impose upon the Flock, as to use his own Words in Preaching, Prayer, &c. 3. That yet if the Pastor determine these Circumstances destructively, the People have their Remedy. And is not this enough? Why must I tell you whether you may read a Sermon (or Homily) of your own Writing, or another Man's unto the People? Or if you do, whether they must separate? Or else if you read a Prayer, &c. Either you determine these things to the Churches hurt, or not? If not, why should they blame you, or Separate? If you do, they have their Remedy. But whether you do or not, I now decide not. If we meddle with all such Particulars, we shall never agree: more than those must be left to liberty. You think our Particulars are too many already, and would you have more? And if the Controversies of the Times will tempt any to Expound our General Terms of Agreement amiss, we must not go from Generals for that.
To the Tenth Prop. You say there is something that will admit of a farther Consideration: Whereupon I considered it, and have added [Supposing it be a publick Profession of Christianity which is made:] Because, though the People are not bound to try the Persons before-hand, that are so to be received to Communion, yet they may ordinarily expect, that when they are admitted, their Profession be publick, or made known to the Church, which I imply'd before.
And now, Sir, I pray give me leave to speak some-what freely to the Cause it self, (assuring you I shall patiently, if not thankfully receive as free Language from you or others.) I shall 1. mention what it is that we have to do; and 2. what Reasons we have for doing it.
One Business is to heal Church-Divisions, and Heart-Divisions; therefore you must give us leave to say much against Divisions or Separations which are unjust, because this is our end, and all the rest is but the means; and if you would have us leave out that, it is all one as to say [Let us agree to have no Agreement or Vnity;] or [we will be healed, so we may continue to be unhealed;] or, [do but excuse us from Concord, and we will agree with you.] The Reason why we would bear with other Differences, is because we cannot bear with the absence of Vnity, Love and Peace, else we may let all go to Divisions, without any more ado.
And the great things which hinder the Presbyterians and Moderate Episcopal …en, from closing with you, are principally these.
1. Because they think that your way tends to destroy the Kingdom of Christ, by dividing it, while all Excommunicate Persons, or Hereticks, or humorous Persons, may at any time gather a Church of such as Separate from the Church which they belonged to, though it be on the account of Ungodliness, or Impatience of Discipline, &c. and then may stand on equal Terms with you; especially when you are not for the constant Correspondency of Churches in Synods, by which they may strengthen themselves against them.
2. They think, while you seem to be for a stricter Discipline than others, that your way (or usual Practice) tendeth to extirpate Godliness out of the Land; by taking a very few that can talk more than the rest, and making them the Church, and shutting out more that are as worthy, and by neglecting the Souls of all the Parish else, except as to some publick Preaching; against which also you prejudice them by unjust Rejections; and then think that you may warrantably account them unworthy: because you know no worthiness by them, when you estrange your selves from them, and drive them away from you. They think that Parish-Reformation tendeth to the making Godliness universal, and that your Separation tendeth to dwindle it to nothing. I know that some of you have spoken for endeavouring the good of all; but (pardon my plainnes) I knew scarce any of you that did not by an unjust espousing of your few, do the People a double Injury, one by denying them their Church-Rights, without any regular Church Justice, and the other by lazily omitting most that should have been done for their Salvation. In our Countrey almost all the rest of the Ministers agreed to deal seriously and orderly with all the Families of their Parishes (which some did to their wonderful benefit) except your Party, and the highly Episcopal, and they stood off. The doubt was when I came to Kiderminster, Whether it were better to take 20 Professors for the Church, and leave a Reader to head and gratifie the rest? Or, to attempt the just Reformation of the Parish? The Professors would have been best pleased with the first; and I was for the latter, which after full tryal, hath done that which hath satisfied all the Professors: So that professed Piety, and Family-Worship (in a way of Humility and Unity) was so common, that the few that differ among some Thousands are mostly ashamed of their Difference on the account of Singularity, and would seem to be Godly with the rest.
The last Week I had with me an honest Scotchman, and one of my Acton Neighbours, and I asked him how their Nation came to be so unanimous in the approbation of Godliness without any Sect. And he told me that usually they had twelve Elders in a Parish, and every one took their Division and observed the manners of the People, and if any Family prayed not, &c. They admonished them, and told the Pastor; and that the Pastor then went to them (though many Miles off) and taught them to Pray, and led them in it, and set them upon other means as we teach Children to read: And that once a Week they had a meeting of the Elders, to consult about the good of the Parish, and once a Week a meeting of the People to pray and confer, and receive resolution of Doubts, before the Pastor, and every Lord's Day after Sermon, they stayed to discourse of the things Preached of, that Objections might be answered, and those urged to their duties that had nothing to say against it. This, and more, the Scotchman averred to me. My Acton Neighbour told me, that there is now but one Person (a Woman) in all this Town and Parish that was here admitted to the Sacrament, and that the rest were partly by this course (and other reasons) distasted, and their dislike encreased, and partly neglected and left to themselves: That of rich Families, (Mr. Rous, Major Skippous, Collonel Sely, and Mr. Humphreys) were admitted while the rest were refused, or neglected: And that one surviving Person who was admitted, it but a Sojourner here. Whereas upon a little Tryal, I am able to say, that there are comparatively few openly scandalous Persons in the Town; that there are many who, I have reason to believe do seriously fear God, and are fit for Church-Communion: That almost the whole Town and Parish (even those that seemed most averse) are desirous and deligent to hear, even in private, and seem to be desirous of Family-helps, and desire good Books to read in their Families. And I hear not of one Person (or hardly any if one) that speak against the strictest Godliness, but commonly rather take part with those that are judged to fear God. Even the very Inns and Ale-houses themselves do signifie no Opposition or ill-will: In a word, the willingness seemeth so great and common, that if I were their Pastor, and had time to go to them in private, and try, and promote their Knowledge (which comes not at once) I see no reason to doubt but Godliness might become the common Complexion of the Parish. I speak this to shew you (if Experience signifie any thing with you,) that your separating way tendeth to Laziness, and the grievous hinderance of that Godliness which you seem to be more zealous for than others, and that the way of Reforming Parish-Churches, is not so hopeless as you make your selves believe it is, Some one wrote lately Exceptions to Mr. Eliot, upon his Proposals, in which he asketh him, [What shall one, or two, or three in a parish do, who usually are as many in most, or many Parishes as are fit for Communion, &c.] Men first estrange themselves from the poor People, whom they should teach with tenderness, and diligence, and then they think their ignorance of the People ground enough to Judge them ignorant, and talk of one or two in a Parish. But Christ will find many more, I am past doubt, even Members of his Mystical Church, than these Men can do of the visible, which is much larger. And you cannot say, if there be any difference of Successes, that it is only from the difference of Persons, and not of the several ways: For here where I live were two of the worthiest Persons of your way (Mr. Nye, and Mr. Elford) whose ability and Piety were beyond all question, and so was their great advantage then. But your way is your disadvantage, and Christ's Friends should suspect that way of honouring Godliness, which tendeth to diminish it, or suppress it.
I tell you some few of the things offensive to your Brethren, that you may see wherein our Agreement must give Satisfaction. The rest I now omit.
I had thought to have said more of the Reasons why you should heartily promote it. But I will now say but these two things. 1. That he that can consider what the effects of our Divisions have been upon Church and State, and the Lives of some, and the Souls of Thousands, both of the openly ungodly, and Professors, and that knows how great a Reproach they are now to our Profession, and hardening of the Wicked, and hinderance to that good, even of the best, and yet doth not thirst to see them healed, hath small sense of the interest of Christ, and Souls.
2. That he, that considereth what it was to continue such Divisions unheal'd for 20 Years, under such Warnings and Calls to Unity; and to do what we have done against our selves and others, after such smart, and in such a manner to the last, is most dreadfully impenitent, if Repentance do not now make him zealous for a Cure. And in particular, if you, and Mr. Nye, and I, be not extraordinary zealous for this work, there are scarce three Men to be found in the World, that will be more hainously guilty, and without excuse: (I need not tell you why.) And truly, if we have zeal, and yet not skill for such a Cure, (when all say that the People are willinger than the Pastors) it will be a shame for us to cry out on them, that Silence us: as if such Shepherds were necessary to the Flock, that have skill to Wound, and none to Cure. Therefore, as I am heartily glad of your forwardness and willingness to this Work, pardon me for telling you, I will Iudge of it by the Effects. I address my self to you alone, because I know that Vnderstanding and Experience are great Assistants (to lead on Charity) in this Work; and there is no dealing with them that understand not the Case. And I will hope that the Effect will shew, that no Humours of others (Men of narrow Minds, and Interests, and injudicious Passions) shall preval with you against so great a work of Repentance, and Love to God and Godliness, and the Souls of Men. Again, Pardon this Freedom used by
Your much Hounouring And Vnworthy Brother, Rich. Baxter.
§ 144. After this I waited on him at London again, and he came once to me to my Lodgings, when I was in Town (near him;) And he told me, that he received my chiding Letter, and perceived that I suspected his Reality in the Business; but he was so hearty in it, that I should see that he really meant as he spake, concluding in these Words [You shall see it, and my Practice shall reproach your Diffidence.] I told him, That if I fore-saw his Temptations, and were willing to help him by Premonition to overcome them, I meant not that as an Accusation; but I thank'd him for his Promise, to reproach my Diffidence by his Practice, and such an Event would be his Honour, and let it reproach me and spare not, so be it the Work were done. But again, I desired that no one living might know of it, till he and I had finished our attempt. And thus I waited for his Animadversions.
§ 145. About a Month after I went to him again, and he had done nothing, but was still hearty for the Work. And to be short, I thus waited on him time after time, till my Papers had been near a Year and quarter in his Hand, and then I desired him to return them to me, which he did, with these Words, [I am still a well-wisher to those Mathematicks;] without any other Words about them, or ever giving me any more Exception against them. And this was the issue of my third Attempt for Union with the Independents.
§ 146. Having long (upon the Suspension of my Aphorisms) been purposing to draw up a Method of Theology, I now began it: I never yet saw a Scheme, or Method of Physicks or Theology, which gave any Satisfaction to my Reason: Tho' many have attempted to exercise more accurateness in Distribution, than all others that went before them, (especially Dud'ey, Fenner, Tzegedine, Sobnius, Gomarus, Amesius, Treleatius, Wollebius, &c. and our present busie-boaster, Dr. Nich. Gibbon, in his Scheme) yet I could never yet see any whose Confusion, or great Defects, I could not easily discover, but not so easily amend. I had been Twenty Six Years convinced that Dichotomizing will not do it; but that the Divine Trinity in Unity, hath exprest it self in the whole Frame of Nature and Morality: And I had so long been thinking of a true Method, and making-some small Attempts, but I found my self insufficient for it; and so continued only thinking of it, and studying it all these Years. Campanella I saw had made the fairest Attempt that ever I saw made, in the Principles of Nature (and Commenius after him;) but yet as I believe, he quite mist it in his first operative Principles of Heat and Cold (mistaking the nature of Cold and Darkness;) so he run his three Principles, which he calleth Primalities, into many subsequent Notions, which were not provable or coherent: Having long read his Physicks, Metaphysicks, de Sensu rerum, and Atheismus Triumphatus, I found him mention his Theology, which put me in hope, that he had there also made some Attempt, but I could never hear of any one that had seen any such Book of his: At last Mr. Geo. Lawson's Theopolitica came out, which reduced Theology to a Method more Political and righter in the main, than any that I had seen before him: But he had not hit on the true Method of the Vestigia Trinitatis; and some long Debates by Writing between him and me, which had gone before (about 7 Years) had engaged him to make good his first Papers, in those mistakes about the Office of Faith in Justification (as Justifying only as Christ's Propitiation as the Object of it:) Of which in that Book he saith so much (to the pity rather than satisfaction of the Judicious:) his Book being otherwise the soundest, and most abounding with Light of any one that I have seen. But the very necessity of explaining the Three Articles of Baptism, and the Three Summaries of Religion (the Creed, Lord's Prayer, and Decalogue) hath led all the common Catechisms that go that way (of which Vrsine Corrected by Paraeus is the chief.) into a truer Method, than any of our exactest Dichotomizers have hit on, (not excepting Treleatius, Solinius, or Amesius, which are the best.)
§ 147. The Nature of things convinced me, That as Physicks are presupposed in Ethicks, and that Morality is but the ordering of the Rational Nature and its Actions, so that part of Physicks and Metaphysicks, which opened the Nature of Man, and of God, which are the Parties contracting, and the great Subjects of Theology and Morality, is more neerly pertinent to a Method of Theology, and should have a larger place in it, than is commonly thought and given to it: Yet I knew how Uncouth it would seem to put so much of these Doctrines into a Body of Divinity: But the three first Chapters of Genesis assured me, That it was the Scripture-Method. And when I had drawn up one Scheme of the Creation, and sent it the Lord Chief Baron (because of our often Communication on such Subjects, and being now banished from his Neighbourhood, and the County where he lived) he received it with so great Approbation, and importuned me so by Letters, to go on with that work, and not to fear being too much on Philosophy, as added somewhat to my Inclinations and Resolutions. And through the great Mercy of God, in my Retirement at Totteridge, in a troublesome, poor, smoaky, suffocating Room, in the midst of daily pains of the Sciatica, and many worse, I set upon, and finished all the Schemes, and half the Elucidations in the end of the Year 1669. and the beginning of 1670. which cost me harder Studies than any thing that ever I had before attempted.
§ 148. In the same time and place, I also wrote a large Apology for the Nonconformists: Partly, to prove it their Duty to Exercise their Ministry as they can when they are Silenced; and partly to open the State of the Prelacy, the Subscriptions, Declarations, &c. which they refuse: for the furious Revilings of Men did so increase, and their Provocations, and Accusations, and Insultings, were so many and great, that it drove me to this work as it were against my will: But when I had done it, I saw that the Publication of it would (by Imprisonment or Banishment) put an end to my other Labours, which made me lay it by; for I thought that the finishing of my Methodus Theologiae was a far greater work: But if that had been done, I think I should have published it whatever it had cost me.
§ 149. This Year 1670 my forementioned Cure of Church Divisions came out. which had been before cast by, which occasioned a storm of Obloquy among almost all the separating Party of Professors, and filled the City and Country with matters of Discourse: which fell out to be as followeth. I had long made use of two Booksellers, Mr. Tyton, and Mr. Simmons, the former, lived in London and the later in Kiderminster: But the latter removing to London, they envyed each other, in a meer desire of gain, one thinking that the other got more than he was willing should go besides himself. Mr. Tyton first refused an equal Co-partnership with the other: Whereupon it fell to the others share to Print my Life of Faith, and Cure of Church Divisions, after my Directions to weak Christians, together: Which occasioned Mr. Tyton to tell several that came to his Shop, that the Book, as he heard, was against private Meetings, at least, at the time of Publick, and made those Schimaticks that used them: Mr. Simmons met with a credible Citizen that gave it him under his Hand, that Mr. Tyton said that [he might have had the Printing of the Book, but would not, because it spake against those things which he had seen me Practise &c.;] which were all gross Untruths; for the Book was never offered him, nor had he never seen a word of it, or ever spoken with any one that had seen it, and told him what was in it. Mr. Tyton being a Member of an Independent Church, this sort of People the ea…ilier believed this; and so it was carried among them from one to one, first that I wrote against private Meetings, and then that I accused them all of Schism, and then that I wrote for Conformity, and lastly, that I conformed; so that before a Line of my Book was known, this was grown the common Fame of the City, and thence of all the Land, and sent as certain into Scotland and Ireland: yea, they named the Text that I preached my Recantation Sermon on before the King, as stirring him up to Cruelty against the Nonconformists. So common was the Sin of Back-biting and Slandering among the Separating Party, so it were but done at the second hand; and they that thought themselves too good to joyn with the Conformists, or use their Liturgy, or Communion, yet never stuck at the common carrying of all these Falshoods, because they could say, a good Man told it me. So that Thousands made no bones of this, that would not have defiled themselves with a Ceremony, or an imposed Form of Prayer, by any means. Yea, the Streets rang with Reproaches against me for it, without any more proof.
Some said that I took part with the Enemies of Godliness, and countenanced their Church-Tyranny; and some said that I sought to reconcile my self to them, for fear of further Suffering: And thus the Christians that were most tenderly afraid of the Liturgy and Ceremonies, were so little tender of receiving and vending the most disingenuous Falshoods, as if they had been no matter of Scruple. So easie is a sinful Zeal, and so hardly is true Christian Zeal maintained.
§ 150. At the same time there fell out a Case which tended to promote the Calumny. The old Reading Vicar of Kiderminster dyed, about the Day of the Date of the Act against Conventicles) Sir Ralph Clare, his chief Friend, and my Applauder, but Remover, being dead a little before; the old Patron, Collonel Iohn Bridges, Sold the Patronage to Mr. Thomas Foley, with a condition, that he should present me next, if I were capable; which he promised, as also, that he would Present no other but by my consent. Because I had done so much before to have continued in that place, and had desired to Preach there but as a Curate, under the Reading Vicar, when I resused a Bishoprick, and the Vicaridge was now come to be worth 200 l. per Ann. and this falling void at the same time, when the Independents had filled the Land with the Report that I was Writing against them for Conformity; hereupon the Bishops themselves believed it, that the love of Kiderminster would make me Conform; and they concurred in vending the Report, insomuch that one certainly told me, that he came then from a worthy Minister, to whom the Arch-bishop of York (Sterne) spake these Words, [Take it on my Word, Mr. Baxter doth Conform, and is gone to his Beloved Kiderminster.] And so both Parties concurred in the false Report, though one only raised it.
§ 151. Another Accident fell out also, which promoted it. For Mr. Crofton having a Tryal, (as I hear upon the Oxford Act of Confinement) at the King's Bench, Judge Keeling said, You need not be so hasty, for I hear that Mr. Crofton is about to Conform] And Judge Morton said, [And I hear that Mr. Baxter hath a Book in the Press against their private Meetings: Judge Rainsford said somewhat, that he was glad to hear it; and Judge Morton again, That it was but time, for the Quakers in Buckingham-shire, he was confident were Acted by the Papists; for they spake for Purgatory already.] This Talk being used in so high a Court of Justice, by the Grave and Reverend Judges, all Men thought then that they might lawfully believe it and report it. So Contagious may the Breath of one Religious Man be, as to infect his Party; and of that Religious Party, as to infect the Land, and more than one Land, with the belief and report of such ungrounded Lies.
§ 152. At the same time, in the end of my Life of Faith, I Printed a Revocation of my Book called Political Aphorisms, or A Holy Common-wealth; which exasperated those who had been for the Parliament's War, as much as the former, but both together did greatly provoke them. Of which I must give the Reader this Advertisement. I wrote that Book 1659. by the provocation of Mr. Iames Harrington, the Author of Oceana; and next by the Endeavours of Sir Hen. Vane for a Commonwealth: Not that I had any Enmity to a well ordered Democracy; but 1. I knew that Cromwell and the Army, were resolved against it, and it would not be. 2. And I perceived that Harrington's Common-wealth was fitted to Heathenism, and Vane's to Fanaticism; and neither of them would take: Therefore I thought that the improvement of our Legal Form of Government was best for us: And by Harrington's Scorn (Printed in a half Sheet of Gibberish) was then provoked to write that Book. But the madness of the several Parties, before it could be Printed, pull'd down Rich. Cromwell, and chang'd the Government so oft in a few Months, as brought in the King, contrary to the hopes of his closest Adherents, and the expectations of almost any in the Land.
And ever since the King came in, that Book of mine, was preached against before the King, spoken against in the Parliament, and wrote against by such as desired my Ruine: Morley, Bishop of Worcester, and many after him, branded it with Treason, and the King was still told that I would not retract it, but was still of the same mind, and ready to raise another War, and a Person not to be indured. New Books every Year came out against it; and even Men that had been taken for Sober and Religious, when they had a mind of Preferment, and to be taken notice of at Court, and by the Prelates, did fall on Preaching or Writing against me, and specially against that Book, as the probablest means to accomplish their Ends. When I had endured this ten Years, and found no stop, but that still they proceeded to make me odious to the King and Kingdom, and seeking utter ruine this way, I thought it my Duty to remove this stumbling Block out of their way, and without recanting any particular Doctrine in it, to revoke the Book, and to disown it, and desire the Reader to take it as non Scriptum, and to tell him that I repented of the writing of it. And so I did: Yet telling him, That I retracted none of the Doctrine of the first Part, which was to prove the Monarch of God; but for the sake of the whole second Part, I repented that I wrote it: For I was resolved at least to have that much to say, against all that after wrote, and preach'd, and talk'd against it, That I have revoked that Book, and therefore shall not defend it. And the incessant bloody Malice of the Reproachers, made me heartily wish, on two or three accounts, that I had never written it. 1. Because it was done just at the fall of the Government, and was buried in onr ruines, and never, that I know of, did any great good. 2. Because I find it best for Ministers, to meddle as little as may be with Matters of Poli…y, how great soever their Provocations may be: and therefore I wish that I had never written on any such Subject. 3. And I repented that I meddled against Vane and Harrington (which was the second Part) in Defence of Monarchy, Not that my Judgment is changed, as it was for Monarchy. But I am sorry that I wrote for … Men … their wills, and to their displeasure Its meet they should chuse their own Servants.seeing that the Consequents had been no better, and that my Reward had been to be silenced, imprisoned, turned out of all, and reproached implacably, and incessantly, as Criminal, and never like to see an end of it: He, that had wrote for so little, and so great displeasure, might be tempted as well as I, to wish that he had sat still, and let GOD and Man alone with Matters of Civil Policy. Though I was not convinced of many Errors in that Book, so called by some Accusers to recant, yet I repented the writing of it as an infelicity, and as that which did no good but hurt.
§ 153. But because an Appendix to that Book had given several Reasons of my adhering to the Parliament at first, many thought I changed my Judgment about the first part of the Parliament's Cause: And the rather, because I disclaimed the Army's Rebellious Overthrows of Government (as I had always done.) I knew I could not revoke the Book, but the busie pevishness of censorious Professors would fall upon me as a Revolter: And I knew that I could not for bear the said Revocation, without those ill Effects which I supposed greater. And which was worst of all, I had no possible Liberty further to explain any Reasons.
§ 154. When my Cure of Church Divisions came out, the sober Party of Ministers were reconciled to it; especially the Ancienter sort, and those that had seen the Evi…s of Separation: But some of the London Ministers, who had kept up Publick Assemblies, thought it should have been less sharp; and some thought because they were under the Bishop's Severities, that it was unseasonable. For the Truth is, most Men judged by Sense, and take that to be good or bad, which they feel do them good or hurt at the present: And because the People's Alienation from the Prelates and Liturgy, and Parish-Churches, did seem to make against the Prelates, and to make for the Nonconformist's Interest, they thought it not Prudence to gratifie the Prelates so far as to gain-say it. And so they considered not from whence dividing Principles come, and to what they tend, and what a disgrace they are to our Cause, and how one of our own Errors will hurt and disparage us more, than all the cruelty of our Adversaries; and that sinful means is seldom blessed to do good.
§ 155. But upon fore-fight of the tenderness of Professors, I had before given my Book to the Perusal of Mr. Iohn Corbet, my Neighbour, (accounted one of the most Calm, as well as Judicious Nonconformists) and had altered every Word that he wished to be altered: And the same I had done by my very worthy Faithful Friend, Mr. Richard Fairclough, who Perused it in the Press, and I altered almost all that he wished to be altered, to take off any Words that seemed to be too sharp. But all did not satisfie the guilty and impatient Readers.
§ 156. For when the Book came out, the Separating Party, who had received before an odious Character of it, did part of them read and interpret it by the Spectacles and Commentary of their Passions and fore Conceits; and the most of them would not read it all; but took all that they heard for granted: The hottest that was against it was Mr. Ed. Bagshaw, a young Man, who had written formerly against Monarchy, had afterward written for me agains… Bishop Morley; and being of a resolute Roman Spirit, was sent first to the Tower, and then laid there in the horrid Dungeon (where the damp casting him into the Haemorrhoids, the Pain caused that Sweat which saved his Life:) Thence he was removed to Southb…y-Castle, near Portsmouth, in the Sea, where he lay Prisoner many Years; where Vivasor Powel (an honest injudicious Zealot of Wales) being his Companion, heightned him in his Opinions. He wrote against me a Pamphlet so full of Untruths and Spleen, and so little pertinent to the Cause, as that I never met with a Man that called for an Answer to it: But yet the ill Principles of it made me think, that it needed an Answer, which I wrote. But I found that Party grown so tender, expecting little but to be applauded for their Godliness, and to be flattered, while they expected that others should be most sharply dealt with, and indeed to be so utterly impatient of that Language, in a Confutation which had any suitableness to the desert of their Writings, that I purposed to give over all Controversial Writings with them, or any other, without great necessity: And the rather, because my own Stile is apt to be guilty of too much freedom and sharpness in Disputings.
§ 157. The next to Mr. Bagshaw (now again in Prison for not taking the Oath of Allegiance it self,) who behind my Back did most revile my Book, was Dr. Owen; whether out of Design or Judgement, I cannot tell; but ordinarily he spake very bitterly of it; but never wrote to me a Word against it: He also divulged his dissent from the Proposals for Concord, which I offered him, though he would say no more against them to my self, than what I have before expressed.
§ 158. At this time also one Hinkley of Norfield, near Worcester-shire, desiring to be taken notice of, wrote a virulent Book against the Nonconformists, and particularly some Falshoods against me, and a vehement Invitation to me to publish the Reasons of my Nonconformity; when he could not be so utterly ignorant as not to know, that I could never get such an Apology Licensed, and that the Law forbad me to Print it unlicensed, and that he himself taketh it for a Sin to break that Law. But such impudent Persons were still clamouring against us.
§ 159. By this time my own old Flock at Kiderminster began (some of them) to Censure me: For when the Bishop, and Deans, and many of their Curates, had preached long to make the People think me a Deceiver; as if this had been the only way to their Salvation, the People were hereby so much alienated from them, that they took them for Men unreasonable, and little better than mad; insomuch as that they grew more alienated from Prelacy than ever. Also, while they continued to repeat Sermons in their Houses together, many of them were laid long in Jayls, (among Thieves and common Malefactors; which increased their Exasperations yet more. They continued their Meetings whilst their Goods were Seised on, and they were Fined and Punished again and again. These Sufferings so increased their Aversation, that my Book against Church-Divisions coming out at such a time, and a Preface which I put before a Book of Dr. Bryan's, in which I do but excuse his Speaking against Separation, they were many of them offended at it as unseasonable; and judging by feeling Interest and Passion, were angry with me for strengthening the Hands of Persecutors, as they call it; whereas if I had called the Bishops all that's nought, I am confident they would not have blamed me. And they that fell out with the Bishops for casting me out, and speaking ill of me, were (some of them) ready to speak ill of me, if not to cast me off, because I did but persuade them of the Lawfulness of Communicating in their Parish-Church, with a Conformable Minister in the Liturgy.
§ 160. At this time, as is said, the old reading Vicar dying it was cast on me to chuse the next: But the Religious People (who were the main Body of the Town, and Parish) would not so much as chuse a Man, when they might have had their choice; no, nor so much as write or send one word to one about it, lest they should seem to consent to his Conformity, or to be obliged to him in his Office. Whereupon I also refused to meddle in the Choice, and the rather because some of the malignant slanderous Prelatists who write of me, as Durel, L'strange, and many others have done, would in likelyhood have said, that I contracted for some Commodity to my self; and because Mr. Foley the Patron was a truly honest Religious Man, who, I knew would make the best choice he could.
§ 161. When he had chosen them a Minister (whom they themselves commended for an honest Man and a good Preacher, and rather wished him than another) I wrote a Letter to them to advise them to join with the said Minister in Prayers and Sacrament; because I had before advised them not to own the Ministry of Mr. Dance, for his utter incapacity and insufficiency, but if ever they had a tolerable Man, to own him, and Communicate with him. And because he was the best, that the Patron by their Consent, could chuse, and for many Reasons, which I gave them. But their Sufferings had so far alienated them from the Prelates, that the very rumour of this Letter was talkt of as my Book against Divisions was, so that it was never so much as read to them.
§ 162. And here it is worth the nothing, how far Interest secretly swayeth the Judgments of the best. A few Ministers, who have a more taking way of Preaching than the rest, and being more moving and affectionate, are for that way now which most suiteth with the Inclination of the People who most esteem them, which is to go far enough from the Conformists, (or too far) but the rest who are less followed by the People, are generally more for Peace and Moderation.
§ 163. This Year the Act against Conventicles was renewed, and made more severe than ever: And (as all that ever I spake with of it, supposed) with an Eye upon my Case, they put in divers Clauses: As that the fault of the Mittimus should not disable it; that all doubtful Clauses in the Act should be interpreted, as would most favour the suppression of Conventicles; that they that fled or removed their Dwelling into another County, should be pursued by Execution, (to this Sense). What a strait is a Man in among People of such Extremes? One side pursueth us with implacable Wrath, while we are charged with nothing but Preaching Christ's Gospel in the most peaceable manner we can: And the other censureth us, as Compliers with Persecutors and Enemies to Piety, because we desire to live peaceable with all Men, and to separate from them no further than they separate from God.
§ 164. Their own Laws against Conventicles hinder us from doing their own Wills. They write and clamour against me for not perswading the People to Conformity: And when I would draw them but to that Communion, which I had within my self, the Law disableth me to Communicate a Letter to them, seeing no more than four must meet together; which way among many hundred or thousand Dissenters, would make many Years work of Communicating that one part of my Advice. Thus do our Shepherds use the Flocks.
§ 165. At this time Mr. Giles Firmin, a worthy Minister that had lived in New-England, writing against some Errors of Mr. Hooker, Mr. Shepherd, Mr. Daniel Rogers, and Mr. Perkins, gave me also also a gentle reproof, for tying Men too strictly to Meditation; whereto I wrote a short answer, called, A Review of the Doctrine of Meditation.
§ 166. A worthy Lady was perverted from the Lord's Day to the Saturday-Sabbath, desiring my Judgment, and Mr. Francis Bamfield, a Minster, who hath lain about seven Years in Dorchester-Goal (the Brother of Sir Iohn Bamfield, deceased) being gone to the same Opinion, and many following them, I wrote by the Perswasion of some Friends, a small Tractate also on that Subject, to prove the divine appointment of the Lord's Day, and the cessation of the Iewish Sabbath.
§ 167. Dr. Manton (though he had the greatest Friends, and promise of Favour of any of the Presbyterians) vvas sent Prisoner to the Gatehouse for Preaching the Gospel in his own House, in the Parish vvhere he had been called formerly to the Ministery, and for not taking the Oxford-Oath, and coming within five Miles of a Corporation; where he continued six Months: but it proved convenient to his …ase, because those six Months were spent in London, in a hot pursuit of such private Preaching, by Bands of Soldiers, to the terrour of many, and the death of some.
§ 168. Madam, the King's Sister dyed in France, when she returned from visiting His Majesty in England, to his very great grief.
§ 169. Sir Iohn Babor talk'd to the Lord Arlington of our late Treaty upon the Lord Keeper's Invitation, with Bishop Wilkins; whereupon Dr. Manton sent to me, as from him, to Communicate the Terms and Papers. But they were at Acton from whence they had driven me, and I had medled enough in such Matters only to my cost. So that though he said the King was to see them, I could not then answer his desire, and I heard no more of it.
§ 170. Upon the Publication of my Book against Divisions, and the Rumour of my Conforming, the Earl of Lauder dale invited me to speak with him: Where he opened to me the purpose of taking off the Oath of Canonical Obedience, and all Impositions of Conformity in Scotland, save only that it should be necessary to sit in Presbyteries and Synods with the Bishops and Moderators (there being already no Liturgy, Ceremonies, or Subscription save only to the Doctrine of the Church:) Hereupon he expressed his great Kindness to me; and told me he had the King's Consent to speak with me, and being going into Scotland, he offered me what place in Scotland I would choose, either a Church, or a Colledge in the University, or a Bishoprick: And shortly after, as he went thither, at Barnet he sent for me; and I gave him the Answer following in these Papers, besides what I gave him by word to the same purpose. But when he came thither, such Acts against Conventicles were presently made, as are very well worthy the Reader's serious Persual, who would know the true Complexion of this Age.
§ 171.