Sermon 4 September 1798, Approbation – Sermon
A SERMON DELIVERED AT RUTLAND, WEST PARISH, SEPTEMBER 4, 1798. AT THE ANNUAL FREEMEN'S MEETING.
BY LEMUEL HAYNES, PASTOR OF A CHURCH IN RUTLAND.
PRINTED AT RUTLAND, VERMONT, BY JOHN WALKER, JUN. M, DCC, XCVIII.
At a legal town meeting, holden at Rutland, on the firſt Tueſday of September, 1798.
VOTED, That the Selectmen of this town be requeſted in the name of this town, to return their thanks to the Rev. LEMUEL HAYNES, for his chriſtian and patriotic diſcourſe, this day delivered, and requeſt a copy for the preſs.
NATHAN OSGOOD Town Clerk.
THE Author is not inſenſible of the rep…ach to which the following publication may ſubject him, at a time of ſo great civil diſſenſion; and has conſented to have it appear abroad with a degree of reluctance. However, as all view it a detraction of their liberty, when they are not allowed with honeſty and candor to ſpeak their own ſentiments: he preſumes it will be a ſufficient defence againſt any imputations from thoſe who may differ with him is opinion.
THE INFLUENCE OF CIVIL GOVERNMENT ON RELIGION.
PSALM XI.3.
If the foundations by deſtroyed, what ſhall the righteous do?
KING DAVID was raiſed up on high, the anointed of the God of Jacob, and the ſweet pſalmiſt of Iſrael. In various ways did he give evidence that he was a man of virtue and religion. His attachment to the commonwealth of Iſrael, and engagedneſs to ſupport the laws and dignity of his country, were conſpicuous ornaments in his character. Amidſt the baſe inventions of deſigning men, to enervate the bands of government, aſſume the reigns, and diſſeminate diſcord among the people, animated with a holy regard to the rights of God and men, rendered him invincible to every rival. He could hear his competitors ſay as in verſe firſt, Flee as a bird to your mountain; and behold the wicked bend their bow, and make ready their arrow upon the ſtring, without abandoning his country's cauſe, or wantonly trifling with the liberties of men. If the foundations be deſtroyed, what ſhall the righteous do? is a reflection worthy the king of Iſrael in a time of public calamity. By foundations, is generally thought to mean the civil laws or government of Iſrael, theſe were invaded, and threatened to be deſtroyed by proud and factious men, which David in the text conſidered as a violent attack upon religion and the good man's cauſe. If the laws and authority of the land are trampled upon, what ſhall the righteous do? Intimating that their religious intereſt would greatly ſuffer thereby.
"If government be once deſtroy'd,
(That firm foundation of our peace)
And violence makes juſtice void,
Where ſhall the righteous ſeek redreſs?"
THE influence of civil governnent upon religion and morality, and their connection, is a matter to which our candid attentions is called on the preſent occaſion. That God is able to ſupport his cauſe in the world without the intervention of legiſlative authority, and that they have no connexion, is a ſentiment warmly advocated by many; and indeed none can diſpute them, without calling in queſtion the power of Omnipotence; but whether it be agreeable to the eſtabliſhed conſtitution of heaven, in ordinary caſes, to ſupport religion without civil authority, or whether it be not favorable to virtue, is the inquiry. That God is able to appoint ſtate officers without people's meeting to give their ſuffrages, is what God has done and has natural power to do; but none will infer from thence, that ſuch appointment actually will take place without public exertions.
1. CIVIL government was appointed by God to regulate the affairs of men. Iſrael of old received laws, both of a civil and religious nature, from the great Legiſlator of the univerſe. This is evident to all who are acquainted with ſacred or prophane hiſtory. He removeth kings, and Jetteth up kings, Dan. ii.21. Thou ſhalt in any wiſe ſet him king over thee whom the Lord thy God ſhall chooſe, Deut. xvii.15. St. Paul, to enforce obedience to magistracy, points to the origin of civil power, Rom, xiii. The powers that be are ordained of God. Whoſoever, therefore, reſiſteth the power, reſiſteth the ordinance of God.—For he is the miniſter of God to thee for good. Every appointment of the Deity is favorable to religion, and conducive thereto, as there is no other object worthy divine attention; to ſuppoſe otherwiſe would be an impious reflection on the character of God.
WHEN we conſider the obvious end for which civil government was inſtituted, it is eaſy to ſee that it is deſigned as a ſupport to virtue. To ſuppreſs vice and immorality—to defend men's lives, religion and properties, are the eſſential conſtituents of a good government.
THE wickedneſs of the human heart is ſo great, that it needs every reſtraint. To oppoſe the impetuous torrent of iniquity; to humanize the ſoul, and to conduct men in the way of felicity, are objects to which the laws of God and thoſe which are commonly called the laws of men, do mutually point. Without our lives and intereſts are defended, how can we practiſe piety? Human laws, as well as divine, do in a ſenſe reſpect the heart. The criminal is puniſhed for his enormities, by the hand of the civil magiſtrate, becauſe they are conſidered as flowing from a bad heart. To ſay that an inſtitution tends to maintain order, juſtice, and the rights of men, or that it is favorable to religion, are expreſſions ſynonimous. Although the government of a commonwealth has a particular and a more immediate reſpect to the temporal intereſts of men, yet there is a higher object to which they ſtand related. and that renders them important.
3. FURTHER light will be caſt on the ſubject by attending to the qualifications and work of the civil magiſtrate, as given in the word of God, from whence we derive the inſtitution. The character required in any prof;eſſion, will at once determine the end and deſign of it. The God of Iſrael ſaid, the Rock of Iſrael ſpake to me, He that ruleth over men muſt be juſt, ruling in the fear of God, II Sam. xxiii.3. The character of a ſtateſman is drawn by the pen of unerring wiſdom, Deut. xvii. And it ſhall be when he ſitteth upon the throne of his kingdom, that he ſhall write him a copy of this law in a book, out of that which is before; the prieſts the Levites. And it ſhall be with him, and he ſhall read therein all the days of his life: that he may learn to fear the Lord his God, to keep all the words of this law, and theſe ſtatutes, to do them: that his heart be not lifted up above his brethren, and that he turn not aſide from the commandment, to the right hand or to the left. "The Hebrews have recorded thus, When the king fitteth upon the throne of his kingdom, he is to write him the book of the law for himſelf, beſide the one which is left him by his father, &c. If his father has left him none, or if that be loſt, he is to write him two books of the law, the one he is to reſerve in his houſe, for ſo he is commanded. The other is not to depart from before him. If he go out to war, it goeth with him; if he ſit in judgment, it is to be with him, &c. Maimony treat of Kings." See Ainſworth's annotation. This book contained what is commonly called the law of Moſes, giving directions about civil and religious affairs: This ſhews that the lawyer ſhould concern himſelf with the ſacred oracles and that his profeſſion is favorable to religion. St. Paul further informs us, That rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power? do that which is good, and thou ſhalt have praiſe of the ſame. For he is the miniſter of God to thee for good. But if thou do that which is evil, be afraid; for he beareth not the ſword in vain: for he is the miniſter of God, a revenger to execute wrath, upon him that doeth evil, Rom. xiii—The deſign of civil government is in the beſt manner anſwered when kings are nurſing fathers, and queens nurſing mothers to the church of God, Iſaiah, xlix.23.
4. WERE we to compare thoſe countries and places where wholeſome laws exiſt, and are executed, with thoſe that are without them, we ſhall find the contraſt ſtriking.—Where there are no laws, no ſubordination, there licentiouſneſs and barbarity hold their empire, and like a malignant fever diffuſe their baneful influence without reſtraint. Every one that is acquainted with ſacred or other hiſtories, knows the propriety of the remark. Were we to advert to our own experience, we have the cleareſt conviction. Is it not the caſe in general, that a contempt of the good laws of the land, and impiety are inſeparable companions?
WE have recent demonſtration, that civil authority is in ſome ſenſe, the baſis of religion, and have too much reaſon to adopt the language in the text, If the foundations be deſtroyed, what ſhall the righteous do! It is far from my intention to appear in the habit of a partizan, or to ſtimulate diſſenſion on an occaſion like this, while I point you to the unprecedented conduct of a foreign power, as witness to the truth of the topic under conſideration. To exaggerate matters I have no inclination, nor to wound the tender feelings of humanity by a tedious detail of French enormities. To purſue their lawleſs ravages would be to trace the cruel exploits of a blood thirſty Hannibal, or mercileſs ſtrides of an imperious Alexander. Near twenty villages in Germany have become a ſacrifice to the vengeance of a more than ſavage army. Switzerland, Geneva, (the latter, a place remarkable for their religion and good order) have fallen victims to their cruelties. The ſoothing words, liberty and equality, were ſo dear to us, that we were hoping that true republicanism was their object, and were almoſt decoyed into their wretched embraces; but they leave not the leaſt traces of it behind them. It it evidently their deſign, to exterminate order and religion out of the univerſe, banquet on ſtolen, property, give rules to the world, and ſo become the tyrants of the earth.
"ECCLESIASTICS, of every deſcription, and particularly the profeſſors of both ſexes, ſays a late German writer) ſeem to be the chief objects of republican malevolence, immorality and cruelty; in which the ſoldiers were led on and encouraged by their officers." That an abolition of religion is an object of French inſanity is too evident to be diſputed; hence it is that they are ſo inimical to civil authority, as they view it favorable to morality. We cannot miſtake them, when we conſider their contempt of the Holy Scriptures, their atheiſtical deciſions, and their more than beaſtly conduct. Libertiniſm, and its republicanism, is moſt certainly their object. It is an inquiry worthy of attention, wheather the few years revolution in France has not done more towards promoting infidelity, deiſm and all manner of licentiouſneſs, than half a century before. The near connection of religion with wholesome laws, or civil authority, is doubtleſs an oftenſible reaſon why the latter is ſo much the object of reſentment. The contempt that theſe ſtates have met with from the French Diretory, in their not receiving our Envoys: their inſolent and enormous demands on our property—their blind and deceitful intrigues—their lawleſs depredations on our commerce at ſea, are ſufficient to ſhew that it is not peace, liberty and good order they are after, but to make themſelves ſole arbiters of tie world. Many have been careſſed with the faſcinating yell, Long live the republican!— and opened their gates to the French army, but have too late found their tender mercies to be cruelty, and themſelves in the hands of a plundering banditti. What outrages have been committed on the perſons of old and young! Wives and daughters abuſed in the preſence of their huſbands and parents.—Thoſe in ſacred orders, notwithſtanding their age, illneſs and profeſſion, dragged from their beds, their houſes pillaged, and they have been the chief objects of ſpight and deteſtation. Let many villages of Swabia, in Germany, witneſs to the truth of this obſervation. Such are the sad effects of no law, no order, no religion and if the foundations be destoyed, what ſhall the righteous do?
THE candor and patience of this audience are requeſted, while a few reflections are deduced from the preceding obſervations.
1. IT is undoubtedly our duty to become acquainted with the laws of the land. That by which the commonwealth of Iſrael was governed, was to be well ſtudied by their ſtateſmen, Deut.xvii. Eſpecially thoſe who are to be repreſentatives of the people, ſhould well underſtand the laws of their country: thoſe then of the profeſſion are not diſqualified to fit in the fear of government, by virtue of their knowledge in ſtate policy. It is the deſign of civil government to ſecure the rights of men, which ſhould be held ſacred; it being ſo nearly connected with religion, renders it important.—It is a ſubject to which we ought to pay attention, that we may be in a capacity to purſue the beſt meaſures to promote it. It is a remark, not without foundation, that they who make the wideſt mouths againſt divine revelation, are commonly thoſe who know the leaſt about it, and form their opinion on popular cant. Whether this is not often the ſafe with many who ſet up againſt the good laws of the ſtate, is a matter worthy of inquiry. He that can arraign and condemn the conſtitution and laws of his country without information, and will judge of a matter before he hears it, in the view of Solomon forfeits the character of a wiſe man.
2. Is there ſuch a connection between civil and religious order, then we ought to ſupport the former, would we prove ourſelves friends to the latter. Indeed he that can oppoſe and deſtroy the good laws of his country, his religious character is greatly to be ſuſpected.—He that loves religion, will value and prize that which tends to its ſupport, and feels the influence of the idea in the text, If the foundations be deſtroyed, what ſhall the righteous do? It is really the character of a good man, that he affords his influence, his property, yea his life in the defence of his country, if called for. We ſhould moſt chearfully impart our ſubſtance for the ſupport of the laws of the land, and ſtrengthen the hands of the legiſlature when they are endeavoring to adopt good meaſures for raiſing a revenue. Many are complaining, that the wages of the State officers are too high; were I to attempt a deciſion on this point, perhaps I ſhould appear contemptible, as being deſtiture of chriſtian modeſty and ſelf-diſſidence.—That men who leave their families and devote their time and talents in their country's cauſe, ought to have a compenſation is agreed on all hands,—what is an adequate reward, is difficult for thoſe who live ſeveral hundred miles from the ſeat of government to determine; an honeſt man under ſuch a diſadvantage would feel a delicacy in determining, leſt he might do injuſtice to his neighbor. He would not view that man qualified to be a repreſentative of the people that would be exorbitant in his demands; and rather chooſe to refer it to the members on the ſpot, who are the beſt judges of their own expences and retrenchments. The common labourer thinks it an infringement on his liberty, if his wages are to be determined by him who hires him. Should we ſet up office to vendue, and make low wages the teſt of our election, this would be an impious trifling with the ſacred rights of men, an inſult on the importance and dignity of government; in this way men of an ignorant, low and mercenary ſpirit, would creep into the ſeats of preferment.
OUR bleſſed Lord has taught us, by precept and example, to reſpect civil government, and to render tribute to Caeſar. We have the ſame ſentiments enjoined by St. Paul, Rom. xiii "Whoever therefore reſiſteth the power, ſhall receive to themſelves damnation. Wherefore ye muſt needs be ſubject, not only for wrath, but alſo for conſcience ſake. For this cauſe pay you tribute alſo: for they are God's miniſters, attending continually upon this very thing. Render therefore to all their dues."
3. How abſurd to diſcard the book, commonly called the Holy Scriptures, and yet be advocates for good civil government! They are ſo coincident and congenial in their nature and tendency, that it is really a doubt whether a man can, upon right principles, be an honeſt advocate for one, whoſe heart riſes againſt the other. Hence it is, that thoſe who have been votaries for religion, have generally been friendly to good civil authority.Thou ſhalt love the Lord thy God with all thine heart, and thy neighbor as thyſelf, is an epitome of the whole Bible ſyſtem. He that is acquainted with the laws of the land, will ſee that they moſtly point to this great object, and are a ſort of comment on, or copy of the ſacred oracles. A contempt of the Holy Scriptures, domination, anarchy, and immorality are inſeparable companions.
IT is, truly, ſtrange to ſee men of genius and education plead for the good laws of their country, and yet ununfriendly to divine revelation; They have certainly a reciprocal reflection on each other, and their influence in a great meaſure ſtand and fall together.
WOULD we be hearty friends to government, let us value and conform to the written word of God, that our conduct may not appear glaringly inconſiſtent and contradictory.
4. WE infer, That it is ſuitable for the miniſters of the goſpel to enforce obedience to the laws of the ſtate. In this way they diſcover a laudable regard for the rights and properties of their hearers, plead for religion, and eſpouſe the caſe of their divine matter.
Many think that ſtate policy is a ſubject out of the ſphere of Chriſt's miniſters, that they ought to ſeek the peace and good will of their people, by avoiding ſuch matters; but he that cannot ſacrifice his own reputation, his living, yea, his own life in the cauſe of religion, and the good of his country, has forfeited his character as a faithful ambaſſador of the Prince of Peace.
PAUL was far from commending ſuch clerical prudence as ſome plead for, Tit. iii. Put them in mind to be ſubject to principalities and powers, to obey magiſtrates, to be ready to every good work, to ſpeak evil of no man.
5. WE may learn, why there are ſo many ſedition acts in the Bible, ſince religion and good government are ſo nearly connected. One we have, Eccle. x. 20, Curſe not the king, no, not in thy thought. Another we have, Exod. xxii. 28. Thou ſhall no revile the Gods, nor curſe the ruler of thy people. We have the ſame law repeated in another ſection of God's word, Acts. xxv 5, Thou ſhall not ſpeak evil of the ruler of thy people. Compare Rom. xiii, The Apoſtle gives us direction how to eſcape the terrors of ſuch laws, verse 3. Do that which is good, and thou, ſhall have praiſe of the ſame. When ſcandalous libels are caſt at men in private life, they will have recourſe to law for ſatisfaction when miniſters of ſtate are wickedly impeached, why ſhould the libeller go with impunity? is not the crime enhanced by the dignity of the whole commonwealth? Shall the character of a chief magiſtrate, or of a whole country, be of leſs or of no more importance than a man in a private capacity? Can men think their liberties retrenched, when they cannot vent their ſpite and falſe invectives againſt civil rulers without detection? May we not as well cry out Ariſtocracy!—Tyranny!—and Oppreſſion! becauſe we cannot commit the moſt daring outrage on the perſon, character and property of our neighbor, without being plagued with the moleſting hand of civil authority? From ſuch kind of liberty, good Lord deliver us!†Should it be ſaid, that thoſe precepts, that particularly reſpect our duty to rulers, are rendered unneceſſary by thoſe general laws that prohibit bearing falſe witneſs againſt our neighbor, and that enjoin decent behaviour toward all mankind, &c. We may obſerve That wickedly to impeach men who are intruſted with affairs of the commonwealth, is an inſult caſt upon the political body, tending to enervate the hands of government. If ſatiſfaction is given to the magiſtrate only in a private capacity, this does not retrieve the character of the ſtate, which has a right to enact and execute laws, with a more particular relation to itſelf, tending to ſupport its own dignity and importance.
6. THE ſubject ſets before us the importance of the preſent occaſion. Since it is ſo neceſſary to maintain civil government; our lives, liberties and religion, in a ſenſe, depend upon it. Men ſhould be appointed who are friendly to religion and morality, by which they will be peculiarly attached to the good and wholeſome laws of their county, on account of the benign influence they have on practical godlineſs. Men of wiſdom and underſtſanding, of force and ſtability, who will enforce the laws of the land by precept and example; who will not bear the ſword in vain, but be a terror to evil doers, and a praiſe to them who do well. Theſe are qualifications pointed out in the word of God, and ought to be ſought for. Diſſidence, in an eccleſiaſtical and civil miniſter, is a diſtinguiſhing ornament. The magnitude of the object will cauſe the good ſtateſman to recoil at the thought in language ſimilar to that of the chief magiſtrate of Iſrael, I Kings, iii. "And now, O Lord my God, thou haſt made me king inſtead of David my father: and I am but a little child: I know not how to go out or come in. Give therefore thy ſervant an underſtanding heart, to judge thy people, that I may diſcern between good and bad: for who is able to judge this thy ſo great a people?" He that would thruſt himſelf into office, is a ſelfiſh man: is ſeeking his own, not the public good. Confidence in public opinion will diſpoſe a man to acquieſce in their deciſions about himſelf, unbiaſſed by fulſome flattery or bribery. He that would hire his neighbor to give him his ſuffrage, is to be ſuſpected as an enemy to his country, and unfit to be intruſted with its impotant concerns. He has already declared that he values his own judgment about himſelf above all others, and will perhaps have the ſame ſentiments in every thing in which he is called to act.
THE true philanthropiſt wants the ſupport of his country unſolicited, by which he is encouraged to undertake in its cauſe, and not from proud, ſelfiſh or peculinary motives. The dignity, modeſty and goodness of his mind, will render him incapable of holding himſelf up to view as a candidate for office.
SHOULD the question be aſked, How ſhall we know the man of virtue and patriotiſm? The anſwer is obvious, and rationally decided by unbearing wiſdom, By their fruit ye ſhall know them.
WE infer the integrity of a Waſhington, and an Adams, from the invincible … they have manifeſted to the rights of men, through a long ſeries of events, when they had it in their power to all their country and accumulate millions to themſelves. To ſuppoſe ſuch men, who have riſked their lives, their all, in the cauſe of freedom for many years, ſhould in the laſt ſtage of life turn traitors, when they would have nothing to promiſe themselves but endless diſgrace, confronts every dictate of reaſon and experience. Perhaps it is not possible for the human mind to have a firmer basis for confidence; and to impeach ſuch characters, without better foundation than ever has appeared, to me, at leaſt appears diſingenuous, and argues a jealouſy more cruel than the grave.
WHO can reflect on the fatigue, vexation, and hazard to which a WASHINGTON has been expoſed in eſpouſing the conteſted rights of his country, and not feel a ſort of indignation to hear his character villified and impeached without a cauſe? Are theſe the returns he is to receive from ungrateful countrymen!—It is true men are not to be idolized, but when we conſider them as inſtruments qualified and raiſed up by God for great and peculiar ſervice to mankind, it is undoubtedly our duty to love, honor and respect them.
IF I am not miſtaken, we live in a day when our liberties are invaded, and the rights of men challenged beyond what we ever experienced, and that under the ſoothing titles of Republicanism, Democracy, &c. Theſe are precious names if well underſtood; but when they are ſpeciously ſubtſituted in the room of libertiniſm and licentiouſneſs, they make us ſick.
OUR internal diſſenſions have an unfavorable aſpect and give pain to the human breaſt: by theſe things we lay ourſelves open to foreign invaſions, and augment taxation. Union and firmneſs is our country's cauſe becomes us at ſuch a day as this—It is not a time for empty compliment; effeminate cowardice; nor for temporizing, when our all lies at ſtake. Our enemies with us to delay, and debate, and flatter, that they may make themſelves maſter of all our property at ſea.
THERE is no harm for the freeborn ſons of America to tell Frenchmen , That we will not give up our rights unleſs our lives go with them; that they were bought at the expence of too much blood and treaſure to be trifled with.
THAT the very ghoſts of our brethren, who bled in their country's cauſe, would haunt our imaginations?—That we treat with contempt the inſolent demands of a Talleyrand, aided by a ſly intriguing Directory, who would wreſt millions from our pockets to enſlave us,—We may tell them in the moſt diciſive unequivocal language, without loſs of time, That we have a right to chooſe our own Envoys, maintain our own neutrality, without the dictates of French deſpotiſm. Have we any evidence that the French nation are really ſeeking peace with us, while they refuſe to treat with our Ambaſſador, ſuch as we ſend to accompliſh th deſirable object? while they thruſt the dagger at our heart? deſtroy our lives and property at every opportunity? May we not pertinently adopt the language of Jehu to Joram, II, Kings, ,ix. 22. And it came to paſs when Joram ſaw Jehu, that he ſaid, Is it peace, Jehu? and he anſwered, What peace, ſo long as the whoredoms of thy mother Jezebel, and her witchcrafts, are ſo many?
Do they wiſh for peace, let them come with the olive branch in their hand, and make us reſtitution for the millions of our property that they have wantonly deſtroyed; and be aſhamed for the innocent blood that they have mingled with the ocean, which calls for vengeance on both ſides of the Atlantic. Then heaven-born peace ſhall erect her laurels on our ſhores, and gladden the heart of every free-born ſon of America.
LET us riſe in the defence of our country, and ſhudder at the thought of a French invasion; viewing the laſt drop of our blood too ſmall a ſacrifice to be withheld when our rights, our religion, yea, our all lie at the ſtake. It is not the deſign of this diſcourſe to obſtruct a free and candid examination into political proceedings: this is a pity ledge belonging to every man, and no one has the right to take it from him.
IT is a matter worthy of ſerious inquiry, whether other preſent conſtitution and government have not the eſſential veſtiges of free republicaniſm, according to the true meaning of the term. Does it not originate in the free ſuffrages of the people; who have it in their power to appoint to, and depoſe from office? Is it an infringement of our liberties to ſubject to the deciſion of the majority? True freedom does not conſiſt in every man's doing as he thinks fit, or following the dictates of unruly paſſions; but in ſubmitting to the eaſy yoke of good regulations and in being under the reſtraints of wholeſome laws.
WE ſhould do well to examine whether we do not too much deſpiſe and undervalue the civil government and independence that God by remarkable interpoſitions of providence has put into our hands. Whether our uneaſineſs under it, has not provoked Omnipotence to threaten our liberties, by letting looſe a foreign power upon us. Let us learn to prize and ſupport the good and wholeſome laws of our land, that heaven may be at peace with us.
BUT few, if any will own themſelves advocates for French meaſures; but I hope it will give no offence to thoſe who of late appear unfriendly to our preſent civil adminiſtrations, if they are earneſtly intreated to inquire, whether they are not practically eſpouſing their cauſe, however good their intentions may be. That our foreign enemies conſider them in this point of light, we have the cleareſt evidence, and are thereby encouraged to perſevere in their lawless depredations.
WE have heard that it is the character of the good man to be ſubject to higher powers. That civil authority ought to be oppoſed when it becomes tyrannical, and oppreſſive, is agreed on all hands. We ſhould all do well to examine the motives by which we are actuated, perhaps they are ſelfiſh. It is ſometimes a proud haughty diſpoſition than ſets men againſt government, and a thirſt to get themſelves into the chair. This made Abſalom so diſſatiſfied with the government of Iſrael, and caused him to diſſeminate diſſenſions among them, II. Sam. xv. 4. Abſalom ſaid, moreover, Oh that I were made judge in the land, that every man which harb any ſuit or cauſe might come unto me, and I would do them juſtice.
ON the whole, let us in all theſe things view the hand of ſuperintending Providence, that ruleth over the nations of the earth, and diſpoſeth of all events, both in the natural and moral world, ſo as to accompliſh the beſt good of the univerſe; will cauſe even the wrath of man to praiſe him, and the remainder will reſtrain.
LET us repent of our ſins, that are the cauſe of God's controverſy with us, and obtain reconciliation with him through the mediation of Jeſus Chriſt. Let us ſeek after a holy union of ſentiment and affection in religion and this will tend to unite us in other things, and eſpecially in that which is in ſome ſense the barrier and ſupport of it. The queſtion would then become ſerious and general. If the foundations be deſtroyed what ſhall the righteous do? Let us ſupport and execute the good laws of our land and endeavor to ſtrengthen the hands of them who rule well. Let no root of bitterneſs ſpring up and trouble us, for while the mind is under the influence of prejudice and paſſion we cannot attend to any ſubject to advantage. We sſould exerciſe a ſpirit of love and forbearance towards thoſe who differ from us, and endeavor to reſtore them in the ſpirit of meekneſs. May we all remember that whatever zeal or attachment we may ſeem to manifeſt towards civil inſtitutions; yet if we are not in our hearts and lives in ſome good meaſure reconciled to the law and government of God, we ſhall finally be placed with the workers of iniquity.
End of the text · Lemuel Haynes, Sermon 4 September 1798 (1798)