The Redeemed Captive Returning to Zion, Historical sketch
Hiſtorical Sketch of Deerfield.
THE Indian name of Deerfield was Pecomptuck. Its ſituation was favorable to the Indian mode of living; abounding with proviſions which might be eaſily obtained; and which were peculiarly agreeable to a people in a ſtate of nature. It was the hunting ground for ſeveral tribes. One tribe was ſeated on a hill half a mile N. E. of the meeting houſe. Another, about two miles north of them, upon the north bank of Pecomptuck, or Deerfield river. And two or three tribes lived in the N. E. part of the town, at, or near the falls in Connecticut river.
According to tradition, theſe tribes had frequent wars with each other, otherwiſe they were happy.
Theſe natives were exceedingly attached to their hunting and fiſhing grounds. When driven from the enjoyment of their privileges and natural rights, they manifeſted a peculiar enmity to their aggreſſors—I ſay aggreſſors, for if any, but a ſmall part of the town was ever purchaſed of them.
Gladly would I throw a vail of darkneſs over ſome of the tranſactions of our forefathers, but fidelity forbids it.
They appear to have been almoſt as blind to the rights of the natives, as they were to thoſe of the Africans. And it cannot be ſuppoſed, that they, who juſtified the enſlaving of one heathen nation, would be backward in wreſting by force lands from another. The idea was too much cheriſhed, that they themſelves were the people of God—the choſen Iſraelites, and that the natives, being heathen, were in the ſituation of the Canaanites, whom the Children of Iſrael had a right, by the command of God, to extirpate. They alſo retained the barbarous idea, that the right of poſſeſſion, was obtained by conqueſt. And the poor natives, not having the advantages of defence, ariſing from civilization, were obliged to give way to ſuperior force. In ſome inſtances, however, lands were regularly purchaſed of them.
It has been common to extol the firſt ſettlers of America for their piety; and to conſider them as martyrs of the corrupt government of Great Britain; from the tyranny of which they fled to ſave their lives; and to enjoy the rights of conſcience. That they were in general pious there is no doubt: But, they were guilty of ſome groſs irregularities, and unchriſtian conduct, altogether unaccountable.
Their treatment of the natives was ſuch as frequently involved them in the greateſt diſtreſſes. It was natural for the Aborigines to retaliate the wrongs they received. And, probably, ſome part of the ſufferings of our forefathers, was juſt.
When grants of land were made by the Crown or the General Court, in compenſation for ſervices performed, the grantees felt that they had a right to the lands and took no pains to extinguiſh Indian titles. And, indeed, in thoſe times, nothing was ſaid about Indian titles; for it was conceived, that they had no title to the lands they poſſeſſed.
This was doubtleſs the caſe with the greateſt part of Deerfield.
In the year 1669, a grant of 8000 acres of land, was made by the General Court, under the adminiſtration of Gov. Bellingham to the town of Dedham. This grant covered the lands from the mouth of Pecomptuck river to about two miles ſouth of the mountain, called Sugar Loaf, and extended as far weſt as to include that number of acres.
The year following a diſpute aroſe between the inhabitants of Hatfield, and the proprietors of Pecomptuck reſpecting their diviſion line. To ſettle this diſpute, a committee of the General Court was appointed. The line was altered in favour of Hatfield, and the proprietors received an equivalent in lands north of Pecomptuck river—extending three quarters of a mile north from the mouth of Green river, and about one mile eaſt and weſt.
In conſequence of a petition of the proprietors, in the year 1673, they received a promiſe of the General Court, of an act of incorporation, on certain conditions, and the former grant was now enlarged to a ſquare of 7 miles.
From this time the town was called by the name of Deerfield.
In the year 1712, the Rev. Mr. Williams entered a petition that the bounds of the town might be further enlarged, and extend as far weſt as to run parallel with the weſt line of Hatfield. The prayer of this petition was granted, and the town was extended 9 miles from the river. Previous to this the proprietors might have received a grant of the north part of the town, but no record of it is to be found. It is probable that theſe lands were annexed to thoſe of the proprietors, at the time the act of incorporation paſſed—which was in the year 1682.
But four towns in the County had been previouſly incorporated. Theſe were, Springfield, incorporated, 1645. Hadley, in 1661. Weſtfield, in 1669, and Hatfield, in 1670.
The firſt regular meeting of the proprietors of Pecomptuck was at Dedham, March 1ſt, 1670,—at which, meaſures were taken for laying out the town plat, and the 8000 acres into regular lots. This important buſineſs was tranſacted, however, anſwerably to the ſimplicity of the times. The town was laid out in ſuch a looſe, and irregular manner as produced, immediately, and in after times many diſputes and quarrels.
Deerfield, or Pecomptuck, began to be ſettled in the ſpring of the year 1671. As the natives at this time appeared to be friendly, a few families erected houſes upon the main ſtreet, which was then a foreſt.
Theſe ſettlers lived in peace with their Indian neighbours until 1675, when thoſe wars, and diſtreſſing ſcenes commenced, which continued, moſt of the time, for 90 years.
At this time, the famous war, called King Philip's, broke out. It was general, and extended to all the tribes in this part of America.
It ſeems that the Indians began to feel the evil effects of their Engliſh neighbours; and were determined if poſſible to deſtroy them.
In Sept. this year, Deerfield was attacked, and one of the inhabitants was killed. The ſame month, when going to the place of public worſhip, on the ſabbath they were again attacked; but none were killed. They perceived, however, the danger to be daily increaſing, but had no apprehenſion of the vaſt body of Indians who were then hovering around them.
At this time, there was a conſiderable quantity of proviſions in the town, and it was conceived to be neceſſary to remove them to Hatfield; although a guard had been ſent into the town, to protect the ſettlers, under the command of Capt. Moſley. Capt. Lathrop was ſent from Hatfield, with about 80 men, to guard theſe proviſions on the way. At Muddy, alias, Bloody Brook, he was attacked by 7 or 8 hundred of the natives. Capt. Lathrop, with 73 of his men fell in this unhappy engagement. The company at Deerfield marched with the greateſt expedition for their relief, but were too late to ſave Capt. Lathrop. They fought, however, the whole body of the Indians for ſeveral hours, and were finally joined by Major Treat, with one hundred and ſixty friend Indians of the Mohegan tribe. This force, after a ſevere and bloody action, diſperſed the enemy.
Diſpirited by this ſtroke many of the Indians left this part of the country, and ſettled in the Naraganſetts; ſome, however, remained, and the ſettlers deſerted their habitations.
In the ſame month, in which theſe matters happened at Deerfield, Hadley was attacked, when the people were at meeting. This was the time when, according to tradition, Goff the regicide, one of king Charles' Judges, ſuddenly made his appearance, headed the troops, and diſperſed the enemy.
After Deerfield was deſerted, it was plundered and burnt by the natives. In the ſpring of 1676 the fall fight happened, (ſee former appendix.)
An attempt was made to reſettle the town in 1677. Very ſoon, however, a number of the people were ſlain. In conſequence of this the town was a ſecond time deſerted, and all ideas of reſettling it, were given up for the preſent.
In the ſpring of 1682, the ſettlers returned; and for ſeveral years enjoyed their habitations without moleſtation.
In this interval of peace, and but four years after the return of the inhabitants Mr. John Williams was ordained to the paſtoral charge of the Church.
It appears from the records, that the promiſe of an act of incorporation, and the firſt grant in addition to the 8000 acres, were made on condition the inhabitants would ſettle a miniſter within the term of three years. This, however, they could not comply with, as they were driven from their habitations; but it was attended to, as ſoon as circumſtances would permit.
In the year 1687, that part of the town, which is now Greenfield, was laid out, eſpecially, the home lots on Green river.
In 1693, the troubles of the inhabitants again commenced, and their ſufferings were great and uninterrupted till 1712. Every year, ſome of them were either Killed, or captivated.
Hutchinſon, in his hiſtory of Maſſachuſetts obſerves, that in '97, "an attempt was made upon Deerfield by the natives, but failed of ſucceſs, through the vigilance of the inhabitants, with Mr. Williams their miniſter at their head."
After the commencement of Queen Ann's war, the French in Canada, joined with the natives, and encouraged them in all their wars and depredations againſt the Engliſh.
The troubles and dangers of the people were now greatly increaſed.—And Deerfield was called to endure the greateſt calamities.
A party of about 300 French and Indians, made their appearance in Feb. 1703, 4, entered the town in the night, and while an unfaithful ſentinel was aſleep, found their way upon the ſnow, over the pickets into the fort, in the centre of the town; and in a few hours ſlew about 40 of the inhabitants; and took about 100 priſoners; compriſing one half of the inhabitants; and finally, as the day opened, they left the town on fire. A new meeting houſe, with all the buildings in the town, two or three excepted, were burnt.
Several of the people made their eſcape from the fort, after the enemy had entered it. Among whom was a Capt. Stoddard, who that night was a lodger with Mr. Williams. He leaped from his chamber window into the ſnow, with his cloak only—ran to the weſt—croſſed the river, and having ſecreted himſelf, tore his cloak in pieces, wrapped parts of it about his feet, and in the morning arrived at Hatfield, much frozen.
The unhappy priſoners were puſhed forward into the meadow, to begin their dreary journey to Canada, in the cold and ſnow, without proper cloathing, and without proviſions.
Here was trouble! trouble, of which we can form but a faint idea! To particularize inſtances of great diſtreſs, occaſioned by theſe ſcenes, would be needleſs. It is ſufficient to obſerve in general, that the people were awaked out of ſleep by the war-whoops of the ſavages—the ſhrieks of the diſtreſſed, and the groans of the dying. Parents now ſaw their innocent babes daſhed in pieces before their eyes—huſbands, wives, and children were torn from each others arms, to be inſtantly ſent into eternity, or to be carried by ſavages into the wilderneſs;—ſuch as were ſick, and unable to walk, were ſlain for the ſake of their ſcalps. All was confuſion and terror! The ſhrieks of women—the cries of children—the groans of the dying—and the war-whoops of the ſavages were confuſedly mingled! The priſoners were ſtowed into the meeting houſe, while the pillage and ſlaughter were going on. But few could know what the ſituations of their neareſt connexions were,—whether expiring under the ſtrokes of the tomahawk, or among the priſoners.
While theſe ſcenes were paſſing in the centre of the town, a ſmall fort, about 50 rods to the ſouth was violently attacked; but the people defended themſelves during the night, and preſerved it; otherwiſe, almoſt all the inhabitants would have been killed, or made priſoners.
Troops arriving from Hatfield ſoon after the departure of the enemy, a battle was fought in the north meadow. They might have been purſued, and greatly harraſſed. But it was conceived, that this would expoſe the priſoners to immediate death—and for the ſame reaſon, the battle in the meadow, was not fought with much animation.
Many of the priſoners were too weak and feeble to endure ſuch hardſhips as they were now called to ſuffer:—And, when any one failed, and was unable to travel, he was ſlain and ſcalped. This was the caſe with Mr. Williams's Lady, ſoon after ſhe left the town.
Theſe priſoners were 25 days on their march in this inclement ſeaſon, to Shamblee. They received, however, ſome aſſiſtance, and many kind offices, even from the ſavages; but their ſufferings were extreme.
What an awful ſcene was preſented to the inhabitants who had eſcaped, on the morning after the departure of the enemy.
They perceived the town ſmoaking in its ruins!—they found that their miniſter—their neighbours—their huſbands—their wives—and their children were driven away into the wilderneſs, by ſavages—perhaps, never to be ſeen by them again. They muſt have perceived one lying here, and another there, in the ſtreets, rolled in blood, and mangled with the tomahawk, and ſcalping knives,—and ſome ſtill breathing—groaning—and dying!
Their buſineſs now was to gather together the Indian ſacrifice, even, an Hecatomb of mangled corpſes—and to ſear among the blood, and wounds, for ſome diſtinguiſhing marks of their connexions and friends!—But I will paſs from this ſcene of horror.—
Moſt of the priſoners, who arrived at Canada, were, at different periods, redeemed.—In the year 1706, after a ſcene of unparalleled ſufferings the Rev. Mr. Williams, and 57 of the priſoners were redeemed. The return of the priſoners, from ſuch a captivity excited joys, better conceived than expreſſed.
Mr. Williams did not return immediately upon his arrival at Boſton. And it appears, that he was in a ſtate of doubt, whether to ſettle again in Deerfield. About 10 days after his arrival, the town choſe a committee to wait upon him at Boſton to urge his return—to take advice of the Elders of the churches upon the matter, and to petition the General Court to make him a grant, in compenſation for his loſſes, and as an encouragement to reſettle.—After much deliberation Mr. Williams, concluded to return, altho' the war ſtill raged, and the inhabitants were in conſtant fear.
The following ſummer, ſeveral perſons were killed, and no one was ſafe night or day, at a diſtance from the fort. Theſe diſtreſſes continued until the cloſe of Queen Ann's war. Almoſt every year, ſome were either killed, wounded, or taken priſoners, and carried to Canada.
From the year 1712, to 1720, the people lived in peace; from '20, to '25, their troubles were conſiderable:—In '25, peace was made with the natives, and no further depredations of conſequence were committed upon the frontiers till the year 1744.
In this interval of peace, in June 1729, the Rev. Mr. Williams departed this life, in the 48th year of his miniſtry, and in the 66th of his age.
Mr. Williams was a man of diſtinguiſhed piety, and of great fortitude. The ſacrifice which he made in ſettling in a frontier town, when he knew he ſhould be conſtantly expoſed to the calamities ariſing from Indian depredations, ſets his character in his youth, in an amiable point of light. But a few years of his life did he enjoy the ſweets of peace.—And his ſhare of ſorrows, was ſuch, as ſeldom falls to the lot of an individual. He had the peculiarly hard fortune to ſee his flouriſhing family torn in pieces, and one of his children daſhed upon the ſtones before his eyes—his dear companion draged from a bed of ſickneſs, and driven out by unfeeling ſavages, into the ſnow and ſtorms, to linger a few days, and then in cold blood to be ſlain, and ſcalped. He ſaw his ſurviving children ſcattered among the French and Indians in Canada; and every artifice uſed to bring them over to the Romiſh faith, which would have effectually prevented their return. And he ever after ſaw one of his dear daughters, a companion of a ſavage, and almoſt transformed into one herſelf. Such troubles this good man ſuffered:—but he bore them with reſignation.—And we truſt, thro' much tribulation he has entered into heaven, and is reaping the reward of a faithful ſervant.
This year the meeting houſe, in which we now are, was raiſed.
In 1732, Mr. Jonathan Aſhley had a call to ſettle in the work of the miniſtry: He accepted the call, and was ordained Nov. 8th, the ſame year.
From this time until '44, our fathers enjoyed the bleſſings of peace. At this time, the natives again renewed their depredations; and the town was at great expence in building forts and mounts for defence. It ſeems that the General Court did not afford to the inhabitants that aſſiſtance, which their expoſed ſituation required; and which they had a right to expect; and that, notwithſtanding for three years ſucceſſively they petitioned for help, ſtating their difficulties, and great expenſes.
The year 1745, was moſt diſtreſſing, and rendered memorable, by an attack upon the people in the South meadow; in which a number of perſons were ſlain. One was left for dead, but recovered, and is ſtill living; and another was carried into captivity.
In the year 1749, danger ceaſed, and a committee was choſen to diſpoſe of the materials of which the forts were compoſed.
During the preceding war, the diſtreſſes of the people were great. They were frequently harraſſed by the enemy. Were under the neceſſity of lodging in picketed houſes, and of labouring in the field in companies, under the protection of a guard; and nights, guards were continually kept, and patroles walked the ſtreets.
In the year 1755, the people were again called to build forts for defence. And in '56, it was voted that four garriſons ſhould be built. But from this time, the armies which were ſent to the northward, were ſo ſucceſsful that danger decreaſed; and in '58 the timbers of theſe forts were ſold, altho' peace between France and England, did not take place until 1763.
About the year 1759, Conway and Shelburne began to be ſettled, and ſoon after the out lands in Greenfield, which were, originally, a part of Deerfield.
The Rev. Mr. Aſhley departed this life, after a long and diſtreſſing illneſs, in the year 1780, in the 68th year of his age, and in the 48th of his miniſtry. The ſame length of time with his predeceſſor.
Mr. Aſhley was poſſeſſed of a ſtrong and diſcerning mind, and a lively imagination. He was independent in his feelings and conduct. He enlarged his mind by reading and ſtudy. And was a pungent, and energetic preacher. He delivered the doctrines of grace with a pathos, which was the effect, not barely of an hiſtorical belief in their divine authority; but, of a deep ſenſe and lively view of their excellency and power.
In Feb. 1787, your preſent paſtor was ordained to the work of the goſpel Miniſtry.
In 1797, the General Court paſſed an Act of incorporation for an Academy in Deerfield. The following year a convenient building was erected for the purpoſe; and the Academy was opened on the firſt of Jan. 1799. Since which, four hundred and ſeventy ſix youths have received inſtruction in it.
As to the population of Deerfield, I would obſerve, that in April 1703-4, the number of ſouls was about 280. In the year 1763, there were, in the bounds of the original town 1105 ſouls: viz. in Deerfield 737, and in Greenfield 368. By the laſt cenſus, it appears, that there are now, in Deerfield, 1531.—In Conway 2013.—In Greenfield 1256.—In Shelburne 1089, and in Gill excluſive of thoſe taken off from Northfield 644. The whole number of ſouls therefore, within the original bounds of Deerfield is 6533.
According to this ſtatement, the inhabitants doubled their numbers, in the firſt period, in about 30 years. And from 1763—to the preſent time, they have doubled in nearly 15 years.
This ſtatement ſhows, in a ſtriking manner, the rapid increaſe of population, ſince the cloſe of the laſt French war; and how friendly peace, and the agricultural means of ſupport, are to the increaſe of the human race. It will be ſaid, perhaps, that many perſons have come into the town ſince that period; this is true; but, emigrations alſo have been great—ſome years of 80, or an hundred ſouls.
In the firſt period, from 1703—to 1763 there was not a rapid increaſe; many loſt their lives by the natives; and a ſtate of fear operates in ſome unaccountable way againſt a rapid population. Hutchinſon obſerves that for fifty years, preceding the year 1713, the number of inhabitants in the ſtate had not doubled.
One hundred years have produced a great alteration in the ſtate of religion, and ſociety. Civil liberty, a general diffuſion of knowledge, and free diſcuſſion, have removed many ſuperſtitious ideas, and practices;—but the preſent generation have gone too far, and to deſtroy ſuperſtition, and fanaticiſm, have called in queſtion the great truths of revelation, and opened all the avenues of vice. In avoiding the errors of our fathers we have avoided alſo their virtues.
Many things have tranſpired which have had a tendency to corrupt the morals of ſociety. A great part of the time in which we were under the government of Great Britain, our governors being appointed by the crown, and being foreigners, there was a jealouſy ſubſiſting between the different branches of government, which ſometimes put a total ſtop to its regular adminiſtrations. Theſe bickerings tended to demoralize the people. And repeatedly the people have ſuffered the evils of a fluctuating paper currency; which is a poiſon to the morals of mankind, and one of the greateſt evils that can happen in ſociety. The war with England, and the ſubſequent proſperity, together with the French revolution, have all had a very deleterious effect upon morals.—In addition to theſe things, Deiſts have openly attacked Chriſtianity, and their arguments being plauſible, have blinded the minds and injured the morals of thouſands. Falſe ideas of civil and religious liberty have likewiſe prevailed, and have had a tendency to weaken the moral ſenſe.
But on the other hand we have ſome virtues which our fathers had not. We allow to all their juſt rights; and have laid aſide that perſecuting ſpirit which deprives others of liberty of conſcience. In this Commonwealth we have aboliſhed the infamous traffic in human fleſh.
When we compare our preſent ſituation with that of our anceſtors, we muſt be ſenſible, that our privileges far exceed theirs. The predatory war of the natives kept them in conſtant anxiety. This, however, had a tendency to unite them. And it is probable that they enjoyed the ſociety of each other, much better than we do at preſent. Common danger produced mutual confidence, and ſympathy. Inſtead of that coldneſs, indifference, and envy towards each other, which are too prevalent at the preſent day, they were cordial friends. But if we are not happy under the enjoyment of peace and proſperity, the fault is our own, and it is an evidence that the enjoyment of privileges is not always productive of felicity.