Historical Collections of the Indians in New England, History · Chapter 4
CHAP. IV. Of the Inland Indians, and particularly of the Mawhawks, or Maquas.
§. 1. THE inland Indians are of several nations; but by our sea coast Indians, are generally denominated the Maquas, however distinguished among themselves. I shall speak a little of several of them; and then in special of those Indians, which are properly called Mawhawks, or Maquas, that live upon a breach of Hudson river, about fifty miles from fort Oranje, now fort Albany, near unto certain great lake… …hat have recourse unto the great river of Canada.
§. 2. Divers of the Indian nations, that live to the west of Massachusetts, upon the great river of Canada and the lakes thereunto belonging (of which there are great numbers) that hold commerce with the French, and also sundry of our Indians, in their hunting journeys, converse and traffick with those Indians, and understand each other's language; these do properly belong to, and are within the lines of the Massachusetts charter, which extendeth from the Atlantick sea, west, through the main land, unto the West or South sea, and is in breadth about two degrees, viz. from 42° to 44°. and odd minutes; and so is not improperly a subject of our discourse, which is designed to speak of the Indians in New England. But these Indians being at a considerable distance from the English, not less than a hundred and fifty, or two hundred miles, we are not capable to give so particular an account of them, but what we have from our Indians, that often travel unto them, and converse with them, as I said before. The Indians of those parts, so far as I can learn, are of a tractable and quiet disposition, and capable to receive impressions. We are informed, that some of the fathers of the Romish religion do travel among them, and have distilled some of their corrupt principles into them, and have baptized sundry of them, and also taught them image worship, which our Indians do despise and contemn, as a thing below rational men, to fall down and pray to a painted board and dead image. But I trust in God, in due time he will open a way, for the true and saving light of the gospel to break forth unto them from these parts; when it shall please God to raise up more instruments, both English and Indians, that may have some encouragement to travel into those parts, to drive on this excellent and spiritual traffick, to convert souls unto the christian faith. The names of the nations I cannot distinctly learn; but there are great numbers of them, and well inclined; for they live in peace with the French; and I have not heard they have treacherously conspired against the christians, but have and do traffick, and hold good correspondence with them. Indeed these Canada Indians have been, for many years, a prey to the Maquas, who are seated between the English and these Indians; and do, by rapine and spoil, rob these poor savages of the fruit of their labours, and heretofore sold the same to the Dutch; of which I shall have occasion to speak more particularly in the story of the Maquas.
§. 3. There is a numerous race of Indians, that live upon a great lake, or sea. Some report it to be salt water; others fresh. This lies from Boston about west and by south. The nearest part of the said lake, or sea, is apprehended, by the most intelligent Indians' information, to be above three or four hundred miles from Boston; and then a hundred miles less from the English towns upon the Connecticut river, that do belong to Massachusetts jurisdiction. This people, I conceive, are the same that Captain Smith, in his History of Virginia,*This curious work was printed in London, 1627, and is now in very few hands. in several places, doth call Massawomeks; as in lib. 2. page 24. in lib. …. page 33. "The Massawomeks, saith he, as the savages report, inhabit upon a great salt water, which by all likelihood is either some part of Canada, some great lake, or some inlet of some sea, that falleth into the South sea. These Massawomeks are a great nation and very populous." And again in lib. 3. page 57. "They much extolled a great nation, called Massawomeks." Again in lib. 3. page 60. where he relates an encounter he had with the Massawomeks. Now the place, where he met with and heard of this great people of Massawomeks, was at the head of Chesapeak bay, or gulf, which lieth in the latitude of 40 degrees nearest; and he saith, they had recourse thither; coming from the lakes or seas, where they lived, and making canoes of barks of trees, which is the manner of these inland Indians, they passed down those rivers, that fall into the great bay, or gulf, which descends from the northwest, or near it, as the maps do show. So that these Massawomeks, however denominated by other names or titles, are the same nation and people that we are here speaking of; and that live upon a great salt or fresh water, lying, as I said before, west and by south, or more southerly from Boston, that is in 42°. 30'. Of this nation, that live upon this port, it is reported for a truth by our Indians, that they are a very great and numerous people, and do speak, or at least understand, the same language that is used by our Indians. Upon this consideration and intelligence, about two years since, there was a journey attempted unto this people. There was employed in this design six or seven Indians, one of them a teacher, and other persons to assist them, that could speak both the English and Indian tongue. They were provided and accommodated with all things necessary and convenient for their journey, to the expense of about thirty or forty pounds, as I was informed. They took with them Indian bibles, primers, catechisms, and other books, translated into the Indian language, and other things to present to those Indians, for their encouragement to entertain christianity. Being thus fitted, they set forth in the spring of the year, as I remember; and after they had travelled so far as the English plantations reach upon Connecticut river, which was about a hundred miles on their way, their pilot, as they pretended, fell lame or sick, and other difficulties presented: so they returned back, re infectô, and all the cost expended to no purpose.
§. 4. Upon this occasion I shall take liberty to suggest my apprehension touching this discovery. And first, I shall presume, that it is unto me an undoubted truth, upon clear demonstration, that there is such a lake, or arm of the sea, about such a distance as was before mentioned from us. Secondly, that this place is well replenished with a great people of Indians, is a truth asserted by the concurrent testimony of all Indians, French, and Dutch, that have had occasion to travel and inquire of the matter. Thirdly, that this place is a good climate, and probably not only very fertile, whereby provision is found for so numerous a people, but also they are otherwise furnished with furs and other desirable things. Fourthly, that although a full and perfect discovery of this vast lake, or part of the sea, will be a costly thing; yet, in the issue, it may also be greatly advantageous unto the discoverers, not only in using means for conveying and communicating the christian religion unto so many poor, ignorant souls, which is the greater,— but also in accumulating external riches, as well as honour unto the first undertakers and perfecters of this discovery. These things premised being seriously considered, I humbly conceive, if any thing be further attempted, which I hear the Right Honourable the Corporation for propagating the gospel in New England, living in London, have again suggested to be prosecuted by the commissioners here, it should be attempted strongly, and by such means as in probability of reason may attain the end desired; which, I apprehend, cannot be effected without a considerable expense; for this cannot be done by a few Indians or English men, sent on that errand, who, if they should escape and return in safety, cannot satisfy us in much more, than what we know already, that there is such a place and people.
I shall offer this therefore, as an expedient for this undertaking, that there be not less than forty or fifty English men, with some Indians: such persons as are fit and able for that employ, under wise and prudent conduct: some of them mariners; some, ship carpenters; and some house carpenters; with all materials and necessaries suitable, both of apparel, arms, tools, victuals, ammunition, and whatever else is requisite; with considerable company of horses, to carry their men and furniture. These to set forth early in the spring of the year, and to have their victuals provided ready at the frontier English plantations upon Connecticut river. So travelling, until they find some part of that sea, or lake, or some navigable river running into it: and there searching for a suitable place, both for good soil, and timber to make and build a convenient house, and a good sort for defence against Indians and French. But first with all speed, to prepare for and build a good pinnace, or large boat, with a deck, able to accommodate twenty men, and victuals and arms, and also a little one to come with it: With which vessel, after it is fitted and furnished, twenty of the men, whereof two or three to be good artists and men of prudence and conduct, to proceed to the said lake, or sea, and make discovery thereof, leaving the rest of the men to keep the fort, for a place of rendezvous. In the interi…, some of the men ashore may be employed in clearing land, fit to plan… co… the year ensuing, and others to fish and fowl. Some few also may be sent back to the English towns with some of the horses, to recr… provisions, and to give information. Those that go for discovery in the vessel, should be instructed to treat civilly yet warily,—for many Indians are very treacherous,—with the first Indian people they can discover; and to endeavour first to traffick with them, especially to buy provision, if the Indians can accommodate them with it; also …o trade for furs or other things vendable. To this end they must be furnished with such Indian trucking stuff, as may be suitable. And after they have made a discovery of any people, and driven a trade with them, then to leave one or two hostages, and take some from them, and return back to the fort, and land their corn and other provisions or furs, and give information of what they have discovered, and then return again upon discovery, and proceed further; and so employ that summer, returning to the fort, as often as may be convenient to give intelligence and receive fresh recruits and supplies. Especially in all these discoveries and converse with the Indians, d… care should be taken, that something of christian religion may be instilled into them, and to that end some pious and religious Indians must be procured to accompany the English in their discovery; and some of them may be left behind among those Indians, if they find encouragement, to be instructing them in the knowledge of the true God, and our Lord Jesus Christ. Care also must be had, that a good minister, physician, and chirurgeon, be sent with this company. And these means being used, by the blessing of God, something may be discovered to good purpose, the first summer; and then, being there settled, the next year, a more perfect and ample discovery may be made: for I apprehend, one year will not suffice to complete this discovery, considering the time that will be expended in building a vessel, and a fort and houses, before they can proceed in the enterprise.
Before I leave this theme, give me your favour to add a relation I had from a very intelligent Indian now living at Natick, and whose father is a pious person, and of the church there. This young man, their son, called Thomas, came home from the French that dwell upon the river of Canada, about three or four years since. He had lived with those French about three years, at a trading fort, about sixty miles up the river of Canada, above Quebec. This Indian told me for a certain truth, that both Indians and French at that place, with one voice informed him of this great lake, or sea; the extent thereof they do not know: And that abundance of Indians lived there; and that in the most westerly or southerly parts thereof, the Indians and French report, there are cattle and sheep, and men clothed, and silver and great riches. Said he, the French are very jealous left the English discover and settle the place first; and they have no way from Canada river to pass to this place by water, so much as with a canoe; and the Indians are many and potent, and they dare not go to them, and the French are but weak in those parts. Besides, they have a good trade for furs with the Indians by them; and hence seek not much after new discoveries at present. This is the substance of this Indian's relation to me, at his return home.
§. 5. Besides these Massawomeks and the Canada Indians, there are divers other Indians, that live within land and upon the sea coasts; as the Pokomtakukas, the Squakeays, the Quabaugs, and the Mohegans, the Pennakooks, divers that live upon or near unto the English of Connecticut, also upon Long-Island, and upon Hudson's river, and Delaware bay river, and upon the sea coasts between Delaware and New Jersey. Also there are several Indian people inhabiting to the eastward, both upon the sea coasts, and within land, without the bounds of the Massachusetts, and yet bordering upon the English of New England. All which do sit in darkness and the shadow of death. And it is a thing to be desired, that the word of God's grace, declared in the gospel of his Son, may run and be glorified, and spread far and near, like leven, until it leven the whole lump of these Indians; and thereby we may see the predictions of the scriptures fulfilled,—that our Lord Jesus Christ shall become salvation unto the poor gentiles, unto the ends of the earth; and that seraphick prediction of holy Herbert, that excellent poet, be accomplished, which he elegantly declared in that poem: Herbart, Church Militant. 190, 191, page.
"Religion stands on tiptoe in our land,
Ready to pass to the American strand.
When height of malice and prodigious lusts,
Impudent sinning, witchcrafts, and distrusts,
The mark of future bane, shall fill our cup
Unto the brim, and make our measure up;
When Seine shall swallow Tiber, and the Thames,
By letting in them both, pollutes her streams;
When Italy of us shall have her will,
And all her calendar of sins fulfil,
Whereby we may foresee what sins next year
Shall both in France and England domineer;
Then shall religion to America flee,
They have their times of gospel ev'n as we.
My God, thou dost prepare for them a way,
By carrying first their gold from them away,
For gold and grace did never yet agree;
Religion always sides with poverty.
We think we rob them, but we think amiss:
We are more poor—they are more rich.
By this thou wilt revenge their quarrel, making grace
To pay our debts, and leave our ancient place,
To give to them, while that which now their nation
But lends to us, shall be our desolation."
§. 6. Now we are come to speak of the Maquas more particularly, which I promised in the beginning of this chapter. These Maquas live near unto certain lakes, about fifty miles from fort Oranje, now called fort Albany, upon a branch of Hudson's river. The place they live at, is reported to be a fertile and pleasant country. It lies between the French that live upon Canada, and the English and Dutch that live upon Hudson's river. Those Indians are greatly addicted to war, spoil, and rapine. They heretofore lived in towns, or forts, not far one from another; but were all in confederacy with each other. Their manner was to rob, kill, and spoil, their neighbour Indians far and near; and with the beavers and other furs, thus taken by violence, to barter heretofore with the Dutch upon Hudson's river, now with the English that possess that country, for those necessaries they wanted, especially for guns, powder, and shot, and other weapons for war. They took their spoil principally from the Indians of Canada, and the branches and lakes thereunto belonging; which Indians, as was before hinted, are an industrious and peaceable people, exercising themselves much in hunting for and taking much beaver, otters, and other furs, which those watery regions are plentifully stored with. These Indians traffick with the French, living at Quebec and other places upon that river. But these warlike Maquas would attack, rob, and plunder them, as they return home from their huntings; and also for sundry years used hostility against the French upon that river, spoiling and taking prisoners many of them. These doings of the Maquas greatly obstructed their trade with the Indians: and hereby the French were much provoked and incensed against the Maquas; bu… wanting sufficient strength to deal with them, about the year 1646 and 1647, the French did, by their agent, Monsieur Marie, a person of orders, and most probably a Jesuit, apply themselves with earnest solicitations, unto the government of Massachusetts, for assistance to subdue the M…quas, offering great pay for such succour; but the English were not willing to engage themselves in that affair, forasmuch as the Maquas had never done any injury to the English, and in policy and reason were like to be a good bulwark between the English and French, in case a time should come of hostility between these two nations. For these and other reasons M. Marie returned without succour. Since which time, An. 1663, or 1664, the French, having received a considerable supply from France, with a new governour, and seven or eight hundred soldiers, this new governour, by his lieutenant and other commanders, with about six or seven hundred soldiers, did march against the Maquas in the dead of winter, when the rivers and lakes were covered with a firm ice, upon which they travelled the most direct way. In truth they passed through very much difficulty by reason of the cold season, digging into the snow upon the edges of the rivers and lakes, to make their lodgings in the night, and carrying their victuals, and arms, and snow shoes at their back; (I have spoken with some Frenchmen, that were soldiers in this exploit, who related the story) and by this difficult and hazardous attempt, at such a season as was never expected by their enemies, they fell upon the Maquas at unawares; and thereby made an ample conquest of them, and free… themselves from their former rapine and insolencies; and ever since have held them under a kind of subjection. Yet this victory was not so absolute, but many of the Indians escaped with their lives, but lost all they had, for the French took the spoil, and burnt their three forts or towns; but afterwards those that escaped, which were far the greater number of men, made treaties of peace with the French, and their country was restored to them, where they yet live, but paying some tribute to the French.
§. 7. These Maquas, as I said before, are given to rapine and spoil; and had, for several years, been in hostility with our neighbour Indians; as the Massachusetts, Pawtucketts, Pennakooks, Kennebecks, Pokomtakukes,*Living at Deerfuld. Quabaugs, all the Nipmuck Indians, and Nashaway, or Weshakim Indians. And in truth, they were in time of war, so great a terrour to all the Indians before named, though ours were far more in number than they, that the appearance of four or five Maquas in the woods would frighten them from their habitations, and cornfields and reduce many of them to get together in forts; by which means they were brought to such straits and poverty, that had it not been for relief they had from the English, in compensation for labour, doubtless many of them had suffered famine. For they were driven from their planting fields through fear, and from their fishing and hunting places; yea they durst not go into the woods, to seek roots and nuts to sustain their lives. But this good effect the war had upon some of them, namely, to turn them from idleness; for now necessity forced them to labour with the English in hoeing, reaping, picking hops, cutting wood, making hay, and making stone fences, and like necessary employments, whereby they got victuals and clothes.
These Maquas had great advantages over our poor Indian neighbours; for they are inured to war and hostility; ours, not inured to it. Besides, the manner of the Maquas in their attempt, gives them much advantage, and puts ours to terrour. The Maquas' manner is, in the spring of the year, to march forth in parties several ways, under a captain, and not above fifty in a troop. And when they come near the place that they design to spoil, they take up some secret place in the woods for their general rendezvous. Leaving some of their company there, they divide themselves into small parties, three, or four, or five in a company; and then go and seek for prey. These small parties repair near to the Indian habitations, and lie in ambushments by the path sides, in some secure places; and when they see passengers come, they fire upon them with guns; and such as they kill or wound, they seize on and pillage, and strip their bodies; and then with their knives, take off the skin and hair of the scalp of their head, as large as a satin or leather cap: and so leaving them for dead, they pursue the rest, and take such as they can prisoners, and serve them in the same kind; excepting at sometime, if they take a pretty youth or girl that they fancy, they save them alive: and thus they do, as often as they meet any Indians. They always carefully preserve the scalps of the head, drying the inside with hot ashes; and so carry them home as trophies of their valour, for which they are rewarded.
And now I am speaking of their cruel and murtherous practices, I shall here mention a true and rare story of the recovery of an Indian maid, from whose head the Maquas had stript the scalp in the manner before mentioned, and broken her skull, and left her for dead; and afterward she was found, recovered, and is alive at this day. The story is thus.
In the year 1670, a party of Maquas, being looking after their prey, met with some Indians in the woods, belonging to Naamkeek, or Wamesit, upon the north side of Merrimak river, not far from some English houses; where, falling upon these Indians, that were travelling in a path, they killed some, and took others, whom they also killed; and among the rest, a young maid of about fourteen years old was taken, and the scalp of her head taken off, and her skull broken, and left for dead with others. Some of the Indians escaping, came to their fellows; and with a party of men, they went forth to bring off the dead bodies, where they found this maid with life in her. So they brought her home, and got Lieutenant Thomas Henchman, a good man, and one that hath inspection over them by my order, to use means for her recovery; and though he had little hope thereof, yet he took the best care he could about it; and as soon as conveniently he could, sent the girl to an ancient and skilful woman living at Woburn, about ten miles distant, called Goodwife Brooks, to get her to use her best endeavours to recover the maid; which, by the blessing of God, she did, though she were about two years or more in curing her. I was at Goodwife Brooks' house in May, 1673, when she was in cure; and she showed me a piece or two of the skull, that she had taken out. And in May last, 1674, the second day, I being among the Indians at Pawtuckett, to keep court, and Mr. Eliot, and Mr. Richard Daniel, and others, with me, I saw the maid alive and in health; and looked upon her head, which was whole, except a little spot as big as a sixpence might cover, and the maid fat and lusty: but there was no hair come again upon the head, where the scalp was slayed off. This cure, as some skilful in chirurgery apprehend, is extraordinary and wonderful; and hence the glory and praise is to be ascribed to God, that worketh wonders without number.
§. 8. Although these Maquas were very afflictive and cruel, in this war with our neighbour Indians, for several years; yet we may observe two things very remarkable, wherein the favour of God is to be acknowledged in a distinguishing manner.
First, towards the English nation, who live many of them in the woods, far from neighbours; and frequently travel in the wilderness, from town to town, and to other colonies, and that without any other arms, except a riding rod; sometimes, one alone; sometimes, two or three together; against whom the Maquas had advantage, and opportunities daily to kill and destroy the English, and no certain knowledge who were the actors: But it pleased God so to restrain them, that not the least hurt was done unto any English person; only sometimes possibly they might kill an Englishman's cow or swine, when they wanted food; but this very seldom, and possibly might be charged as well upon other Indians, as upon the Maquas.
Secondly, towards the praying Indians. They killed but one or two of them, about one praying town, called Wamesit; but never were seen near to Natick or Hassanamesitt, where the churches are planted now; yet they were at some other praying towns of Indians. Doubtless the great God, who is compassionate to his poor children, did so guide and order their motions, that they never shot a bullet or arrow at any person near those towns: but yet the poor praying Indians were under great fears and terrours, and were very much distressed and discouraged by their fears; but yet, through God's grace and favour, they had no hurt.
Before I leave this discourse of the Maquas, I shall give you a short narrative of five armed Maquas, that were apprehended and imprisoned in Cambridge, in September, 1665, as I remember.
§. 9. There were five Mawhawks, or Maquas, all stout and lusty young men, and well armed, that came into one John Taylor's house, in Cambridge, in the afternoon. They were seen to come out of a swamp, not far from the house. The people of the house, which I think were only two women and a lad then at home, seeing them so armed; for they had every one of them a firelock gun, a pistol, an helved hatchet, a long knife hanging about their necks, and every one had his pack, or knapsack, well furnished with powder and bullets, and other necessaries; and also the people perceived that their speech was different from our neighbour Indians; for these Maquas speak hollow and through the throat more than our Indians; and their language is understood but by very few of our neighbour Indians:—I say, the people of the house suspected them, sent privily to them that had authority, a little distance in the town, to give order and direction in this matter. Hereupon a constable with a party of men came to the house, and seized them without any resistance. Some think they were willing to be apprehended, that they may better see and observe the English manner of living. The constable was ordered to carry them to prison, and secure them there, until such time as they might be examined; which was done, and they were all put in irons, and their arms and things taken from them and secured. The English had heard much, but never saw any of those Maquas until now. They differ nothing from the other Indians, only in their speech. At their being imprisoned and their being loaden with irons, they did not appear daunted or dejected; but, as the manner of those Indians is, they sang night and day, when they were awake.
Within a day or two after, they were removed with a guard, from Cambridge to Boston prison, at which time the court sat; before whom they were examined at several times, upon divers interrogations, too long to insert. The sum of their answer was, that they came not hither, with an intent to do the least wrong to the English, but to avenge themselves of the Indians, their enemies. They were told, it was inhumanity, and more like wolves than men, to travel and wander so far from home, merely to kill and destroy men, women, and children,—for they could get no riches of our Indians, who were very poor,—and to do this in a secret, sculking manner, lying in ambushment, thickets, and swamps, by the way side, and so killing people in a base and ignoble manner: whereas, if they were men of courage, valour, and nobleness of spirit, they would fight with their enemies openly and in a plain field, which our Indians would gladly accept and engage with them, and make an end of the cruel war, one way or other; but thus to be destroyed gradually, in such a manner, was altogether inhuman and barbarous. To these things they answered shortly: It was their trade of life: they were bred up by their ancestors, to act in this manner towards their enemies.
The Indians, our neighbours, flocked into Boston, in great numbers, not only to see those Maquas, but earnestly to solicit the court, not to set them escape, but to put them to death, or, at least, to deliver the Maquas to them to be put to death. For, said they, these Maquas are unto us, as wolves are to your sheep. They secretly seize upon us and our children, wherever they meet us, and destroy us. Now, if we had taken five wolves alive, and should let them go again, and not destroy them, you Englishmen would be greatly offended with us for such an act: and surely, said they, the lives of men are of more worth than beasts.
These kind of arguings and solicitations of our neighbour Indians, put the court upon serious thoughts, how to manage this affair, as became wise and christian men. For as, on the one hand, the Maquas had never done any wrong to the English; and that we should begin a breach with them, in taking away these men's lives, we well knew the temper and spirit of that people was so cruel, and bloody, and revengeful, that they might, and probably would, in a secret and sculking way, destroy many of our people, so that none could be safe in their goings out and comings in: on the other hand, it was considered, that our neighbour Indians would be offended, that we did not gratify their desires. But of these two evils the court chose to avoid the former; forasmuch as we had more ties and obligations upon our neighbours, both of christianity, and sobriety, and commerce, than upon the others; and hence did endeavour at present, and might have opportunity hereafter, to quiet and compose their minds, declaring unto them; First, that it was not becoming the prudence or honour of so great a people as the English were, not suitable to the christian profession, to begin a war with a people, that had not killed or slain any Englishmen. Secondly, for the English to espouse the Indians' quarrel, the cause whereof we knew not, or which party were the aggressors, was not lawful for the English to do. Thirdly, to take away the lives of five men, that were now in our power by their own voluntary coming into one of our towns, and had not done us any wrong, personally considered, it would be great injustice.
These and some other reasons were given to our neighbour Indians, who, though not satisfied at the present, yet were quiet. The result of the court in this matter was, to dismiss these five Maquas, with a letter from the court sent by them to their chief sachems, of this import: That although the English had seized five of their men, that came armed into one of the English houses, and had examined them; yet we had released them, and secured them from the Indians, and conducted them in safety out of our borders, and have re…rned all their arms and things unto them, and given them coats; and have sent this letter by them to their chief sachem, to forbid any of that people, for the future, to kill and destroy any of the Indians under our protection, that lived about forty miles from us on every side; which they might distinguish from other Indians, by their short hair, and wearing English fashioned apparel. Secondly, they were required not to come armed into any of our towns. But if any of them were sent, and came upon any business to us, they were to repair to the magistrate, and get the first Englishman they met withal, to conduct them to whom they were to declare their errand. With this letter, and a convoy of horse to conduct them into the woods, clear of the Indians, their enemies, they were dismissed, and we heard no more of them since.
§. 10. After this, as I best remember, in the summer, 1669, the war having now continued between the Maquas and our Indians, about six years, divers Indians, our neighbours, united their forces together, and made an army of about six or seven hundred men; and marched into the Maquas' country, to take revenge of them. This enterprise was contrived and undertaken without the privity, and contrary to the advice, of their English friends. Mr. Eliot and myself, in particular, dissuaded them, and gave them several reasons against it, but they would not hear us: but the praying Indians were so cautioned by our advice, that not above five of them went; and all of them were killed but one. The chiefest general in this expedition, was the principal sachem of Massachusetts, named Josiah, alias Chekatabutt, a wise and stout man of middle age, but a very vitious person. He had considerable knowledge in the christian religion; and sometime, when he was younger, seemed to profess it for a time;—for he was bred up by his uncle, Kuchamakin, who was the first sachem and his people to whom Mr. Eliot preached, as we shall afterwards declare;—and was a catechised Indian, and kept the sabbath several years; but after turned apostate, and for several years last past, separated from the praying Indians, and was but a back friend to religion. This man, as I said, was the chief; but there were divers other sagamores and stout men that assisted.
Their march unto the Maquas forts was about two hundred miles: and the Indians are ill accomodated for such an undertaking, having no other carriages for their arms, ammunition, and victuals, but their backs: and they are slow in their marches, when they are in a body; for they are fain to provide food, as they travel, by hunting, fishing, and gathering roots: and if, in their march, they are to pass any Indian towns or plantations; which they will go out of their way to visit and find quarters in, rather than pass them; at such places they will stay several days, until they devour all they can get; boasting, vapouring, and prating of their valour. Hereby their designs are known, and their enemies better prepared; and their provisions, especially their ammunition, wasted; for they are, when they have opportunity, much addicted to vapour, and shoot away their powder in the air.
This Indian army at last came to the Mawhawks' nearest fort; which their enemies had by this time well strengthened, fortified, and furnished with men and victuals, to endure a longer siege, than they knew the other could make. The Massachusetts, or sea coast army, set down before the fort, besieging it some days; they within and those without, firing at each other, without any considerable loss, except the expenses of powder and shot. Once a stout party of the Maquas sallied out upon the besiegers; and they fought stoutly on both sides, and several men were slain on both sides. At length, when the besieged s…w cause, they retired again into their hold.
After some days, the army lying in this posture, their provision being exhausted, and their munition well spent, and some of their people sick, and that they saw the impossibility to get the hold by assault, they broke up the siege, and retreated homewards about twenty or thirty miles. Shortly after they were gone, a strong party of the Maquas issued forth to pursue them; and fetching a compass, got before them,—for the army marched slowly, many being sick, and the best, not very strong,—and placed themselves in ambushment at … pass opportune for their purpose, where were thick swamps on each side their way. Here the Maquas lodged themselves very near to them, as was most advantageous to their design; and then the Maquas fired upon them, and killed and wounded many at the first firings. Our Indians did what they could for their defence, and to offend the enemies: and many of the principal men fought valiantly, especially their general before named, and several others: yea almost all their stoutest leaders and sagamores, that accompanied him, pursued the Maquas into the thickets; and under such great disadvantage, most of these valiant men lost their lives, and the general also. About fifty of their chief men, they confess, were slain in this fight; but I suppose, more; but how many the Maquas lost, is not known. At last, night coming on, the Maquas contenting themselves with this victory, retreated; and the remainder of the army hastened, as fast as they could, homeward.
This was the last and most fatal battle, fought between the Maquas and our Indians; who returned home ashamed, with lamentations and mourning for the loss of most of their chief men. Then were they effectually convinced of their folly, in attempting this design contrary to the counsel of their best friend.
It was two years and more after this battle, before a peace was made between our Indians and the Maquas. But little or no action was done of either side: only both parties, kept in fear of each other; our Indians retiring close under the wings of the English; the Maquas, not over forward to invade; for I apprehend, that in these wars they felt damage, and lost many men, and were willing to be quieter than formerly they were. In the year 1671, as I take it, by the mediation of one Captain Salisbury, commander in chief at fort Albany, and other English and Dutch living there, being solicited thereunto by some of the English magistrates of the English colonies, there was a peace concluded between the Maquas and our Indians; who have been much frighted, scattered, impoverished, and discouraged by this war; but now are quiet, and are returned to their plantations, some whereof during this war were deserted; and the Indians of several places gathered together in forts, to their great suffering and inconveniences.
To sum up all concerning these Maquas,—you may see in the foregoing discourse, that they are a stout, yet cruel people; much addicted to bloodshed and cruelty; very prone to vex and spoil the peaceable Indians. Therefore it were a most desirable thing, to put forth our utmost endeavours to civilize, and convert these Indians to the knowledge of the gospel; which is the only means to turn this curse into a blessing. Then those gracious promises will be fulfilled to this people, that are mentioned in Isaiah xi. 6-9; in Is. lxv. 25; and again in Is. xxxv. 4-9. These and abundance of other gracious promises shall be fulfilled to these poor Indians, when they receive the gospel in truth and power; which the Lord grant for Jesus Christ's sake. Amen.