The Nonconformists Plea for Peace Part 2, Chapter 6
CHAP. VI.
The Political Alphabet of The ſicenre Chriſtian Loyalliſt.
1. GOD is the moſt powerful, wiſe and loving Univerſal Ruler of the world, by Laws and judgment.
2. He hath authorized no Univerſal humane Governour under him on earth, for Laws or Judgment.
3. By his Law of Nature and Scripture he obligeth man to live in humane policies, or Governed order.
4. All true Governing Right and obligation, is from him as univerſal abſolute Supreme; reſulting immediately from his Commiſſion in Nature or Scripture; and Rulers are his officers.
5. They have no Power or right againſt him or any of his Laws.
6. The common Good being the eſſential end of Government, no Ruler hath power to deſtroy it.
7. All humane power is limited by Gods Laws, and by their own fundamental contracts; and by the peoples natural intereſt and propriety.
8. Monarchy, Ariſtocracy, Democracy and mixt government are all lawful ſpecies.
9. What ſhall be the ſpecies or who the perſon (or family) that ſhall rule is not of Natural or Scripture determination, but by Providence preparatorily, and conſent or contract obligingly.
10. Meer conqueſt without conſent is no juſt title.
11. The chief work of Rulers is to promote the keeping of Gods Laws, and the everlaſting good of men, and the temporal good in order thereunto.
12. Sub-Legiſlation, judgment and execution by force, are their governing acts.
13. The ſupreme Power in theſe, is the giver of power to inferior Rulers; and hath no ſuperior Ruler but God.
14. No power can diſoblige us from any act of piety and Charity, for our ſouls, bodies, or neighbours, ſpecially for the common good, which the Law of God in Nature bindeth us to do.
15. All Subjects muſt ſubmit their private intereſt to the publick good.
16. We muſt ſuffer any private perſonal wrong rather than do any thing by reſiſtance or diſhonouring, which may diſable Rulers to preſerve the common good.
17. We muſt obey for conſcience ſake; knowing that rebellion, yea & diſobeying lawful commands, is ſin againſt God.
18. It is the beſt Government, 1. which moſt preferreth Gods Law, 2. and the ſpiritual good, 3. and the common good of all, 4. and beſt diſcerneth good men from bad, 5. when Love is the predominant and fear ſubſervient.
19. Diviſion of Prince and people is Ruine; Union is vertue, ſtrength, pleaſure and glory.
20. Love and twiſted intereſt are the uniting bonds. And a miſtaken intereſt, of carnal ſelf, contrary to God and the common good, producing ſuſpicious diſtruſt, fear, hared and mutual oppoſition, are the diſſolving maladies.
21. It is not enough not to rebell or diſhonour Kings, but we muſt Love, honour, maintain and defend them to our power.
As to the queſtion, in what caſes is it lawful for the people to defend themſelves. 1. I had rather be employed in telling them when it is unlawful: 2. We are not the Interpretres of the Law of the Land: 3. And mankind will be the interpreters of the Law of Nature, whether we will or no… and the world is agreed that ſalus p…p…li ſuprema … ex eſt, next to the declared will of God: Pre…s & …cryme are our allowed arms, and we pray for Kings and all in, authority that we may live a quiet and peaceable life in all Godlineſs and honeſty, and ſhame be to him that deſireth more.
The Political Alphabet of The ſelfiſh Treacherous Royalliſt.
1. GOds authority is to be pretended to warrant Rulers to rebell againſt him; and rule as above or without his Laws.
2. Gods Laws are for private ſouls to ſtudy, but not for Princes to regulate their Laws and lives by.
3. Serious Religion is an enemy to Monarchy, becauſe it ſets up Gods Laws above the Kings, and maketh all Subjects the diſcerners of their duty to God and the King, and ſo every ſcruple of duty or ſin towards God, ſuſpendeth their obedience to the King.
4. Monarchs are abſolute and unlimited by any Laws of God.
5. None of their own contracts called fundamental Laws bind them.
6. The lives and poſſeſſions of all the Subjects are abſolutely at their will.
7. Monarchy is ſo of Gods inſtitution that no other form of Government is lawful.
8. It is the intereſt of Kings to have all things and perſons at their wills: and to take all for enemies that are againſt their wills.
9. All ſorts of ſenſual pleaſure, riches and abſolute command of all, being the things which nature loveth, theſe are the intereſt and ends of Princes.
10. It is the intereſt and wiſdom of a Subject to ſubſerve theſe ends, that he may have as great a ſhare in them as he can attain by pleaſing his Prince therein.
11. Every man is born for himſelf, and his ſelf is more to him than all the world. And he may ſerve his own intereſt though it be againſt the common good or right.
12. The intereſt and wills of the people are contrary to the intereſt and will of Ki…gs: It is therefore the wiſdom of Kings to ſuppoſe them his adverſaries, and to weaken▪ them and diſable them from croſſing his will.
13. He that will be next the King in greatneſs, muſt be next him in enmity to the peoples wealth, & ſtrength and in diſabling them.
14. Re…oboams young Counſellors miſt it only in adviſing him openly to declare his purpoſe, which he ſhould have diſſembled and hid.
15. A wiſe Prince ruleth in the dark, and muſt not ſcruple neceſſary lying or perfidiouſneſs.
16. It is nobler to be Great, than to be Good; wherein the poor may be equal to the Prince: For he that is Great is Good to himſelf, which is the only or chief goodneſs.
17. Fear though it breed enmity, is a better part of Government than Love. Fear is to be cauſed by deeds, and Love by words.
18. Though it breed fear and hatred to hear a King deſcribed, as one that may deſtroy them all when he will, yet this is neceſſary, that fear may procure full ſubjection.
19. Kings ſhould rule the people as ſlaves, and yet expect that they obey them filially as their fathers.
20. To preach the abſolute power of Kings and the abſolute obedience of ſubjects to them, and to ſuch Biſhops as he will chooſe for them, is all the Religion that is ſafe for a Kingdom.
21. It is the chief point of policy, to hate and ſuppreſs all other ſerious religious perſons, that are for an explicite faith, and free religion, and prefer God and Heaven and the common Good, before the Kings command and will. For theſe are ungovernable and his enemies, that ſet up all theſe ſo far above him.
22. Thoſe that believe not another world, and look for no better than Kings can give them, and fear not ſin, or God diſpleaſure, but yet for the awing of the people, keep up the eaſie formalities of religion, are the fitteſt perſons to be the favorites, Counſellors and inſtruments of a Prince, and will be moſt fully obedient to his will.
The Political Alphabet of The underſtanding real Papiſt.
1. GOd hath made the Pope the Monarch or Governor of all the earth, or at leaſt of all Chriſtians: And all Kings are bound to be his obedient Subjects.
2. He hath Temporal Dominion over all, ſay ſome; or▪ Temporal in ordine ad ſpiritualia ſay others, or ſpiritual at leaſt ſay all.
3. Saith Card. … in Bibl. Patr. Our Lord had not been diſcreet if he had not leſt one Vicar to be Lord of every humane creature, to paſs ſentence on them of depoſition, damnation or any other.
4. The civil power is but for the body or outward good, and the Church power is for the ſoul and the life to come.
5. The Church power excelleth the Civil as the ſoul doth the body & the Sun the Stars.
6. The true fifth Monarchy is Chriſts Reign over all the earth by his Vicar General the Pope: vid. Campanel. de Reg. Dei.
7. Baptiſm implicitly obligeth us to the Pope.
8. He is no true Chriſtian or member of Chriſts Church who is not a Subject of the Pope's, though he have other vertues.
9. The Catholick Church and the Roman are all one.
10. Temporal Lords are all bound on pain of excommunication, Depoſition and Damnation, to exterminate all their proteſtant Subjects, if they can. …. 4. yea all that will not renounce their ſenſes in the belief of Tranſubſtantiation.
11. All Princes and Chriſtians are bound to obey the Laws of General Councils, at leaſt ſuch as the Pope approveth, though Subjects of other Princes.
12. The Pope hath the right of calling thoſe Councils, and preſiding in them, and appr…ving or reprobating them.
13. The Diſciple is not above his Maſter; and all Chriſtian Kings are Diſciples of the Pope and Biſhops.
14. The great Doctors of the Church may be allowed to teach, that an excommunicate King is no King, and may be killed, though others ſay, not till the Pope condemn him.
15. Kings are Henrician ſimoniacal Hereticks that claim a power of Inveſting Biſhops, though the people chooſe them, and they be lawfully ordained.
16. The Pope and his Biſhops may depoſe Kings pro meritis.
17. Hereticks are to be burnt or at leaſt baniſhed.
18. All Chriſtians muſt be forbidden communion with excommunicate Kings.
19. Living Biſhops may be depoſed, and Dead Biſhops dig'd up and burnt, who were for the Princes power of Inveſtitures and that the Pope may not depoſe them.
20. The Pope may forbid Chriſtian Communion and Gods publick worſhip to whole Kingdoms, and command all Biſhops and Prieſts to ſhut up the Churches, and this if only the King provoke him.
21. A Papiſts King muſt be deprived of all thoſe Subjects, whom the Pope adjudgeth to extermination.
22. The Pope may diſoblige all ſubjects from their Oaths of fidelity to excommunicated Princes.
23. And he may give their Kingdoms to others, and authorize them to invade them,
24. Though the people take a Papiſt King of a Proteſtant Kingdom to be their declared publick enemy, by conſenting to deſtroy or exterminate them if he can, under the foreſaid penalty of excommunication, damnation and depoſition, Yet he is bound to declare himſelf a Papiſt (or as they call it, a Roman Catholick), and is under ſuch obligations.
Since King John gave up his Kingdom to the Pope, Popes laid claim to it. And Inno…. 4. ſaid, The King of England is our ſlave and Vaſſal, who with a nod can impriſon him and enſlave him to reproach. Mat. Paris *The Hiſtory of theſe I undertake to prove, here being not room for Citations..
The Political Alphabet of The unruly ſeditious Rebel.
1. THe common pravity of corrupted nature maketh every man predominantly ſelfiſh, and wiſe in his own conceit; ſo that his ſelfiſh intereſt is his end, and his unhumbled underſtanding and fleſhly deſires are his guide.
2. He only ſeemeth a good Ruler who ſerveth all theſe intereſts and deſires.
3. They are ſo various and contrary, that no man can ſerve them all; Though God and the true Common good may be ſerved.
4. The Love of ſ…n and ſenſuality maketh the Law and juſtice ſeem grievous, which to would ſuppreſs them.
5. Juſt and … and examples, are grievous to bad men: and ſo are ſuch Rulers as maintain true piety and juſtice.
6. Pride the firſt born of the Devil, maketh men deſire to be all as Kings▪ yea as Gods, to have all fulfil their wills.
7. Pride maketh men think themſelves the worthieſt perſons for all preferments, offices or honours, and envy ſuch as are preferred before them.
8. It maketh them think all too little that is done for them; and all too much that is laid upon them; and that they are wronged when their wills are croſt.
9. It maketh them think that they are alwayes in the right▪ and are fitteſt to Teach and Rule, and others to hear and to obey them.
10. The Love of the world makes them impatient of all taxes and burdens that pinch the fleſh.
11. Landlords and other great men that are …ear them, have more power over ſuch than the King, becauſe they think that their welfare more dependeth on them.
12. When ambitious Great men that miſs Court preferments are caſt into diſcontents, they eaſily lead the vulgar into ſeditious courſes.
13. Where the true fear of God is abſent, ſuch temptations have ſmall reſtraint.
14. The flatteries of an aſpiring Clergy that themſelves live ſcandalouſly, applauding Tyranny as juſt government, tempteth many in diſlike, to the contrary exterme.
15. Becauſe Tyranny is the grand enemy of Chriſt and mankind, which keepth out the Goſpel and perſecuteth piety, and oppreſſeth the juſt in moſt of the world, the hatred of it turneth many into the contrary extream, and maketh them forget the excellency of order and Government.
16. Where the Principles of Atheiſme and Brutiſme prevail, Kings are regarded but as a dog regards his maſter for feeding him.
17. When proud ſelf-conceitedneſs corrupteth mens Religion, and maketh every erring perſon confident that his way is right, eſpecially if Popery or other falſe doctrine corrupt him againſt the true principles of government, his zeal will become ſeditious.
18. Such falſe …eachers are the trumpets of rebellion.
19. Oppreſſion maketh the people mad.
20. God oft in juſtice againſt wicked Rulers lets looſe the popular fury, as the ſea that breaks the banks in an inundation.
The marrow of Spinoſa's Opera poſthuma which I read not till after the writing of what is before. To which Hobbes much agreeth.
1. One ſubſtance cannot be produced by another ſubſtance. p. 4. Therefore ſubſtance cannot be produced by any.
2. All ſubſtance is neceſſarily Infinite. p. 5.
3. This infinite ſubſtance is indiviſible. p. 11.
4. Beſides God there is no ſubſtance, nor can any be conceived, ſo that God is but one; for he is All ſubſtance, and its affections or mode: He is res extenſa & res cogitans. p. 12.
5. The Univerſity of being is God, and there is nothing but God; who hath no diviſible part (for non datur vacuum) but all things are imaginable parts of God; ſubſtances part of his ſubſtance, and ſouls which are Ideas of his infinite Idea as he is res cogitans.
6. As God is of neceſſity of nature, ſo all that is ſubſtance or mode (or action) is of neceſſity of Divine nature, eſſence and perfection.
7. God is the Immanent (that is, eſſential conſtitutive) cauſe of all things; but not a Tranſient cauſe.
8. Every thing and act is neceſſarily determined of God, and nothing can ſuſpend that determination, nor is any thing Contingent; every Volition of man is neceſſitated by the Divine nature, as all other things are; and no will is free.
9. It is not, nor ever was poſſible that any thing ſhould be otherwiſe than it comes to paſs.
10. No Intellect ſhould know any thing but God and his Affections; for there is nothing elſe.
11. God, Nature, ſubſtance, are all one; and Power and b…ing is perfection: and ends and finall cauſes are falſe imaginations, and ſo are the Notions of good and evil, merit and ſin, praiſe and blame, order and confuſion, fairneſs and deformity, thence ariſing: Reality is perfection.
12. The ſoul of man is nothing elſe but the act of conceiving of ſome ſingular exiſtent thing, called an Idea.
13. This ſoul (or mind) is part of the Infinite Intellect, which is God: And to ſay [man knoweth] is all one as to ſay, God, not as Infinite, but as he conſtituteth the eſſence of mans mind, hath this Idea.
14. The object of this Idea conſtituting mans mind, is nothing but Body (that is, ſubſtance thought of limitedly.)
15. The Idea which is the Mind is compounded of a multitude of Idea's.
16. Mans mind hath neceſſarily an adequate knowledge of the eternal and infinite eſſence of God.
17. Good is that only which I know is profitable to me; and evil that only which hindreth it.
18. He is moſt vertuous that moſt ſeeketh his own profit or conſervation, (and contrarily he worſt that moſt neglecteth it).
19. To do any thing vertuouſly is nothing elſe but to ſeek ones own profit rationally.
20. No man ſeeks his own preſervation for the ſake of any thing elſe.
21. To underſtand is mans profit, and to know God (that is, Infinite ſubſtance or All Entity) is the chief Vertue.
22. What ever agreeth to my nature is neceſſarily Good.
23. Mirth can have no exceſs, nor ſorrow ever be good.
24. Humility is no Vertue, nor cometh from reaſon.
25. Repentance is no Vertue, nor of reaſon, but a double miſery.
26. He that is in fear, and doth good to eſcape evil, is not led by reaſon.
27. A free mind thinks not of death, nor of good or evil.
28. No ill can come to a man but from external cauſes.
29. Whatever we account hurtful to us, we may remove any way that we can ſafely: And whatever we account profitable we may take and uſe if we can, by any means: And it's abſolutely lawful to every man by the law of nature to do any thing which he judgeth is for his profit.
30. All things are good which make us merry: and the merryer any man is, the more of the Divine nature and perfection he hath.
31. No man can hate God, nor chooſe but Love him.
32. To deſire that God Love us, is to deſire that he ſhould not be God.
33. Mans mind remembreth not out of the body; but is not abſolutely deſtroyed with the body (becauſe it is part of God).
34. God loveth man by Loving himſelf, and ſo Gods Love to man, and mans Love to God is one and the ſame thing; and mans felicity.
35. There is nothing in nature which is contrary to this Intellectual Love, or that can deſtroy it.
36. Becauſe Gods right is only his Power, therefore the right of man is only his power to exiſt and act; For the natural power of every thing, by which it exiſteth and operateth, is nothing but Gods own power (which is God.)
37. By the Law of nature then I mean the very Laws of nature, or Rules according to which all things are done, that is, Natures power. Right extendeth as far as Power: and whatever any man doth by his nature, he doth by the higheſt Right of Nature.
38. And becauſe man is not only rational, but men are more led by blind luſt than by reaſon; therefore their natural right is to be defined, not by reaſon, but by any appetite which determineth them to act. p. 271. No difference is to be made though ſome appetites be unreaſonable; For both are the effects of nature. Whatever a man is, he is a part of nature; (or God) and natures power determineth him to all that he doth.
39. A ſound mind is no more in our power than a ſound body: And Divines remove not this difficulty by taking of the corruption of nature and original ſin; or the deception of the Devil.
40. The Right and Law of Nature is againſt nothing but that which no man deſireth, and no man can do; it forbids not contentions, hatred, wrath, deceits, nor abſolutely any thing which the appetite deſireth. p. 273.
41. For whatever we call Ridiculous, abſurd, evil, is becauſe we ſee but part, and would have all ordered after our Reaſon; But it is not evil as to the order and Law of univerſal nature.
42. One is under anothers Law, while he is under his Power: and is free or ſui juris ſo far as he hath power to reſiſt force, and lives as he liſt. p. 274.
43. We are no longer under anothers Law, than fear or hope perſwade us to it.
44. Fidelity promiſed to another, is ſo long only in force (rata) till the promiſer change his will: when he ſeeth that keeping his word will hurt him, the Law of nature diſobligeth him. p. 274.
45. Men are by nature enemies, in danger of each other: and each one being not ſufficient to defend himſelf, hence comes Polities.
46. There is no ſin in a ſtate of nature (unleſs againſt our ſelves.) He that followeth ignorance and luſt doth keep natures order, and do what nature binds him to, as well as he that followeth reaſon. p. 276.
47. There is no ſin therefore but againſt common conſent in Empire, where every one hath given up his private right to the publick: So Juſtice and injuſtice are only as they reſpect humane Empire.
48. Every Citizen muſt obey all the Cities commands, and hath no right to diſcern what is juſt or unjuſt, pious or impious; but becauſe the will of the City is to be every ones will, whatever the City judgeth juſt and good, the Citizen that judgeth it evil, muſt nevertheleſs do.
49. Our knowledge and Love of God and man, are out of Rulers power: And outward acts of worſhip do nothing help or hinder our knowledge and Love of God; and therefore are not to be ſo far regarded, as to break for them the publick peace and concord: every man may any where worſhip God inwardly. p. 282. &c.
50. Two Cities are naturally enemies, as are two men: And it is lawful for one to try by war to ſubdue the other. It is enough to make a war lawful, to have a will to it: But to peace, both muſt accord. p. 284.
51. Covenants bind as long as the cauſe continueth, fear of dammage or hope of gain, and no longer: nor ought the breach to be called deceit or perfidiouſneſs, p. 284.
52. The contracts or Laws by which the Multitude give up their Right to one Council, or one man, undoubtedly may be violated as ſoon as it is the intereſt of common ſafety to violate them. p. 288.
53. They that think it poſſible for one only to have the … Civitatis j…s, do much err: For Right is determined only by Power; But one mans power is very unable for ſuch a burden p. 202. When the people chooſe a King, he muſt chooſe Commanders, Councellors, friends, to whom he committeth both his own and the common ſafety, ſo that the Government which is taken to be Abſolute Monarchy, is really in practice Ariſtocracy; not indeed manifeſt, but latent, and therefore the worſt.
Beſides that a King, that's a child, ſick, heavy with age, is a precarious King: But they have indeed the chief power, who do the chief buneſs of the Government, or are next the King: to paſs by, that a King lyable to laſt, doth oft mannage all by the luſt of one, or another Whore or Pandor. p. 293.
54. Hence it followeth that a King is ſo much the leſs ſui juris, and the Subjects condition is ſo much the more miſerable, by how much the more abſolutely the Civitatis jus, (the publick power) is transferred on him.— A Monarch is moſt ſui juris, when he moſt conſults the ſafety (or good) of the multitude. p. 293.
55. As to religion, no Temples ſhould be built at the publick charge; nor laws be made about opinions, unleſs they be ſeditious, and overthrow the foundations of the City: But let them that are allowed publick exerciſe of religion, build their own Temples, and the King have his Chapel. p. 301.
His diſcourſe for Ariſtocacy I pretermit; ſo much of Spinoſa.
THe truth is (as Mr. Peter Ster… unhappily ſound) it is hard avoiding this frame of Doctrine, for the Predeterminants who hold that the Volitions and actions of all men are predetermined by Gods neceſſitating unreſiſtible promotion as the firſt cauſe of nature and motion, and that in all their modes and circumſtances; and that the will can have no power to do any thing, more or leſs, than it is thus predetermined to do, and that moral good and evil are cauſed as neceſſarily by God as Light and Darkneſs are: Were theſe mens Phyſical conceits as certain, as all the principles of Religion, natural and revealed, which they totally overthrow, they might ſtagger many: But not when ſick and proud mens dreams are ſet againſt mans common Light, right and intereſt.
IN all this the Reader muſt ſtill remember, 1. that I recite other mens Political-principles, only that the accuſers of my own and ſuch others may compare them together, and ſee which they judge more rational and loyal; and what parties they can find in all the world, whoſe principles of Government they will reſt in, when ours are condemned.
2. And yet I make not my ſelf an arrogant cenſor of all that differ from me; but confeſs that ſingularity, eſpecially in matters of other mens profeſſion, excuſeth ſuſpicion in the Reader; and where he findeth me differ from the moſt of Proteſtants and Papiſts, he oweth no more regard to my judgement, than cogent evidence ſhould command.
I confeſs though they word it variouſly, and alſo differ about the caſe of ſome particular Kingdoms, moſt of the forementioned ſorts of Lawyers, Politick writers, Divines, &c. ſeem to differ from ſome of my principles; But many differ more in notion than in meaning. Moſt of them all make the multitude the prime ſubject and cauſe of ſoveraign power, from whom all ſorts of chief Rulers do receive it: and that they do this for their neceſſary peace, ſafety and proſperity, which they may defend againſt perfidious betrayers of it, &c. But if you mark it, withal you ſhall find that, 1. they ſay that the Law of nature bindeth them to gather into Cities, and to chooſe governours; 2. and that they call the peoples Soveraignty or power, but as Mr. Hooker the Habit, and ſay the Act belongeth to the Ruler ſo choſen: and as others ſay, It is Majeſtas realis which yet may not actually Rule, but convey the Majeſtatem perſonalem to him or them that only muſt rule. By all which they plainly confeſs, 1. That God hath not left it to their choice whether they be a Governed ſociety (Civitas) or not; For the Law of nature which is Gods Law, obligeth them to it. 2. That it is not actual Governing that he thus obligeth the multitude to, but to chooſe the ſpecies and perſons that ſhall be Recipients. 3. And when they can name no more power but chooſing the Recipients (one or more) and Limiting his power in matters of Propriety and other things to which God hath not by his Law extended it without their conſent, it's plain that this is not to be the Givers of the Ruling power. Moſt changes in the world Phyſical and Moral are made by Diverſification of the Diſpoſitio Receptiva (moſt or many think Generation doth no more as to the ſoul.) This is not nothing. God ſaith [To men ſo qualified, and ſo choſen or lawfully receptive I will give ſuch and ſuch power as my Officers;] And He qualifieth them, and the People chooſe or conſent to the Perſons in ſome places, and the ſucceſſive families in others: ſo that Receptivity is of man, with ſome exceptions or Limitations; but the authority is immediately from God.
Gregory Sayrus is juſtly accounted one of the beſt and moderateſt Popiſh Caſuiſts that ever wrote, and in his excellent Clav. Regia he ſaith, Lib. 3. c. 1. p. 109, 110, &c. not only de fine (which moſt agree to) [Hanc particulam quod Lex ordinari debet ad bonum commune, Barth. Medina 1. 2. q. 90. a. 2. veram & intelligendam eſſe docet non ſolum de jure, ſed etiam de facto, ut Lex illa quae in privatum commodum inſtituitur, ita ut nullo modo in utilitatem publicam referatur, lex non ſit, ſed iniquitas. Deinde ita intelligitur, ut ſi ceſſet ratio boni communis & ejus utilitas, ſtatim lex ceſſat, & vim obligandi non habet: ſo Alph. à Caſtrol. 1. de poteſt. legis poenal. c. 5. doc. 3. And he addeth p. 111. himſelf [Where a Law ceaſeth to be profitable to the Common-wealth, then it altogether ceaſeth to be a Law, and is not obligatory (But this I have elſewhere fullier opened) And as to the queſtion in hand [Haec cura populi & poteſtas ſuper illum licet omnis à Deo ſit, illam tamen homines diverſimode à Deo habent, non ſemper à Deo immediate, ſed ſaepe per populi conſenſum, à quo primum Deo annuente aut permittente illam accepit; nec majorem quam illi populus ob initio conceſſit: tam aperta & manifeſta eſt haec populi poteſtas, &c.] And ſo he goeth on to prove out of Zenophon, Julian, Juriſc. the Canon Law, &c. that the community is quoddam totum liberum habens jus naturaliter regendi ſeipſum; ita hoc jus poteſt transferre in alium, & vices ſuas alteri delegare; and that Kings have been made by the people from the beginning, and from their conſent the Governing power ſtill cometh. And that [a Law not neceſſary by Gods making, made by a Lay Prince, the whole people contradicting, is of no ſore, … the people have given their whole power to the …, which is to be known by th… ancient Cuſtom of … among them.]
Yet more that the ſame Author addeth, p. 112. that as to … power, though he that hath it be … the Power immediately from God]. And how will he ever prove that Church Power is any more from God than the neceſſary part of Civil …? Is not the ratio derivand… the ſame ſo far, that in both, the people do but chooſe the Receivers (and limit in the unneceſſary parts) and God immediately give the power? The caſe is the ſame in both.
As to the reſt of the Papiſts doctrine, he knoweth nothing of them that knoweth not that commonly they make the King, not only dependant on the Pope, but more alſo on the Efficient Power and will of the people than moſt Proteſtants do; where there is in this any difference, the Papiſts are the more popular.
And for Proteſtants I will not meddle with Divines but Lawyers, School Doctors and Politick writers; who commonly go further for the peoples power than ever I or any Nonconfor…s of my familiarity did approve (Pardon our ſingularity) I would deſire no more of ſuch as the … and other accuſers of our principles, but to read over …, and ſuch others, yea the moſt powerful defenders of Monarchy, …, And then read the Proteſtant Lawyers and Doctors of Philoſophy, and compare our principles here with the ….
I will paſs by ſuch as Learned …, and now inſtance only in … a Lawyer. In his Politicks (I will not Engliſh it) he ſaith in … (moſt like Mr. H…oker) [A…ſero haec jura Majeſtatis, quae dicuntur, regno adeo eſſe propria, ut ſoli haec competant, ejuſque ſpiritus vitalis, anima, cor & vita ſint, quibus ſalvis Reſp. vivit; & quibus ſublatis interit & perit illa, nomineque hoc indigna judicanda. Concedo horum jurium Principem ſeu ſummum Magiſtratum eſſe diſpenſatorem, adminiſtratorem vel procuratorem: Proprietatem vero illorum & uſumfructum adeo jure ad regnum ſeu populum univerſum pertinere contendo, ut hunc etiamſi velit ſe abdicare, eaque in alium transferre & alienare, nequaquam poſſit, non minus quam vitam quam quiſque habet, alii communicare poteſt. Jura haec à populo ſeu membris Regni & Reip. conſtituta ſunt; ab illis inceperunt, atque non niſi in illis conſiſtere poſſunt, & ab illis conſervari. Horum quoque adminiſtratio quae principi eſt precario ſeu expacto conceſſa, illo mortuo ad populum, qui ob perpetuam ſucceſſionem immortalis dicitur, revertitur, & alii ab eodem demandatur, cujus unus vel plures capaces eſſe poſſint.
Et Cap. 14. de Ephoris he copiouſly aſſerteth that theſe Ephori or Patriciu, ſeniores, principes, ſtatus, primores regni, are the peoples truſtees, above the chief Magiſtrate, as All conjunct repreſenting the people, but ſingly his inferiours (p. 142.) and what they do, the people doth, p. 139. Choſen to make the chief Magiſtrate, and to keep him within his limits, p. 141. To be his Councel in greateſt matters, yea to judge whether the chief Magiſtrate perform his office, and to reſiſt and hinder his Tyranny. p. 146, 147. He layeth down eight reaſons as to prove the right of theſe Optimates to reſiſt Tyrants (I will not recite them) and by Scriptures and examples to confirm it; And then proceedeth to anſwer, 1. Who may and ought to reſiſt the Magiſtrate, 2. What Magiſtrate may be reſiſted, 3. When, 4. How, 5. How far and how long. He applyeth it, 1. To Tyrants abſque titulo, 2. To Tyrants exercitio, (not all that are faulty but) by theſe notes deſcribed by him, Revera ille Tyrannus dicendus eſt qui malitioſe & hoſtiliter & conſulto data opera Remp. & Eccleſiam vaſtat, pervertit, turbat, cultum dei abolet vel profanat, vel quae dei ſunt affectans ſibi vendicat & uſurpat.
Qui res regni in privatum uſum convertit, quique in perniciem publicam bona regni profundit, diſſipat, alienat, minuit, & dilapidat.
Qui Leges regni fundamentales violat, mutat, tollit, praeſertim illas quae religionem veram concernunt, Deut. 13. 14. 15.
Qui opes ſubditorum exhaurit, omina in fiſcum convertens, & ſanguinem populi uſque ad deliquium eliciens, opera, labore, ſudore, bonis & ſanguine ſubditorum abutitur.
Qui diviſiones ſeu ſchiſmata inter ſubditos ſovet, ut altera pars factionis alteram metuat, & neutra in illum rebellet aut inſurgat.
Qui in paupertate vult vivere ſubditos, ut interim intenti labori ad vitam ſuſtentandam, in eum non inſurgant.
Qui nititur bella nutrire, ut illis enervet vires ſubditorum.
Qui factione exiſtente inter ſubditos, uni parti plus quam alteri favet, cum poſſet ſuo imperio utrique parti jubere convenire.
Qui hoſtis eſt ſuorum ſubditorum.
Qui primores regni dolo, fraude vel vi opprimit, alioſque viros graves, juſtos, innocentes affligit, odio proſequitur.
Qui ad populi mores corrumpendos, ganeas, popinas, lupanaria, ludoſve alios inhoneſtos inſtituit.
Qui factiones & diſſidia inter ſubditos ſerit, alit, fovet.
Qui ſeminaria virtutum & officinas pietatis, gymnaſia, ludos literarios abolet, negligit.
Qui abutitur Majeſtatis juribus & poteſtate ſua à populo accepta.
Qui prohibet Congregationes honeſtas & licitas metu conjurationis, aut rebellionis, ſine alia tamen praecedente ſuſpicione.
Qui ſubmittit ubique auſcultatores clancularios & delatores, ſeu ſpeculatores ad colligendum quae de ſe dicuntur.
Et in ſumma, qui totis viribus ad ſtatum Reip. & Leges regni ſundamentales mutandas vel evertendas, quantum in ipſo eſt, enititur.
Pag. 160. [5. Tamdiu reſiſtendum eſt, quamdiu durat tyrannus, quouſque verbis, facto, dolo, vel arte oppugnat Remp. & pacto inito contraria facit, loquitur, vel agit: adeo ut ejuſmodi tyrannum ab officio removere, adminiſtratione demandata privare, immo etiam ſi aliter contra vim ſe defendere non poſſunt, interficere, & alium in ejus locum ſubſtituere poſſint. See alſo Balt. Willius Politicks pag. 591, 592. more plainly to that purpoſe. If ſuch as this and Grotius his doctrine of reſiſtance de jure belli, and Mr. George Lawſons a Conformiſt in his Eccleſiaſtical Polit. be compared with the Principles which only are aſſerted in this Account, and held by us Nonconformiſts, me thinks the accuſers of our principles ſhould repent.
I wonder that Hobbs de cive ſhould be magnified by ſuch Frenchmen as Gaſſendus, Sorberius and Merſennus: But it ſeems ſome French Philoſophers (and Prelates too) are looſer in their principles of policie and Loyalty than we are.
His principles are, 1. That Nature giveth a man Right to all things: that is, Before men bind themſelves by Covenants to one another, it it lawful for every one to do whatever they liſt and to whomſoever, and to poſſeſs, uſe and enjoy whatever they will and can. pag. 12.
2. For it is the firſt foundation of natural right that every man may defend his life and members as much as he is able: And having right to that as the end, it were in vain unleſs he had right to the means, that is, to uſe all means, and do any action without which he cannot preſerve himſelf. p. 11.
3. The natural ſtate of men before mutual Covenants, is a ſtate of War, becauſe what every man hath right to, another hath right to, and may reſiſt his deſires, whence ariſe perpetual ſuſpicions, enmities, &c. ſo that all men are at war with all men. p. 14, 15.
4. Nature teacheth us to deſire peace for our intereſt, and when we cannot have it, to get the greateſt helps for war. p. 15. 22.
5. Therefore the Law of nature teacheth us to give up our right by contracts for this peace and ſecurity from one another. p. 24.
6. No man is bound by any Covenants whatſoever not to reſiſt him that would kill him, wound him, or do him any other bodily hurt: every mans natural fear reſiſteth hurt; by ſlight or fighting: And no man is bound to impoſſibility: Only fidelity bindeth Covenanters; Therefore we bind malefactors that go to puniſhment with Cords, becauſe they may reſiſt if they can: To Covenant [If I do this, kill me] is one thing: But to ſay [If you kill me I will not reſiſt] is another. Laws bind not the puniſhed from reſiſting, but others from defending them. p. 31, 32, 33.
7. No Covenant or Law bindeth one to accuſe himſelf, or to accuſe any other whoſe ſuffering will be the bitterneſs of his life. p. 33.
8. The concord of many is the only ſecurity for our peace. p. 79, 80.
9. This muſt be by a Civil Union, which is by putting all our Rights into the hand of one Civil perſon, that is, Monarch or Councils abſolutely (except as before excepted) p. 84.
10. This Union maketh a City, or Civil ſociety, all mens wills being now one, that is, the Cities.
11. The man or the Council to whoſe will all have given up their wills, have the ſupreme Power, and all are their ſubjects, that is, All have given up their right of reſiſting them. p. 87.
12. But no man is ſuppoſed to have bound himſelf to any thing further than he is ſecured from fear of danger while he wrongs not others; nor to have parted with his right of arbitrary ſelf defence, when the City defends him not. p. 93.
13. Subjection ceaſeth, 1. when the Soveraign deſerteth or abdicateth his government, 2. when the City falls into the hands of enemies, 3. if no ſucceſſor appear. p. 136, 137.
14. It is ſeditious to ſay that any Subject may diſcern and judge what is good or evil: For the rule of Good and evil, juſt and unjuſt, honeſt and diſhoneſt, is only the Cities Laws, and whatever the Lawmaker commandeth is good, and whatever he forbids is evil. It's ſeditious to ſay that we muſt not obey Kings when they command things evil and unjuſt; for antecedent to mans Empire nothing is juſt or unjuſt, but all actions are indifferent: This was Gods oldeſt Law, Thou ſhalt not eat of the tree of Knowledge of good and evil, that is, not make thy ſelf a diſcerning judge of it: and the oldeſt temptation was, you ſhall be as Gods knowing good and evil. pag. 191.
15. It is ſeditious to ſay that it is lawful to kill a Tyrant (that is not an Uſurper,) for then every murderer were maſter of a Monarchs life: And yet All the old Sophiſts, Plato, Ariſtotle, Cicero, Seneca, Plutarch, and the reſt of the fautors of the Greek and Roman Anarchy thought it not only Lawful, but worthy of the greateſt praiſe. p. 193.
16. It is ſeditious to ſay that the higheſt Power may be divided. What more pernicions to the City than that men ſhould be affrighted with the fear of everlaſting torment from obeying Princes, that is, Laws, that is, from being juſt? p. 197.
17. It is ſeditious to ſay, that faith and Holineſs are not acquired by ſtudy and natural reaſon, but are always ſupernaturally infuſed or inſpired. p. 197.
He thought that Chriſts Kingdom was to begin only at the Reſurrection (which I ſuppoſe not believing any, he ſpeaketh in contempt): He was a ware that the Biſhop of Rom had his power only in one Empire; and that Atheiſts are not of the Kingdom of God. But I paſs by the reſt, it being moſtly the ſame with Spinoſa's. And briefly, contrary to his maſs of Brutiſm, Atheiſm, Infidelity and ſelf-contradiction, I oppoſe, beſides what is aforeſaid:
1. Mans natural ſtate is a ſtate of due ſubjection to God as univerſal King:
2. Our thoughts, words and actions are not indifferent, but are duty or ſin as they are conform or diſconform to his Law.
3. Mans Laws could make no duty or ſin but as empowered by Gods Law.
4. The world being Gods Kingdom, all are his Subjects as to obligation, hypocrites by meer profeſſion, and the faithful by true conſent.
5. God binding all men to Love him above all and our neighbours as our ſelves, we are ſo far from being born to a Common war, that nature uncorrupt and repaired is a ſtate of Love, and nature corrupt reprived and under Common grace, is ſociable, and hath ſome natural Love to others, yea to mankind; and as beaſts love the company of their like, ſo do men; and all good men love the good. And all are obliged by the Laws of Love, to love others, and do all the good they can.
6. It's true that corruption making bad men like brutes by ſenſuality and ſelfiſhneſs, ſets them in a ſtate of war; which common and ſpecial grace heal in their ſeveral meaſures.
7. God bindeth all as his Subjects to obey, firſt their parents, and then to chooſe officers whom he ſhall empower under him to rule according to his univerſal Laws, and officiate as his Miniſters; and all that can muſt live in ſuch order.
8. The ends of this order are firſt the fulfilling of the will of God as univerſal King, and next the common good, and next our own of ſoul and body, and not only our own corporal peace and pleaſure.
9. No man hath naturally a right to another mans, nor to any more than God giveth him by nature or juſt acquiſition; and to rob, kill, ſlander, fornicate, &c. is a ſin, whether we are under contracts or mens Laws or not.
10. Societies are for Common good, more than for my own.
11. They are not made by arbitrary giving up our power; for God firſt inſtituted them, and deſcribed the parts univerſally neceſſary, and our power to govern or diſpoſe of our own lives was none, but as under him; and publick power is quite of another ſpecies. We have power to obey God and ſuch as he ſhall by due conſent of man ſet over us and authorize.
12. Life muſt not be defended when juſtice ſentenceth us to death.
13. It's Gods will and power in Rulers that we muſt obey, and not only the peoples united in them.
14. All muſt diſcern Good and evil, as it's Duty and ſin; not in their own conceits and wills firſt, but as in Gods Laws determined.
15. It is wickedneſs to obey man againſt Gods Law, more than to obey a Juſtice againſt the King.
16. If Kings only make duty and ſin, Kings only muſt protect, reward and puniſh men.
17. To make the power of Kings independent on Gods Laws, is to ſubvert their foundation.
18. It's not ſeditious but neceſſary to tell men of Gods future judgement, againſt thoſe that obey men againſt God.
But the reſt is before confuted, which perhaps I have already too oft repeated.
I once thought to have added ſeveral other Columns, that other mens judgements, and the Nonconformiſts might be compared by ſuch as would judge in the light, and not in darkneſs, viz. I. The judgement of Ariſtole, Plato, Zenophon, Iſocrates, Cicero, Livy, Tacitus, and others of the famouſeſt of the old Philoſophers and Hiſtorians and Orators.
II. The judgement of the moſt applauded writers of Politicks: both Papiſts, ſuch as Beſ…dus, Armſeus, Lipſius, Contzen, Tholoſanus, Sayrus, Fragoſo, Azorius, and ſuch moderate ones as Bodin, Commin…us, Thuanus, &c. and Proteſtants, ſuch as Danaeus, Willim, Burgerſdicius, Alſtedius, and many ſuch.
III. And the judgement of the moſt famous Lawyers; eſpecially ſuch as were the moſt ſtrenuous defenders of Monarchy; of whom Goldaſtus notifieth divers that defended the German Emperors: But Barclay and Grotius are of all the moſt eminent.
IV. And in another Column the judgement of many Engliſh Biſhops, Doctors and Hiſtorians.
But the plain truth is, that I fear ſhould I recite their words they would be misinterpreted and do hurt: He that would ſee what the firſt ſort of old Greek and Latine Authors ſay, may find much in their ſentences collected by Alſtedius in his Encyclop. Horileg. Polit. where you have enough to make a Volume out of Herodotus, Thucydides, Zenophon, Polybius, Salluſtius, Livy, Tacitus, Comminaeus, &c. of Plato, Ariſtotle, Plutarch, Iſocrates, Agapetus, Cicero, Pliny: And indeed ſo many of the …amouſeſt Greek and Latine Philoſophers, Hiſtorians and Orators, were ſo much for Liberty and ſpake ſo dangerouſly of Tyrants, and praiſed the Killing of them, and had ſo mean or bad thoughts of Kings that were not eminently good, that it is enough that their books are in the hands of Scholars.
II. And the Authors of Politicks and Laws, (eſpecially Suarez de Legibus and Azorius) I find are commonly read by Lawyers: And indeed I cannot ſee how any man can underſtand his Countreys Laws, who doth not underſtand the doctrine of Government and Laws in genere, which is the doctrine of Politicks. III. And Hiſtorians uſually write as their intereſt and the ſtate of their proper Countrey leads them, ſome flattering Princes, ſome wiſely deſcribing them, and ſome ſpeaking hardly of them, (as Math. Paris yet accounted credible, did of Henry 3. and Gild…s of the Brittiſh Princes,) And ſome (as Hollingsh…ad that ſpeaks of the power of Parliaments to depoſe or take down mighty Kings, being a Clergy-man and out of his callings way) do not well underſtand the Governments which they deſcribe.
IV. And the Lawyers I leave to Lawyers that are beſt acquainted with them.
But I muſt add, 1. That if in any point I differ from men in the matters of their own Profeſſion, modeſty requireth me not to be too peremptory, but to ſuſpect my own underſtanding. 2. And that I blame not Hiſtorians for deſcribing Tyrants and bad Rulers as they were, when they are dead: For our duty of obeying them, and much of honouring them, is then at an end. God will have the name of the wicked to rot: And truth is the daughter of time: True Hiſtory is neceſſary to the living, both Princes and people. If Doctor H…ylin give ſo ill a note of good King Edward 6th. no wonder if he take more liberty in deſcribing King Henry 8th. And if he take liberty to characterize ſo diſgracefully Arch-Biſhop Grindal, Abbot, Vſher, &c. no wonder if others ſpeak worſe of worſe Arch-Biſhops and Biſhops.
I will add here honeſt Eraſmus his Image of a Good and of a Bad King, as recited by Alſtedius, Encyclop. de Polit.
I. If you will paint a good Prince, you ſhall deline ſome celeſtial wight, liker to a God than to a man; abſolute in all the numbers of vertues; given for the good of all, yea given from them above to ſupport the affairs of mortals; who being moſt diſcerning obſerveth all, and looketh to all; to whom nothing is more regarded, nothing ſweeter than the Commonweal; who hath more than a Fatherly mind to all; to whom every ones life is dearer than his own; who day and night doth and endeavoureth nothing elſe but that it may be very well with all; who hath rewards ready for all good men; and pardon to the bad, ſobeit they will amend; who deſireth ſo freely to deſerve well of his ſubjects, that if it be needful, he will not ſtick to look to their ſafety by his own danger; who taketh the profit of his countrey for his gain; who always waketh that others may ſleep; who leaveth himſelf no quiet (otium) that his country may live in quietneſs; who diſquieteth himſelf with ſucceſſive cares, that his Citizens may enjoy tranquillity; laſtly, on whoſe virtue dependeth the publick felicity.
II. His Image of a bad Prince.
If you would repreſent to the eye a bad Prince, paint ſome wild and cruel beaſt, made up of a Dragon, a Wolf, a Lyon, a Viper, a Bear, and ſuch ſtrange things, armed every way with ſix hundred eyes; on every ſide toothed; on every ſide to be feared, with crooked fangs, an inſatiable belly; fatted with mans bowels; drunk with mans blood; which ſleepeth not, that he may prey upon the fortunes and lives of all; hurtful to all, but eſpecially to the good; a certain fatal miſchief of the whole world; whom all men curſe and hate, who wiſh well to the Common-wealth; who for his cruelty cannot be endured, and yet cannot be taken away without great ruin of the world, becauſe his malice is armed with guards and wealth].
Or as Tacitus (de Tiberio) deſcribeth him (cited by Alſted. p. 253.)
The ſigns of one that will be a Tyrant and cruel Prince are; If when he hath got the Empire, he accuſe mens countenances as criminal; and require unmeaſurable flatteries; and catch at the words of his publick Councellors; and open his ears to accuſing delators; and take mens judgement of him whatever, and their free ſpeeches of the Common-wealth for a crime; and laſtly, if good men are ſuſpected by him.
Et de Germanico formidoloſo Tiberio: To Tyrants, good men, and ſuch as are acceptable to the people, and love the peoples liberty, are always formidable.
And Tyrannidis obſcurae & pedetentim ſerpentis haec ſunt initia, cum qui Princeps electus eſt majorum negotiorum cognitionem ſibi unireſervans, & ex ſuo unius arbitratuea ſtatuens, leviorum & quae Reipublicae incolumitatem non attingunt, diſceptationem ad Ordines remittit: (But it muſt be remembred that this was ſpoken in the Roman Empire).
And his Tiberii vera ſententia was [Quanto plus gliſcit imperantis poteſtas, tanto jura minuuntur: itaque non permittendum ut is ut atur imperio, ubi Legibus agipoteſt.]
And his ſaying of Germanicus hath its uſe: [A Prince may better know what is the judgement of his army and people of him, by mens private diſcourſe and tabletalk, than by Sermons and publick conventions, eſpecially ſuch as are appointed by himſelf.]
And of Courtiers (de S…jano) he ſaith [A…lici, in quorum poteſtate eſt Rex, & ex quorum voluntate gerit omnia, quamdiu tyranni non ſunt, aut tyrannidem non aſſectant, vel ultores metuunt, bonis conſiliis & ſalutaribus reipublicae fere innot…ſcere volunt.
I conclude with this warning, that [Corrupted nature is ſo backward to juſt obedience, and yet Tyranny is ſo great a plague to mankind, by hindering the preaching of the Goſpel to Heathens and infidels through the world, that all Chriſtians ſhould deteſt both Tyranny and Rebellion, and take heed of encouraging the principles of either, and ſpecially that on pretence of obeying right reaſon and the Law of nature in ſelf defence, they do not with Hobbs and Spin…ſ…, take the Corruption of nature and reaſon for nature and Reaſon it ſelf, and think that ſenſuality or fancie ſhould rule the man and be the Rule of his obedience, and that all is Lawful that we think is neceſſary to the preſervation of our perſonal intereſt, And therefore that we take not all for current which is agreed on by the moſt of all mankind, even in the politicks of the old Greeks and Romans, of Infidels, of Papiſts and of Proteſtants, however we muſt be modeſt in our diſſent.