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Vindication of the Government of New England Churches 2 · John Wise

Vindication of the Government of New England Churches 2, Chapter 2

CHAP. II.

1. I Shall diſcloſe ſeveral principles of natural knowledge; plainly diſcovering the law of nature; or the true ſentiments of natural reaſon, with reſpect to mans being and government. And in this eſſay I ſhall peculiarly confine the diſcourſe to two heads, viz.

1. Of the natural (in diſtinction to the civil) and then,

2. Of the civil being of man. And I ſhall principally take baron Puffendorff for my chief guide and ſpokeſ-man.

1. I ſhall conſider man in a ſtate of natural being, as a free-born ſubject under the crown of heaven, and owing homage to none but God himſelf. It is certain civil government in general, is a very admirable reſult of providence, and an incomparable benefit to mankind, yet muſt needs be acknowledged to be the effect of human free-compacts and not of divine inſtitution; it is the produce of mans reaſon, of human and rational combinations, and not from any direct orders of infinite wiſdom, in any poſitive law wherein is drawn up this or that ſcheme of civil government. Government (ſays the Lord Warrington) is neceſſary—in that no ſociety of men can ſubſiſt without it; and that particular form of government is neceſſary which beſt ſuits the temper and inclination of a people. Nothing can be God's ordinance, but what he has particularly declared to be ſuch; there is no particular form of civil government deſcribed in God's word, neither does nature prompt it. The government of the Jews was changed five times. Government is not formed by nature, as other births or productions; if it were, it would be the ſame in all countries; becauſe nature keeps the ſame method, in the ſame thing, in all climates. If a common-wealth be changed into a monarchy, is it nature that forms, and brings forth the monarch? Or if a royal family be wholly extinct (as in Noah's caſe, being not heir apparent from deſcent from Adam) is it nature that muſt go to work (with the kings bees, who themſelves alone preſerve the royal race in that empire) to breed a monarch before the people can have a king, or a government ſent over them? And thus we muſt leave kings to reſolve which is their beſt title to their crowns, whether natural right, or the conſtitution of government ſettled by human compacts, under the direction and conduct of reaſon. But to proceed under the head of a ſtate of natural being, I ſhall more diſtinctly explain the ſtate of human nature in its original capacity, as man is placed on earth by his maker, and cloathed with many inveſtitures, and immunities which properly belong to man ſeparately conſidered. As,

1. The prime immunity in mans ſtate, is that he is moſt properly the ſubject of the law of nature. He is the favorite animal on earth; in that this part of God's image, viz. reaſon is congenate with his nature, w… in by a law immutable, inſtampt upon his frame, God has provided a rule for men in all their actions, obliging each one to the performance of that which is right, not only as to juſtice, but likewiſe as to all other moral virtues, the which is nothing but the dictate of right reaſon founded in the ſoul of man. Molloy, De Mao, Praef. That which is to be drawn from mans reaſon, flowing from the true current of that faculty, when unperverted, may be ſaid to be the law of nature, on which account, the holy ſcriptures declare it written on mens hearts. For being endowed with a ſoul, you may know from yourſelf, how and what you ought to act. Rom. 2.14. Theſe having not a law, are a law to themſelves. So that the meaning is, when we acknowledge the law of nature to be the dictate of right reaſon, we muſt mean that the underſtanding of man is endowed with ſuch a power, as to be able, from the contemplation of human condition to diſcover a neceſſity of living agreably with this law: And likewiſe to find out ſome principle, by which the precepts of it, may be clearly and ſolidly demonſtrated. The way to diſcover the law of nature in our own ſtate, is by a narrow watch, and accurate contemplation of our natural condition, and propenſions. Others ſay this is the way to find out the law of nature. ſcil. If a man any ways doubts, whether what he is going to do to another man be agreable to the law of nature, then let him ſuppoſe himſelf to be in that other mans room; and by this rule effectually executed, a man muſt be a very dull ſcholar to nature not to make proficiency in the knowledge of her laws. But more particularly in purſuing our condition for the diſcovery of the law of nature, this is very obvious … view▪ viz.

1. A principle of ſelf love, and ſelf preſervation, is very predominant in every mans being.

2. A ſociable diſpoſition.

3. An affection or love to mankind in general. And to give ſuch ſentiments the force of a law, we muſt ſuppoſe a God who takes care of all mankind, and has thus obliged each one, as a ſubject of higher principles of being, than meer inſtincts. For that all law properly conſidered, ſuppoſes a capable ſubject, and a ſuperiour power, and the law of God which is binding, is publiſhed by the dictates of right re… as other ways: Therefore ſays Plutarch, to follow God and obey reaſon is the ſame thing. But moreover that God has eſtabliſhed the law of nature, as the general rule of government, is further illuſtrable from the man… ſanctions in providence, and from the peace and guilt of conſcience in them that either obey, or violate the law of nature. But moreover, the foundation of the law of nature with relation to government, may be thus diſcovered. ſcil. Man is a creature extreamly deſirous of his own preſervation; of himſelf he is plainly expoſed to many wants, unable to ſecure his own ſafety and maintenance, without the aſſiſtance of his fellows; & he is alſo able of returning kindneſs by the furtherance of mutual good; but yet man is often found to be malicious, inſolent, and eaſily provoked, and as powerful in effecting miſchief, as he is ready in deſigning it. Now that ſuch a creature may be preſerved, it is neceſſary that he be ſociable; that is, that he be capable and diſpoſed to unite himſelf to thoſe of his own ſpecies, and to regulate himſelf towards them, that they may have no fair reaſon to do him harm; but rather incline to promote his intereſts, and ſecure his rights and concerns. This then is a fundamental law of nature, that every man as far as in him lies, do maintain a ſociableneſs with others, agreable with the main end and diſpoſition of human nature in general. For this is very apparent, that reaſon and ſociety render man the moſt potent of all creatures. And finally, from the principles of ſociableneſs it follows as a fundamental law of nature, that man is not ſo wedded to his own intereſt, but that he can make the common good the mark of his aim: and hence he becomes capacitated to enter into a civil ſtate by the law of nature; for without this property in nature, viz. Sociableneſs, which is for cementing of parts, every government would ſoon moulder and diſſolve.

2. The ſecond great immunity of man is an original liberty inſtampt upon his rational nature. He that intrudes upon this liberty, violates the law of nature. In this diſcourſe I ſhall wave the conſideration of mans moral turpitude, but ſhall view him phyſically as a creature which God has made and furniſhed eſſentially with many enobling immunities, which render him the moſt auguſt animal in the world, and ſtill, whatever has happened ſince his creation, he remains at the upper-end of nature, and as ſuch is a creature of a very noble character. For as to his dominion, the whole frame of the lower part of the univerſe is devoted to his uſe, and at his command, and his liberty under the conduct of right reaſon, is equal with his truſt. Which liberty may be briefly conſidered, internally as to his mind, and externally as to his perſon.

1. The native internal liberty of man's nature implies, a faculty of doing or omitting things according to the direction of his judgment. But in a more ſpecial meaning, this liberty does not conſiſt in a looſe and ungovernable freedom, or in an unbounded licence of acting. Such licence is diſagreeing with the condition and dignity of man, and would make man of a lower and meaner conſtitution than brute creatures; who in all their liberties are kept under a better and a more rational government, by their inſtincts. Therefore as Plutarch ſays, Thoſe perſons only who live in obedience to reaſon, are worthy to be accounted free: They alone live as they will, who have learnt what they ought to will. So that the true natural liberty of man, ſuch as really and truely agrees to him, muſt be underſtood, as he is guided and reſtrained by the tyes of reaſon, and laws of nature; all the reſt is brutal, if not worſe.

2. Mans external perſonal, natural liberty, antecedent to all human parts, or alliances muſt alſo be conſidered. And ſo every man muſt be conceived to be perfectly in his own power and diſpoſal, and not ro be controuled by the authority of any other. And thus every man, muſt be acknowledged equal to every man, ſince all ſubjection and all command are equally baniſhed on both ſides; and conſidering all men thus at liberty, every m…n, has a prerogative to judge for himſelf, viz. What ſhall be moſt for his behoof, happineſs and well-being.

3. The third capital immunity belonging to mans nature, is an equality amongſt men; which is not to be denied by the law of nature, till man has reſigned himſelf with all his rights for the ſake of a civil ſtate; and then his perſonal liberty and equality is to be cheriſhed, and preſerved to the higheſt degree, as will conſiſt with all juſt diſtinctions amongſt men of honor, and ſhall be agreable with the public good. For man has a high valuation of himſelf, and the paſſion ſeems to lay its firſt foundation (not in pride, but) really in the high and admirable frame and conſtitution of human nature. The word man ſays my author, is thought to carry ſomewhat of dignity in its ſound; and we commonly make uſe of this as the moſt proper and prevailing arguments againſt a rude inſulter, viz. I am not a beaſt or a dog: But am a man as well as yourſelf. Since then human nature agrees equally with all perſons; and ſince no one can live a ſociable life with another that does not own or reſpect him as a man; it follows as a command of the law of nature, that every man eſteem and treat another as one who is naturally his equal, or who is a man as well as he. There be many popular, or plauſible reaſons that greatly illuſtrate this equality, viz. that we all derive our being from one ſtock, the ſame common father of human race. On this conſideration Boethius che…ks the pride of the inſulting nobility.

Quid Genus et Proavos Strepitis?

Si Primordia Veſtra,

Auteremque Deum Spectas,

Nullus Degeuer Extat

Niſi vitiis Pejora fovens,

Proprium Deſerat Ortum.

Fondly our firſt deſcent we b…aſt;

If whence at firſt our breath we drew,

The common ſprings of life we view,

The …ry notion ſoon is loſt.

The almighty made us equal all;

But he that ſlaviſhly complys

To do the drudgery of vice,

Denies his high original.

And alſo that our bodies are compoſed of matter, frail, brittle, and lyable to be deſtroyed by thouſand accidents; we all owe our exiſtence to the ſame method of propagation. The nobleſt mortal in his entrance on the ſtage of life, is not diſtinguiſhed by any pomp or of paſſage from the loweſt of mankind; and our life haſtens to the ſame general mark: Death obſerves no ceremony, but knocks as loud at the barriers of the court, as at the door of the cottage. This equality being admitted, bears a very great force in maintaining peace and friendſhip amongſt men. For that he who would uſe the aſſiſtance of others, in promoting his own advantage, ought as freely to be at their ſervice when they want his help on the like occaſions. One good turn requires another, is the common proverb; for otherwiſe he muſt need eſteem others unequal to himſelf, who conſtantly demands their aid, and as conſtantly denies his own. And whoever is of this inſolent temper, cannot but highly diſpleaſe thoſe about him, and ſoon give occaſion of the breach of the common peace. It was a manly reproof which Charactacus gave the Romans. Num Si vos Omnibus, &c. What! becauſe you deſire to be maſters of all men, does it follow therefore that all men ſhould deſire to be your ſlaves, for that it is a command of natures law, that no man that has not obtained a particular and ſpecial right, ſhall arrogate to himſelf a larger ſhare than his fellows, but ſhall admit others to equal privileges with himſelf. So that the principle of equality in a natural ſtate, is peculiarly tranſgreſſed by pride, which is when a man without ſufficient reaſon, prefers, himſelf to others. And though as Henſius, paraphraſes upon Ariſtotle's politicks to this purpoſe. viz. Nothing is more ſuitable to nature, than that thoſe who excel in underſtanding and prudence, ſhould rule and controul thoſe who are leſs happy in thoſe advantages, &c. Yet we muſt note, that there is room for an anſwer, ſcil. That it would be the greateſt abſurdity to believe, that nature actually inveſts the wiſe with a ſovereignity over the weak; or with a right of forcing them againſt their wills; for that no ſovereignity can be eſtabliſhed, unleſs ſome human deed, or covenant precede: Nor does natural fitneſs for government make a man preſently governor over another; for that as Ulpian ſays, by a natural right all men are … free; and nature having ſet all men upon a level and made them equals, no ſervitude or ſubjection can be conceived without inequality; and this cannot be made without uſurpation or force in others, or voluntary compliance in thoſe who reſign their freedom, and give away their degree of natural being. And thus we come,

2. To conſider man in a civil ſtate of being; wherein we ſhall obſerve the great difference between a natural, and political ſtate; for in the latter ſtate many great diſproportions appear, or at leaſt many obvious diſtinctions are ſoon made amongſt men; which doctrine is to be laid open under a few heads.

1. Every man conſidered in a natural ſtate, muſt be allowed to be free, and at his own diſpoſe; yet to ſuit mans inclinations to ſociety; and in a peculiar manner to gratify the neceſſity he is in of public rule and order, he is impelled to enter into a civil community; and diveſts himſelf of his natural freedom, …nd puts himſelf under government; which amongſt other th…gs comprehends the power of life and death over him, together with authority to enjoin him ſome things to which he has an utter averſion, and to prohibit him other things, for which he may have as ſtrong an inclination; ſo that he may be often under this authority, obliged to ſacrifice his private, for the public good. So that though man is inclined to ſociety, yet he is driven to a combination by great neceſſity. For that the true and leading cauſe of forming governments, and yielding up natural liberty, and throwing mans equality into a common pile to be new caſt by the rules of fellowſhip; was really and truly to guard themſelves againſt the injuries men were liable to interchangeably; for none ſo good to man, as man, and yet none a greater enemy. So that,

2. The firſt human ſubject and original of civil power is the people. For as they have a power every man over himſelf in a natural ſtate, ſo upon a combination they can and do bequeath this power unto others; and ſettle it according as their united diſcretion ſhall determine. For that this is very plain that when the ſubject of ſovereign power is quite extinct, that power returns to the people again. And when they are free, they may ſet up what ſpecies of government they pleaſe; or if they rather incline to it, they may ſubſide into a ſtate of natural being, if it be plainly for the beſt. In the Eaſtern country of the Magul, we have ſome reſemblance of the caſe; for upon the death of an abſolute monarch, they live ſo many days without a civil head; but in that Interregnum, thoſe who ſurvive the vacancy, are glad to get into a civil ſtate again; and uſually they are in a very bloody condition when they return under the covert of a new monarch; this project is to indear the people to a tyranny, from the experience they have ſo lately had of an anarchy.

3. The formal reaſon of government is the will of a community, yielded up and ſurrendered to ſome other ſubject, either of one particular perſon, or more, conveyed in the following manner.

Let us conceive in our mind a multitude of men, all naturally free and equal; going about voluntarily, to erect themſelves into a new common-wealth. Now their condition being ſuch, to bring themſelves into a politick body, they muſt needs enter into divers covenants.

1. They muſt interchangeably each man covenant to join in one laſting ſociety, that they may be capable to concert the meaſures of their ſafety, by a public vote.

2. A vote or decree muſt then nextly paſs to ſet up ſome particular ſpecies of government over them. And if they are joined in their firſt compact upon abſolute terms to ſtand to the deciſion of the firſt vote concerning the ſpecies of government: Then all are bound by the majority to acquieſce in that particular form thereby ſettled, though their own private opinion, incline them to ſome other model.

3. After a decree has ſpecified the particular form of government, then there will be need of a new covenant, whereby thoſe on whom ſovereignity is conferred, engage to take care of the common peace, and welfare. And the ſubjects on the other hand, to yield them faithful obedience. In which covenant is included that ſubmiſſion and union of wills, by which a ſtate may be conceived to be but one perſon. So that the moſt proper definition of a civil ſtate, is this, viz. A civil ſtate is a compound moral perſon. Whoſe will (united by thoſe covenants before paſſed) is the will of all; to the end it may uſe, and apply the ſtrength and riches of private perſons towards maintaining the common pence, ſecurity, and well-being of all, which may be conceived as tho' the whole ſtate was now become but one man; in which the aforeſaid covenants may be ſuppoſ…d under God's providence, to be the divine Fiat, pronounced by God, let us make man. And by way of reſemblance the aforeſaid being may be thus anatomized.

1. The ſovereign power is the ſ… infuſed, giving life and motion to the whole body.

2. Subordinate officers are the joints by which the body moves.

3. Wealth and riches are the ſtrength.

4. Equity and laws are the reaſon.

5. Councellors the memory.

6. Salus P…puli, or the happineſs of the people, is the end of its being; or main buſineſs to be attended and done.

7. Concord amongſt the members, and all eſtates, is the health.

8. Sedition is ſickneſs, and civil war death.

4. The parts of ſovereignity may be conſidered: So,

1. As it preſcribes the rule of action: It is rightly termed legiſlative power.

2. As it determines the controverſies of ſubjects by the ſtandard of thoſe rules. So is it juſtly termed judiciary power.

3. As it arms the ſubjects againſt foreigners, or forbids hoſtility, ſo its called the power of peace and war.

4. As it takes in miniſters for the diſcharge of buſineſs, ſo it is called the right of appointing magiſtrates. So that all great officers and public ſervants, muſt needs owe their original to the creating power of ſovereignty. So that thoſe whoſe right it is to create, may diſſolve the being of thoſe who are created, unleſs they caſt them into an immortal frame. And yet muſt needs be diſſoluble if they juſtly forfeit their being to their creators.

5. The chief end of civil communities, is that men thus conjoined, may be ſecured againſt the injuries, they are liable to from their own kind. For if every man could ſecure himſelf ſingly; it would be great folly for him, to renounce his natural liberty, in which every man is his own king and protector.

6. The ſovereign authority beſides, that it inheres in every ſtate as in a common and general ſubject. So farther according as it reſides in ſome one perſon, or in a council (conſiſting of ſome ſelect perſons, or of all the members of a community) as in a proper and particular ſubject, ſo it produceth different forms of commonwealths, viz. Such as are either ſimple and regular, or mixt.

1. The forms of a regular ſtate are three only, which forms ariſe from the proper and particular ſubject, in which the ſupream power reſides. As,

1. A democracy; which is when the ſovereign power is lodged in a council conſiſting of all the members, and where every member has the privilege of a vote. This form of government, appears in the greateſt part of the world to have been the moſt ancient. For that reaſon ſeems to ſhew it to be moſt probable, That when men (being originally in a condition of natural freedom and equality) had thoughts of joining in a civil body, would without queſtion be inclined to adminiſter their common affairs, by their common judgment, and ſo muſt neceſſarily to gratify that inclination eſtabliſh a democracy; neither can it be rationally imagined, that fathers of families being yet free and independent, ſhould in a moment, or little time take of their long delight in governing their own affairs, and devolve all upon ſome ſingle ſovereign commander; for that it ſeems to have been thought more equitable, that what belonged to all ſhould be managed by all, when all had entered by compact into one community. The original of our government, ſays Plato, (ſpeaking of the Athenian common-wealth) was taken from the equality of our race. Other ſtates there are compoſed of different blood, and of unequal lines, the conſequence of which are diſproportionable ſovereignity, tyranical or oligarchycal ſway; under which men live in ſuch a manner, as to eſteem themſelves partly lords, and partly ſlaves to each other. But we and our countrymen, being all born brethren of the ſame mother, do not look upon ourſelves to ſtand under ſo hard a relation, as that of lords and ſlaves; but the parity of our deſcent incline us to keep up the like parity by our laws, and to yield the precedency to nothing but to ſuperior virtue and wiſdom. And moreover it ſeems to very manifeſt that moſt civil communities aroſe at firſt from the union of families, that were nearly allied in race and blood. And though ancient ſtory make frequent mention of kings, yet it appears that moſt of them were ſuch that had an influence rather in perſwading, than in any power of commanding. So Juſtin diſcribes that kind of government, as the moſt primitive, which Ariſtotle ſtiles an heroical kingdom. viz. Such as is no ways inconſiſtent with a democratical ſtate. De princip. Reru. 1. L. 1. C.

A democracy is then erected, when a number of free perſons, do aſſemble together, in order to enter into a covenant for uniting themſelves in a body: And ſuch a preparative aſſembly hath ſome appearance already of a democracy; it is a democracy in embrio, properly in this reſpect, that every man hath the priviledge freely to deliver his opinion concerning the common affairs. Yet he who diſſents from the vote of the majority, is not in the leaſt obliged by what they determine, till by a ſecond covenant, a popular form be actually eſtabliſhed; for not before then can we call it a democratical government, viz. Till the right of determining all matters relating to the public ſafety, is actually placed in a general aſſembly of the whole people; or by their own compact and mutual agreement, determine themſelves the proper ſubjects for the exerciſe of ſovereign power. And to compleat this ſtate, and render it capable to exert its power to anſwer the end of a civil ſtate: Theſe conditions are neceſſary.

1. That a certain time and place be aſſigned for aſſembling.

2. That when the aſſembly be orderly met, as to time and place, that then the vote of the majority muſt paſs for the vote of the whole body.

3. That magiſtrates be appointed to exerciſe the authority of the whole for the better diſpatch of buſineſs, of every days occurrence; who alſo may with more mature diligence, ſearch into more important affairs; and if in caſe any thing happens of greater conſequence, may report it to the aſſembly; and be peculiarly ſerviceable in putting all public decrees into execution. Becauſe a large body of people is almoſt uſeleſs in reſpect of the laſt ſervice, and of many others as to the more particular application and exerciſe of power. Therefore it is moſt agreable with the law of nature, that they inſtitute their officers to act in their name, and ſtead.

2. The ſecond ſpecies of regular government, is an ariſtocracy; and this is ſaid then to be conſtituted when the people, or aſſembly united by a firſt covenant, and having thereby caſt themſelves into the firſt rudiments of a ſtate; do then by common decree, devolve the ſovereign power, on a council conſiſting of ſome ſelect members; and theſe having accepted of the deſignation, are then properly inveſted with ſovereign command; and then an ariſtocracy is formed.

3. The third ſpecies of a regular government, is a monarchy, which is ſettled when the ſovereign power is conferred on ſome one worthy perſon. It differs from the former, becauſe a monarch who is but one perſon in natural, as well as in moral account, and ſo is furniſhed with an immediate power of exerciſing ſovereign command in all inſtances of government; but the forenamed muſt needs have particular time and place aſſigned; but the power and authority is equal in each.

2. Mixt governments, which are various and of divers kinds (not now to be enumerated) yet poſſibly the faireſt in the world is that which has a regular monarchy; ſettled upon a noble democracy as its baſis. And each part of the government is ſo adjuſted by pacts and laws that renders the whole conſtitution an eliſium. It is ſaid of the Britiſh empire, that it is ſuch a monarchy, as that by the neceſſary ſubordinate concurrence of the lords and commons, in the making and repealing all ſtatutes or acts of parliament; it hath the main advantages of an ariſtocracy, and of a democracy, and yet free from the diſadvantages and evils of either. It is ſuch a monarchy, as by moſt admirable temperament affords very much to the induſtry, liberty, and happineſs of the ſubject, and reſerves enough for the majeſty and prerogative of any king, who will own his people as ſubjects, not as ſlaves, It is a kingdom, that of all the kingdoms of the world, is moſt like to the kingdom of Jeſus Chriſt, whoſe yoke is eaſy, and burden light. Preſent ſtate of England 1ſt part, 64 p. Thus having drawn up this brief ſcheme concerning man, and the nature of civil government, he is become ſole ſubject of, I ſhall nextly proceed to make improvements of the premiſes, to accommodate the main ſubject under our conſideration.

2. I ſhall now make ſome improvement of the foregoing principles of civil knowledge, fairly deduced from the law of nature. And I ſhall peculiarly refer to eccleſiaſtical affairs, whereby we may in probability diſcover more clearly the kind, and ſomething of the nature of that government, which Chriſt has placed in and over his church. The learned debates of men, and divine writ ſometimes ſeems to caſt ſuch a grandeur on the church and its officers, as though they ſtood in peerage with civil empire. Rev. 1.6, 9. 1 Pet. 2.9. 1 Cor. 4.8. 1 Cor. 12.28. 2 Cor. 10.8. …t all ſuch expreſſions muſt needs be otherways interpreted. God is the higheſt cauſe that acts by council; and it muſt needs be altogether repugnant, to think he ſhould fore-caſt the ſtate of this world by no better a ſcheme, than to order two ſovereign powers, in the ſame grand community, which would be like placing two ſuns in the firmament, which would be to ſet the univerſe into a flame : That ſhould ſuch an error happen, one muſt needs be forthwith extinguiſhed, to bring the frame of nature into a juſt temper and keep it out of harms way. But to proceed with my purpoſe I ſhall go back upon the civil ſcheme, and inquire after two things: Firſt of rebellion againſt government in general, and then in ſpecial; whether any of the aforeſaid ſpecies of regular government can be predictable of the church of God on earth.

1. In general, concerning rebellion againſt government, for particular ſubjects to break in upon regular communites duly eſtabliſhed, is from the premiſes to violate the law of nature; and is a high uſurpation upon the firſt grand immunities of mankind. Such rebels in ſtates, and uſurpers in churches affront the world, with a preſumption that the beſt of the brotherhood are a company of fools, and that themſelves have fairly monopolized all the reaſon of human nature. Yea, they take upon them the boldneſs to aſſume a prerogative of trampling under foot the natural original equality and liberty of their fellows; for to puſh the proprietors of ſettlements out of poſſeſſion of their old, and impoſe new ſchemes upon them, is vertually to declare them in a ſtate of vaſſalage, or that they were born ſo; and therefore will the uſurper be ſo gracious as to inſure them they ſhall not be ſold at the next market: they muſt eſteem it a favor, for by this time all the original prerogatives of mans nature are intentionally a victim, ſmoaking to ſatiate the uſurpers ambition. It is a very tart obſervation on an Engliſh monarch, and where it may by proportion be applied to a ſubject muſt needs ſink very deep, and ſerve for evidence under this head. It is in the ſecret hiſtory of K. C. 2. and K. J. 2. p. 2. ſays my author, Where the conſtitution of a nation is ſuch, that the laws of the land are the meaſures both of the ſovereigns commands, and the obedience of the ſubjects, whereby it is provided; that as the one are not to invade what by conceſſions and ſtipulations is granted to the ruler; ſo the other is not to deprive them of their lawful and determined rights and liberties; then the prince who ſtrives to ſubvert the fundamental laws of the ſociety, is the traitor and the rebel, and not the people, who endeavor to preſerve and defend their own. It's very applicable to particular men in their rebellions or uſurpations in church or ſtate.

2. In ſpecial I ſhall now proceed to enquire, whether any of the aforeſaid ſpecies of regular, unmixt governments, can with any good ſhew of reaſon be predictable of the church of Chriſt on earth. If the churches of Chriſt, as churches, are either the object or ſubject of a ſovereign power intruſted in the hands of men, then moſt certainly one of the fore-cited ſchemes of a perfect government will be applicable to it.

Before I purſue the enquiry, it may not be improper to pauſe, and make ſome caution here, by diſtinguiſhing between that which may have ſome reſemblance of civil power, and the thing itſelf; and ſo the power of churches is but a faint reſemblance of civil power; it comes in reality nothing near to the thing itſelf; for the one is truly coercive, the other perſuaſive; the one is ſovereign power, the other is delegated and miniſterial: but not to delay, I ſhall proceed with my enquiry, and therein ſhall endeavor to humor the ſeveral great claimers of government in the church of Chriſt. And,

1. I ſhall begin with a monarchy. It's certain, his holineſs, either by reaſonable pleas, or powerful cheats, has aſſumed an abſolute and univerſal ſovereignity; this …ills his cathedral chair, and is adorned with a triple crown, and in defence thereof does proteſt, The Almighty has made him both key-keeper of heaven and hell, with the adjacent territories of purgatory, and veſted in him an abſolute ſovereignity over the chriſtian world. And his right has ſo far prevailed, that princes and civil monarchs hold their crowns and donations as his dutiful ſons, and loyal ſubjects, he therefore decks himſelf with the ſpoils of the divine attributes, ſtiling himſelf, our Lord God, optimum, maximum et ſupremum numen in Terris; a God on earth, a viſible deity, and that his power is abſolute, and his wiſdom infallible. And many of the great potentates of the earth have paid their fealty, as though it was really ſo. One of them clad in canvas, going bare-foot in the depth of winter, (in obedience to the decree, ſtinting the pennance in proportion to the wickedneſs of princes) has waited many days for abſolution at his pious ga…s. Another has thrown himſelf down proſtrate a humble penitent before him : He has placed his holy foot on the monarchs profane neck as cruſhing a vermine, crawling out of the ſtable of his ſovereignty; and others frequently kiſs his toes with very profound devotion. Theſe and ſuch like triumphant ſignals of his ſovereign power does he wear. And indeed if he is the univerſal monarch of the catholic church, princes that are members of it muſt needs knock under; for that in one world there cannot poſſibly be two Moſt High's, any more than two Infinites. Thus you ſee the clergy, or goſpel miniſtry of the chriſtian world have ſo wiſely handled buſineſs, and managed the goſpel, that they have fairly (as they avouch) found a ſovereign power bequeathed in it to the miniſtry of Chriſt, and romaging more warily and nicely, at laſt found a ſpiritual monarch, very compleatly furniſhed with the keys of all ſorts of power hanging at his girdle; and may we not pronounce the wiſer they! ſeeing the world growing weary of religion, was willing to loll itſelf down to ſleep, and leave them in ſole truſt with the whole intereſt of God's kingdom. But the ſad enquiry is, whether this ſort of government has not plainly ſubverted the deſign of the goſpel, and the end for which Chriſt's government was ordained, viz. the moral, ſpiritual, and eternal happineſs of men?

But I have no occaſion to purſue this remark with tedious demonſtrations: It's very plain, it's written with blood in capital letters, to be read at midnight by the flames of Smithfield, and other ſuch like conſecrated fires. That the government of this eccleſiaſtical monarch has inſtead of ſanctifying, abſolutely debauched the world, and ſubverted all good chriſtianity in it. So that without the leaſt ſhew of any vain preſumption we may infer, that God and wiſe nature were never propitious to the birth of this monſter.

2. An Ariſtocracy, which places the ſupream power in a ſelect company of choice perſons. Here I freely acknowledge were the goſpel miniſtry eſtabliſhed the ſubject of this power, viz. To will and do, in all church affairs without controul, &c. This government might do to ſupport the church in its moſt valuable rights, &c. If we could be aſſured they would make the ſcripture, and not their private will the rule of their perſonal and miniſterial actions: and indeed upon theſe terms any ſpecies of government, might ſerve the great deſign of redemption; but conſidering how great an intereſt is embarked, and how frail a bottom we truſt, though we ſhould rely upon the beſt of men, eſpecially if we remember what is in the hearts of good men, (viz. much ignorance, abundance of ſmall ends, many times cloked with a high pretence in rel…ion; pride ſkulking and often breeding revenge upon a ſmall affront; and blown up by a pretended zeal; yet really and truly by nothing more divine than intereſt or ill nature) and alſo conſidering how very uncertain we are of the real goodneſs of thoſe we eſteem good men; and alſo how impoſſible it is to ſecure the intail of it to ſucceſſors: and alſo if we remind how chriſtianity by the foreſaid principle has been peel'd, rob…d and ſpolied already; it cannot conſiſt with the light of nature to venture again upon ſuch perils, eſpecially if we can find a ſafer way home. More diſtinctly.

It is very plain (allowing me to ſpeak emblematically) the primitive conſtitution of the churches was a democracy as appears by the foregoing parallel. But after the chriſtian churches, were received into the favor of the imperial court, under the dominion of Conſtantine the great; there being many pr…liminaries which had furniſhed the miniſters with a diſpoſition thereunto, they quickly deprived the fraternities of their rights in the government of the churches, when they were once provided of a plentiful maintenance though the liberality of Conſtantine, that when chriſtianity was ſo luxuriantly treated, as by his great bounty, and noble ſettlement, it is ſaid there was a voice heard from heaven, ſaying, Now is P… poured into the church. But the ſubverſion of the conſtitution, is a ſtory too long now to tell. Take therefore part of it, out of a late author well verſed in antiquity, which may give ſome brief image of the whole.

Non multa ſeculu jus Plebis Illaeſum Manſit, neque Aliter Evenire Potuit, Quin Ill…d, vel amittatur, vel ſaltem diminuatur, &c. De Ordina; Diſſ. Hyſtorica. P. 36.40, 41.

The right of the people did not remain unhurt through many ages; neither could it well be otherways, but that it muſt be loſt, or much diminiſhed. Zonaras does confeſs that heretofore biſhops were choſen by the ſuffrage of the people. But many ſeditions happening among them; it was decreed that every biſhop ſhould hereafter be choſen by the authority of the biſhops of every province. The cauſe ſeemed to be ſo very ſpecious, that nothing could be more decent, or more conducive to the ſafety of the common wealth.

Yet (ſays my author) if you do well weigh the buſineſs, you muſt needs acknowledge nothing could have happened more pernicious or deſtructive to the church of God. For ſoon after theſe things came to paſs, it is very obvious, that tyranny over the conſciences of the faithful; and an intolerable pride every where grew rampant among the guides of the church. Yet there was one thing ſtill very needful to be done; and that was to eſtabliſh or confirm the power which the metropolitans, and biſhops had acquired to themſelves. Therefore they fell to it tooth and nail to drive away the fraternity from all intereſt in elections: And alas poor hearts! They began to ſleep with both ears; that then was ſcarce any enemy left to interrupt, or controul the conquerors. This was the manner of the clergy till they had made themſelves the ſubjects of all power, and then acted arbitrarily, and did what they pleaſed in the church of God.

But let the learned, knowing world conſider, what the iſſue of all this was, ſcil. what a wretched capacity the drowſineſs and cowardiſe of the people; and the uſurpation and ambition of the miniſtry brought the …ofeſſing world into. If thoſe who were truly godly on both ſides had in a few ages look'd down from heaven, and had eyed the following centuries, they might have beheld a world of matter for ſorrowful impreſſions; to think that they themſelves had occaſioned the ruin of millions, by their remiſs and paſſive temper in one ſort; and too much humo…ring, and nouriſhing pride, and high conceits of themſelves and others, in the other; when as if they had ſtood firm to the government as left ſettled by the apoſtles; they had certainly prevented an apoſtacy that has damned, and confounded a great part of about thirty generations of men, women and children. That for my own part I can upon experience, in ſome meaſure truly ſay (to the hiſtory of the primitive churches in the loſs of their government; and the conſequents which followed, when I am impelled to repeat it to myſelf) as one Eneas ſaid to queen Dido,

Infandum Regina Jubes Renovare Dolorem

—Quis talia fando

Temperet e Lacrimis!—

So doleful a contemplation is it to think the world ſhould be deſtroyed by thoſe men, who by God were ordained to ſave it!

In a word, an ariſtocracy is a dangerous conſtitution, in the church of Chriſt; as it poſſeſſes the preſbytery of all church power: What has been obſerved ſufficiently evinces it. And not only ſo but from the nature of the conſtitution, for it has no more barrier to it, againſt the ambition, inſults, and arbitrary meaſures of men, than an abſolute monarchy. But to abbreviate; it ſeems moſt agreable with the light of nature, that if there be any of the regular government ſettled in the church of God it muſt needs be▪

3. A democracy. This is a form government, which the light of nature does highly value, and often directs to… as moſt agreable to the juſt and natural prerogatives of human beings. This was of great account, in the early times of the world. And not only ſo, but upon the experience of ſeveral thouſand years, after the world had been tumbled, and toſt from one ſpecies of government to another, at a great expence ef blood and treaſure, many of the w…e nations of the world have ſhel… themſelves under it again; or at leaſt have blendiſhe… and balanced their governments with it.

It is certainly a great truth, ſcil. That mans original liberty after it is reſigned, (yet under due reſtrictions) ought to be cheriſhed in all wiſe governments; or otherwiſe a man in making himſelf a ſubject, he alters himſelf from a freeman, into a ſlave, which to do is repugnant to the law of nature. Alſo the natural equality of men amongſt men muſt be duly favored; in that government was never eſtabliſhed by God or nature, to give one man a prerogative to inſult over another; therefore in a civil, as well as in a natural ſtate of being, a juſt equality is to be indulged ſo far, as that every man is bound to honor every man, which is agreable both with nature and religion, 1 Pet. 2.17. Honor all men. The end of all good government is to cultivate humanity, and promote the happineſs of all, and the good of every man in all his rights, his life, liberty, eſtate, honor, &c. without injury or abuſe done to any. Then certainly it cannot eaſily be thought, that a company of men, that ſhall enter into a voluntary compact, to hold all power in their own hands, thereby to uſe and improve their united force, wiſdom, riches and ſtrength for the common and particular good of every member, as is the nature of a democracy; I ſay it cannot be that this ſort of conſtitution, will ſo readily furniſh thoſe in government with an appetite, or diſpoſition to prey upon each other, or embezle the common ſtock; as ſome particular perſons may be apt to do when ſet off, and intruſted with the ſame power. And moreover this appears very natural, that when the aforeſaid government or power, ſettled in all, when they have elected certain capable perſons to miniſter in their affairs, and the ſaid miniſters remain accountable to the aſſembly; theſe officers muſt needs be under the influence of many wiſe cautions from their own thoughts (as well as under confinement by their commiſſion) in their whole adminiſtration: And from thence it muſt needs follow that they will be more apt, and inclined to ſteer right for the main point, viz. The peculiar good, and benefit of the whole, and every particular member fairly and ſincerely. And why may not theſe ſtand for very rational pleas in church order?

For certainly if Chriſt has ſettled any form of power in his church he has done it for his churches ſafety, and for the benefit of every member: Then he muſt needs be preſumed to have made choice of that government as ſhould leaſt expoſe his people to hazard, either from the fraud, or arbitrary meaſures of particular men. And it is as plain as day light, there is no ſpecies of government like a democracy to attain this end. There is but about two ſteps from an ariſtocracy to a monarchy, and from thence but one to a tyranny; an able ſtanding force, and an ill nature, Ipſo facto, turns an abſolute monarch into a tyrant; this is obvious among the Roman Caeſars, and through the world. And all theſe direful tranſmutations are eaſier in church affairs (from the different qualities of things) than in civil ſtates. For what is it that cunning and learned men can't make the world ſwallow as an article of their creed, if they are once inveſted with an uncontroulable power, and are to be the ſtanding orators to mankind in matters of faith and obedience? indeed ſome very wiſe and learned men are pleaſed to inveigh, and reproach the notion of a democracy in the church, which makes the Cetu fidelium or community of the faithful the firſt ſubject of the power of government. This they ſay tends to Browniſm, and abhorred anarchy, and then ſay they upon ſuch praemiſes, it muſt needs follow that every member of the body muſt be an officer; and then every one muſt preach and diſpenſe the ſacraments, &c.

Reply. Certainly ſuch gentlemen, either deſigns to poſe and baffle their reader with falacy; or they themſelves never took up, or underſtood the true ideas of the ſeveral ſpecies of government; in that a democracy is as regular a form, and as particular as any other.

For,

1. An abſolute or limited monarch can't manage the power or government devolved upon him, without the great officers of the crown, or a large ſet of miniſters; though poſſibly he may with quicker diſpatch iſſue out his decrees, yet he muſt execute all by his miniſtry. And why may not a democracy be indulged the ſame liberty? And this will prevent all anarchy or confuſion moſt apparently. But,

2. The bitter pill to ſwallow in this doctrine of a democracy in the church, is the terrible power of life and death; or the accountableneſs of particular members to the aſſembly, and eſpecially thoſe in the miniſtry; but yet this is agreable with the nature of the conſtitution, and eaſily managed without anarchy, or popular confuſion alſo, which would be made very evident, if we ſhould but run the parallel in all points between the democracy of the ſtate and church. But nextly from the premiſes, I ſhall

3. Infer, That if theſe churches are not properly formed, yet are fairly eſtabliſhed in their preſent order by the law of nature. And will they be adviſed, I would exhort them to try who will be ſo bold as to dare to diſſeize them. A monarchy has been tried in the church with a witneſs, but it has abſolutely failed us. An ariſtocracy in a deep calm threw the democracy overboard, and took not only the helm in hand, but ſeized ſhip and cargo as their right and title; but after ſome time brought all to ſhip-wreck, and that in a good harbour too.

A democracy was the noble government which beat out in all the bad weather of ten bloody perſecutions under the management of antiquity. And this is our conſtitution, and what can't we be pleaſed? This conſtitution is as agreable with the light and laws of nature as any other whatſoever, as has been fairly laid down and fully evinced, and more accommodated to the concerns of religion than any other. Therefore I ſhall now conclude my demonſtration with this brief appeal to the common reaſon of mankind, viz.

How can it conſiſt with the honorable terms man holds upon here on earth; that the beſt ſort of men that we can find in the world; ſuch men as are adorned with a double ſett of enobling immunities, the firſt from nature, the other from grace; that theſe men when they enter into charter-party to man…ge a trade for heaven, muſt ipſo facto be clapt under a government, that is arbitrary and diſpotic; yea that carries the plain ſymptoms of a tyranny in it, when the light of nature knows of a better ſpecies, and frequently has made uſe of it? It wants no farther demonſtration, for its moſt apparent, that nature is ſo much miſtreſs of herſelf, that man in a natural ſtate of being, is under God the firſt ſubject of all power, and therefore can make his own choice, and by deliberate compacts, ſettles his own conditions for the government of himſelf in a civil ſtate of being: And when a government ſo ſettled ſhall throw itſelf from its foundations, or the ſubjects of ſovereign power ſhall ſubvert or confound the conſtitution, they then degrade themſelves; and ſo all power returns again to the people, who are the firſt owners. And what! Is man become ſo unfortunate, degraded and debaſed, as to be without all power in ſettling a government over himſelf, relating to the matters of his eternal well-being? Or when he comes back to a fathers houſe, muſt he fall into the capacity, of a meer paſſive being, and be put under ſuch tutors, as can eaſily turn tyrants over him, and no relief left for him in his own hands; this is certainly moſt repugnant to the light of nature, and very diſagreable with the liberty and free genius of a goſpel ſtate. Nay, in a word, if the government of the churches be ſettled by God, either in the hands of a church monarch, or ariſtocracy, and the people are no ways the ſubject of church power: Nay, if they are not under Chriſt, the fountain of power; then the reformation ſo called, is but a meer cheat, a ſchiſm, and notorious rebellion; neither is there room left for the leaſt paliation, or ſhadow of excuſe, for the reformers in renouncing their obedience to their public governors. And the Martyrologies which pretend to immortalize the fame of eminent heroes, muſt be changed into chronicles, handing along an account of the juſt and deſerved fate of a crew of rebels againſt God and government; for what buſineſs had ſuch a company of illiterate and crack brain'd fellows to meddle with their rulers, or examine into their adminiſtrations? for if they have no right of power in government, they ſtand abſolutely bound to yield a paſſive obedience and non-reſiſtance; and if they are ſo hardy and daring as to oppoſe their lawful rulers, the ſharpeſt penalty in this world, is two eaſy for them; the inquiſition is but dallying and playing with them, hell is their deſert. But how it comes about that a ſtate of grace, when in want of a ſuitable government, is become ſuch a vaſſal, and wiſe and cunning nature is by her creator intruſted, and adorned with more enobling prerogatives, I muſt leave, and reſign unto thoſe learned men to ſolve, who plead for an ariſtocracy in the churches of Chriſt.

But to wind up the whole diſcourſe in a few words, I acknowledge many objections may be here made, and ſeveral queſtions of moment might here fall under debate; but having obtained what I have principally ſought for, in traverſing the paths of nature, in the three following particulars; therefore with them, and with one objection anſwered; and alſo with ſome brief improvement of the grand hypotheſis in this demonſtration, I ſhall finiſh the argument.

1. Three particulars; or ſo many golden maxims, ſecuring the honor of congregational churches.

Particular 1. That the people or fraternity under the goſpel, are the firſt ſubject of power; or elſe religion ſinks the dignity of human nature into a baſer capacity with relation to eccleſiaſtical, than it is in, in a natural ſtate of being with relation to civil government.

Particular 2. That a democracy in church or ſtate, is a very honorable and regular government according to the dictates of right reaſon. And therefore,

Particular 3. That theſe churches of New-England, in their ancient conſtitution of church order; it being a democracy, are manifeſtly juſtified and defended by the law and light of nature.

2. The objection. The plea from the law of nature for a democracy in the church, is as forceable for any other ſpecies of government; becauſe nature is furniſhed with ſuch a variety of ſchemes as has been pleaded to: And why may not the wiſe chriſtian nations take which likes them beſt?

Anſw. We muſt diſtinguiſh between man left ſolely to the direction of the law of nature, and as the ſubject of revelation, wherein divine wiſdom may interpoſe; and determine on ſome particular ſpecies, without hurting or croſſing the law of nature, Therefore,

1. I readily grant and acknowledge, a chriſtian people may ſettle what ſpecies of government they pleaſe, when they are ſolely left to determine by the law of nature, what government in the church they will have. But then we muſt remember, that by the argument or conceſſion, the power is originally in the people; and then our own caſe is ſecure and ſafe enough; both on the account of the reverſion of power, and eſpecially, for that the people the firſt ſubjects of power, have been pleaſed to ſettle a democracy for their government, in the churches of this country. And if after the peaceable poſſeſſion of about an hundred years, any perſons can perſwade them to alter their government into any other ſpecies, this will be leſs worthy of blame, than craftily, or unfairly to force it out of their hands.

2. It's granted, that according to the light of nature, there be various regular models of government; but if divine wiſdom is pleaſed to interpoſe and over-rule natures agitations, and caſt the ſcales for this or that particular form, nature will be but fair mannered to ſubmit to its author and rector. So that if we find that God has diſcloſed his mind by revelation, that his churches be the ſubjects of a democracy, then all ſtand obliged to comply under a double bond. And ſo we come under a proper criſis to enquire in the next place for ſcripture-evidence in the juſtification of theſe churches.

But before I proceed to it, I ſhall

3. Make ſome brief improvement of the main Hypotheſis in the demonſtration; that is to ſay, if the government of the goſpel churches, be a democracy, theſe conſequences muſt neceſſarily follow, ſcil.

1. Conſ. That the right of convoking councils eccleſiaſtical, is in the churches.

2. Conſ. That ſuch a council has only conſultative not a juridical power in it. A juridical power committed to ſuch a repreſentative body is both needleſs, and alſo dangerous to the diſtinct and perfect ſtates they derive from. Compleat ſtates ſettled upon a body of immutable and imperial laws as its baſis, may want council; but to create a new ſubject of juridical power, is ſome way to endanger the being of the creators.

3. Conſ. That all the members of an eccleſiaſtical council, deriving from a democracy are ſubjects of equal power. Whatever the power is, the ſeveral delegates muſt from the nature of the government they derive from, be equal ſharers in it. Democratical ſtates, in their repreſentative body can make but one houſe, becauſe they have but one ſubject of ſupream power in their nature, and therefore their delegates, let them be who or what they may be, are under equal t…t; ſo that none can juſtly claim ſuperiority over their fellows, or pretend to a higher power in the… ſuffrage. Indeed in ſuch kingdoms, where the ſovereign power is diſtributed and ſettled in divers ſubjects, that the ballance of power may be more even, for the ſafety of the whole, and of all parts under all acts of ſovereign power: From ſuch a ſettlement of power, there ariſes ſeveral diſtinct ſtates in the ſame government, which when convened as one ſubject of ſovereign power, they make different houſes in their grand ſeſſions; and ſo one houſe o… ſtate can negative another. But in every diſtinct houſe of theſe ſtates, the members are equal in their vote; the moſt ayes make the affirmative vote, and moſt no's the negative: They don't weigh the intellectual furniture, or other diſtinguiſhing qualifications of the ſeveral voters in the ſcales of the golden rule of fellowſhip; they only add up the ayes, and the no's, and ſo determine the ſuffrage of the houſe.