Hypocrisy Unmasked, Answer
A PARTICVLAR ANSWER TO THE Manifold Slanders and abominable Falſehoods contained in a Book, called Simplicities defence againſt Seven-headed Policy: Wherein Samuel Gorton is proved a diſturber of Civill Societies, deſperately dangerous to his Country-men the Engliſh in New-Engl. and notoriouſly ſlanderous in what he hath Printed of them.
WHEN firſt I entertained the deſires of the Countrey to come over to anſwer the complaints of Samuel Gorton, &c. and to render a reaſon of the juſt and righteous proceedings of the Countrey of New-Engl. in the ſeverall parts of it, againſt him being a common diſturber of the peace of all Societies where hee came, witnes New-Plymouth, Sam. Gorton a common diſturber of the Civil peace in all the Societies hee there lived in.2 Roade-Iſland, 3 Providence, and laſtly the Maſſachuſets, being the moſt eminent; I little thought then to have appeared in print: but comming into England, and finding a Booke written by Mr. Gorton called Simplicities defence againſt Seven-headed policy: or, A true complaint of a peaceable people, being part of the Engliſh in New-Engl. made unto the State of Old-England, againſt cruell perſecutors united in Church-Government in thoſe parts. I then conceived my ſelfe bound in duty to take off the many groſſe and publike ſcandalls held forth therein, to the great amazement of many tender conſciences in the Kingdom, who are not acquainted with his proud and turbulent carriage, nor ſee the Lion under his Lambeskinne coate of ſimplicity and peace. The Lord knowes how unwilling I was perſonally to engage: and I truſt hee will alſo guide mee in anſwering his booke, as I ſhall bee farre from bitterneſſe: tis true, time was when his perſon was precious in mine eies, and therefore I hope and deſire onelyonly to make a righteous and juſt defence to the many unworthy things by him boldly, ignorantly, proudly, and falſly publiſhed to the great diſhonour of God in wronging and ſcandalizing his Churches, which the Lord Jeſus Chriſt will not leave unpuniſhed.
I know the world is full of controverſies and tis my great griefe to ſee my dear native Country ſo engaged in them, eſpecially one godly perſon againſt another. 'Tis my preſent comfort I come not to accuſe any; but to defend New-England againſt the injurious complaints of Samuel Gorton, &c. but as it comes to paſſe oftentimes that men wound others unavoidably in defending their perſons from the violent aſſaults of ſuch as draw upon them, which otherwiſe they would never have done: ſo if Mr. Gorton receive any ſuch hurt (which is unavoidable) hee becomes an acceſſary thereunto: by forcing mee to defend the Country, without which I ſhould bee unfaithfull.
I know the world is too full of bookes of this kinde, and therefore however I am unfitted of many things I have and could procure at home would well become a relation of the late and preſent ſtate of New England, yet I ſhall now onelyonly with as great brevity as may bee give anſwer to ſuch injurious complaints as hee maketh of us. And however his Title, Preface, and every leafe of his booke may bee juſtly found fault with, I ſhall clearely anſwer to matters of fact, ſuch as hee chargeth the ſeverall Governments withall, ſo as any indifferent Reader may eaſily diſcerne how groſly wee are abuſed, and how juſt and righteous cenſures were againſt him for diſturbing the civill peace of all ſocieties where hee came, in ſuch a manner as no Government could poſſibly beare: and for the blaſphemies for which hee was proceeded againſt at Maſſachuſets, they fell in occaſionally by his owne meanes without any circumſtance leading thereunto.
And firſt whereas hee accuſeth us in the firſt page of his booke to got over to ſuppreſſe …ereticks. Pag. 1.'Tis well knowne we went thither for no ſuch end laid downe by us, but to enjoy thoſe liberties the Lord Jeſus Chriſt had left unto his Church to avoid the Epiſcopall tyranny, and the heavy burthens they impoſed, to which ſufferings the kingdome by this ever to bee honoured Parliament have and doe beare witneſſe to, as religious and juſt. And that wee might alſo hold forth that truth and ancient way of God wherein wee walke, which Mr. Gorton cals hereſie. Next in the ſame Pag. hee chargeth us with affection of Titles, &c. To which I anſwer, either we muſt live without Government, or if wee have Governours wee muſt give them wee call ſuch Titles as are ſutable to their offices and places they beare in Church and Common-wealth, as Governours and Aſſiſtants, Paſtors, Teachers, Rulers, Deacons, &c. theſe are our higheſt Titles we give.
In his ſecond pag. Pag. 2.hee chargeth the Maſſachuſets to unite with other Colonies to the end they might bathe themſelves in bloud and feed themſelves fat with the lives of their brethren, &c. This is a notorious ſlander. 'Tis true that the Maſſachuſets new Plimouth, Cone…tacut, and Newhaven, I meane the ſeverall Colonies there entred into a civill combination, and are called by the name of the Ʋnited Colonies, and this was occaſioned by a generall conſpiracy of the Indians againſt the body of the Engliſh there ſeated, together with the diſtracted condition of England, from whom we could expect no helpe at that time. But Mr. Gorton and his company ſell at that time into more then ordinary familiarity with the Na…ohigganſet Indians, who were the principal contrivers of the Villany; who where they could not draw others to them by force or flattery, they did it by large gifts, &c. as I could prove by many teſtimonies of the Indians, many hundred miles aſunder from each other, in which deſigne had not the finger of God in much mercy prevented, I had beene the firſt had fallen; which I forbeare to relate here, being what I now doe, is but an anſwer to his invective,
Next in the ſame pag. hee tels us at his landing how hee found his Country men at great variance at Boſton in point of Religion; But had not hee holpen to blow the bellowes the flame might never have beene ſo great. And whereas hee ſaid that Mr. Williams was baniſhed thence for differing from us being a man of good report, &c. In anſwer, 1. take notice, I know that Mr. Williams (though a man lovely in his carriage, and whom I truſt the Lord will yet recall) held forth in thoſe times the unlawfulneſſe of our Letters Patents from the King, &c. would not allow the Colours of our Nation, denyed the lawfulneſſe of a publique oath … being needleſſe to the Saints, and a prophanation of Gods name to tender it to the wicked, &c. And truly I never heard but he was dealt with for theſe and ſuch like points: however I am ſorry for the love I beare to him and his, I am forced to mention it, but God cals mee at this time to take off theſe aſperſions.
In pag. 3. hee mentions the proceedings of the Maſſachuſets againſt Mr. John Wheelwright &c. Had it beene the will of God I would thoſe differences had never been: But the maine difference was about a Petition by way of Remonſtrance, which the Government tooke very offenſive: But Mr. Wheelwright and they are reconciled, hee having given ſatisfaction, &c. In the ſame pag. hee wrongs the doctrine of our Churches, which is well knowne to bee ſound. But whereas hee tels us in the ſame pag. of denying cohabitation, and of whippings, confinement, impriſonment, chaines, fines, baniſhment. I confeſſe all theſe things befell him, and moſt juſtly: for hee was bound to the good behaviour at Plimouth and brooke his bonds in the face of the Court, whipt and baniſhed at Roade Iſland for mutinle and ſedition in the open Court there: alſo at Providence as factious there though his party grew greater then Mr. Williams his better party, as appeares by his and their ſad letters to the Government of the Maſſachuſet for helpe and advice; and afterwards baniſhed the Maſſachuſets: all which appeares in another place of this booke, and the juſt cauſes of their proceedings annexed thereunto. Laſtly in this pag. hee tels us of his hardſhip divers nights together, that himſelfe and the reſt of his mutinous companions, as Weekes, Holden, &c. endured, which was juſt with God and man, for extream evils muſt have extreame remedies, and yet tis well knowne tis not a full dayes journey from Roade Iſland to Providence. And whereas a ſtranger would thinke hee was then forced to goe to Nauhigauſet-Bay amongſt the Indians, hee went not from Providence till they were as weary of theſe Mutineeres as either Plimouth or Roade Iſland had beene before them.
And becauſe hee often mentioneth the hard meaſure hee received at Plimouth, ſtill carrying it on as if difference in Religion had beene the ground of it: I thought good here to give the Reader to underſtand what was the ground of his troubles there, that ſo all men may know what Religion this man is of: for the tree is beſt knowne by its fruite. The firſt complaint that came againſt him for which hee was brought before authority, was by Mr. Ral…h Smith a Miniſter, who being of Gortons acquaintance received him with his family into his houſe, with much humanity and Chriſtian reſpect, promiſing him as free uſe of it as himſelfe, &c. but Mr. Gorton becomming troubleſome, (after meanes uſed to remove the offences taken by Mr. Smith, but to no purpoſe, growing ſtill more inſolent) Mr. Smith deſired him to provide elſewhere for himſelfe: but Gorton refuſed, ſaying, hee had as good intereſt in the houſe as Mr. Smith had. And when hee was brought before Authority, ſtood ſtoutly to maintaine it to our amaſement. But was ordered to depart and provide other wayes by a time appointed. And not long after there comming a woman of his acquaintance to Plimouth, divers came to the Governour with complaints againſt her, being a ſtranger, for unworthy and offenſive ſpeeches and carriages uſed by her. Whereupon the Governour ſent to her to know her buſineſſe, &c. and commanded her departure, and ordered the Sea-man that brought her, to returne her to the place from whence ſhee came, at his next paſſage thither. But Gorton ſaid ſhee ſhould not goe, for hee had occaſion to employ her, &c. Hereupon the Governour (it being in the time of a Court) ſent for him, and becauſe hee had hidde her, ſtood in juſtification of his practiſe and refuſed to obey the command of the Court (who ſeconded the Governours order.) He was committed till hee could procure ſureties for his good behaviour till the next Court which was a generall Court, and there to anſwer to this contempt. The time being come and the Court ſet, Gorton was called; But the Governour being wearied with ſpeech to other cauſes, requeſted one of his Aſſiſtants who was preſent at his commitment and privy to the whole cauſe to declare the ſame. This Aſſiſtant no ſooner ſtood up to ſhew the Country the cauſe of his bonds in the great affront hee had given the Government, but Gorton ſtretching out his hand towards his face ſaid with a loud voice, If Satan will accuſe the brethren, let him come downe from Jehoſhuahs right …and and ſtand here, And that done, in a ſeditious manner turned himſelfe to the people and ſaid, with his armes ſpread abroad; Yee ſee good people how yee are abuſed! Stand for your liberty; And let them not bee parties and judges, with many other opprobrious ſpeeches of that kinde. Hereupon divers Elders of Churches being preſent, deſiring leave of the Governour to ſpeake, complaining of his ſeditious carriage, and requeſted the Court not to ſuffer theſe abuſes, but to inflict condigne puniſhment. And yet notwithſtanding all wee did to him was but to take the forfeiture of his foreſaid bonds for his good behaviour. Nay being but low and poore in his eſtate, wee tooke not above eight or ten pounds of it, leſt it might lie too heavy upon his wife and children. But he muſt either get new ſureties for the behaviour till the next generall Court, or ſuch time as he departed the Government, or lie in priſon till hee could: now hee knowing his outragious paſſions which hee could not reſtraine, procured ſureties, but immediately left Plimouth and went to Roade Iſland, where upon complaint of our perſecutions hee found preſent reliefe there: yet ſoone afterward he abuſed them in a greater meaſure and had heavier yet too light a puniſhment inflicted on him, and all for breach of the civill peace and notorious contempt of Authority without the leaſt mention of any points of Religion on the Governments part, but as before.
And whereas in pag. 4. Mr. Gorton further accuſeth us that they were deprived and taken away from their quiet poſſeſſions, &c. Such was his carriage at Plimouth and Providence at his firſt ſettling as neither of the Governments durſt admit or receive him into cohabitation; but refuſed him as a peſt to all ſocieties. Againe in the ſame pag. he accuſeth Maſſachuſets and Plimouth to have denyed them to be in our Government, but when wee perceived the place to bee a refuge for ſuch as were oppreſſed then, &c. 'Tis true that Plimouth gave way to Mr. Williams and his company to ſit downe at Providence and have never moleſted them to this day, but refuſed Gorton and Weekes, &c. upon Weekes his ſollicitation when I was at Providence for the reaſons before mentioned, &c. And for thoſe particular relations he makes of Robert Cole, William Arnold, and Benedict his ſonne, I wave, as not being ſo well acquainted with their caſes, but ſee hee writes with a venomous pen; onelyonly take notice he would make it a great crime in them to trade on the Sabbath (as it is) when himſelfe at that time denyed the ſanctification of it.
In pag. 5. hee complaines that powder was traded to the Indians and denyed to them. Anſw. If it were traded to the Indians, for my part I approve it not, it being againſt the expreſſe law of the Country, and a large penalty annexed: but there was good reaſon to refuſe it to them which held ſuch familiarity with Malignant Indians eſpecially during the time of their confederacy againſt us.
In pag. 6. he ſpeakes as if hee had beene under ſome cenſure of the Maſſachuſets at the time of the warrant there by him ſpecified, how truly copied I know not: but am ſure at this time he was perſonally under no cenſure of theirs.
In pag. 7. hee accuſeth Magiſtrates and Miniſters for bringing in all the accuſations that came in againſt them. Who but publique perſons ſhould take notice of publique inſolencies? And as for Mr. Collens his ſtory I am a ſtranger to, but beleeve it is miſreported as well as others.
In pag. 8. hee manifeſts hee durſt not live under a forraigne Prince, meaning the Dutch, having never been falſe to his King and Country, &c. with many ignorant ſwelling words; as if it were treaſon to ones Prince to live under a forraigne State though an Ally. And in the ſame pag. hee would lay the death of Miſtris Hutchenſon who was mother in law to Mr. Collens, on us: although they went from Road Iſland which is not under the Maſſachuſets where ſhee had lived ſome yeares after her remove from the Bay, and not from the Maſſachuſets to the Dutch of her owne accord where they were cut off by the Indians.
In pag 9. he ſhewes how they bought lands of Myantonimo Prince of thoſe parts. Anſw. 1. Hee was not the Prince of that part as was proved publiquely at Maſſachuſets himſelfe being preſent. 2. He had no proper right in it, as is ſhewed at large elſewhere.
In the ſame pag. he beginneth a large letter full of railing blaſphemies which continueth to pag. 31. and however it bee not exactly ſet downe as it was ſent, yet I admire at Gods providence, for hee is falne into the ſnare he laid, this being brought againſt him to accuſe him of blaſphemy, before a Committee of Parliament, who called in his book, and referred him to the Houſe, &c. but I forbeare to ſhew his folly here, which is referred to another place and his wickedneſſe diſcovered therein.
In pag. 32. hee ſaith the Government of the Maſſachuſets had no ſhew of any thing againſt them but Religion, and yet the whole carried on in his owne way as well as what wee now print, ſhewes it was in the right of two Indian Sachims, namely Pumham and Socononoco, who placing themſelves under the protection of the Maſſachuſets complained of violence offered them by Mr. Gort…n and his company, it being our manner both in Capitals and Criminals to doe them the like juſtice wee doe one to another, wherein walking by the ſame rules of righteouſneſſe towards them, they have the leſſe cauſe to take offence at us.
From pag. 33. forward, are many Letters which I cannot beleeve al is in them, and therfore remain jealous of his ſincerity in Printing them.
In pag. 37. hee holds forth converſion to be the ground of the Maſſachuſets ſending to them, now to that end, ſaith hee, they ſent a Miniſter. 'Tis true, there was a gracious young man one Mr. Joh. Bulkley then a Student, but in no miniſtery, went to teach to the Company they ſent to guard their owne Commiſſioners, and to bring in Gorton if need required: but I dare not beleeve what hee affirmes. And for the Copy of a Letter hee fathers upon the Commiſſioners ſent by the Government of the Maſſachuſet; I conclude 'tis rather ſet downe upon memory then right, becauſe of ſome atteſtations I have by me to make uſe on elſewhere, which ſeeme to hold forth the contrary, and ſo I doe not credit it.
In pag. 38, & 39. hee relates how their wives were frighted at mens preſenting their muskets at them, &c. and ſuffering ſuch hardſhips as occaſioned death, &c. Which muſt alſo bee falſe, for honeſt men have depoſed there was no ſuch preſentment, and that their wives came freely and familiarly to them, both before and after they were taken. So alſo hee affirmes our men would allow of no parley but private, or elſe they would diſpatch them in a quarter of an houre, which I will never beleeve, becauſe I know the men to bee men fearing God, and durſt not proceed as hee relateth it.
In pag. 40, & 41. he alſo taxeth the Commiſſioners and ſouldiers with breach of Covenants in time of treaty, as, breaking open their houſes, desks, killing their cattle, &c. All which is falſe, for oath is made to the contrary, which I ſhall make uſe of before my Lord of Warwick Governour in chiefe, and the reſt of the honourable Committee for foraign Plantations in due time and place, that whereas they were by agreement to have two houſes for their company being about 40 men, they made uſe of but one, nor did any of theſe things laid to their charge.
In pag. 45. he would make Pumham and Soconon…co, the naturall ſubjects of Myantonimo their Prince; but this was diſproved. And in the ſame page, he ſaith, the Magiſtrates ſuggeſted to the people as though there were feare of ſome combination between the Indians and them. Anſw. I dare not ſay you had a hand in the depth of their conſpiracy: but this I thinke you dare not deny, that Weekes one of your ſtouteſt Champions, lent Myantonimo an Armour, in which he was taken in battell againſt Ʋncus, who was under the protection of the Engliſh united Colonies: for which Ʋncus put him to death; and in your own book you hold forth more familiarity then becomes you.
But here it will bee neceſſary for mee to ſhew you the …round of this warre. There was a people called by the name of the Pecoats, being a ſtout warlike people, who had been at warre with the… Nanohigganſets many yeares, and were too ſtrong for them; ſo alſo were they at ſome diſtance of affection with this Ʋncus, who was Sachim of a people called the Mohegans, neare the head of a River falleth into the ſea at Pecoat…. The chiefe Sachim of this people of Pecoat, was called Tatobam, a ſtout man. The Nanohigganſets and theſe ſtrove who ſhould be greateſt. This Tatobam envied the Engliſh, and was the firſt ſtirrer and contriver of this generall Plot, that they might all joyne together to deſtroy the Engliſh; but the Nanohigganſets refuſed to joyne with them, knowing if that were once done, the next ruine muſt be their owne. Afterward having ſubdued many ſmall peoples, and one as great as themſelves, and and ſome Engliſh planting more neare then the body of our Plantations, though without wrong to him, or any of them, hee cut off Captaine Stone his Barke and Company, and after this killed divers ſtragling Engliſh. This ſtirred up the Engliſh to take revenge: The Nanohigganſets and Ʋncus, Sachim of the Moheges ſeeing this, becauſe it was againſt their comon Enemy, offered their ſervice to joyn with the Engliſh: the Nanohigganſets did no conſiderable ſervice in compariſon of the Moheges, who did as much as could bee expected, but the Nanohigganſets rather gathered up the ſpoile, to the great offence of the Engliſh and Moheges, ſeldome ingaging in any fight. The Engliſh killed and deſtroyed this people utterly, ſo that thoſe that were left remaining utterly deſerted the Countrey, and the Engliſh wonne it, and are now poſſeſſed of it. After this victory, Myantonimo Sachim or Lord of the Nanohigganſets, and Ʋncus Lord of the Moheges, manifeſted no good blood towards each other; the Engliſh at Hartford where the Government for Coneetacut is held, hearing of it, got them together, and made a peace and threefold Covenant between the Government of Coneetacut, Nanohigganſet, and Mo…ege, which was ſigned by the Governour of Coneetacut, Myantonimo Sachim of Nanohigganſet, and Ʋncus Sachim of M…hegan. The Covenants ran to this purpoſe, To confirme their League between the Engliſh and them, and either to other, and to hold forth a league of perpetuall peace between them. And in caſe any difference ſhould ariſe between theſe two Indian Sachims, or their people, the party offended ſhould complaine to the Governour of Coneetacut, who was to mediate and to determine the controverſie between his two friends and their people: And in caſe the injury were great, and the party wronging would not ſtand to the foreſaid award and determination, then it ſhould not onelyonly bee lawfull for the wronged to right himſelfe by force of Armes, but for the Engliſh party alſo to aſſiſt the innocent in that kind. And to this they all firmed as before.
The Nanohigganſet Sachim never regarded this Covenant, the Mohege Sachim ever faithfully obſerved it. But Myantonimo of Nanohigganſet had thoughts now to proſecute the Pecoats deſigne, and to deſtroy the Engliſh, (the Pecoets Nation being rooted out by Gods juſt judgement as before) and travels farre and neare to draw all the Indians in the Countrey into this horrid confederacy with him; but this Ʋncus would not bee wonne, though he would have taken his daughter in marriage, but ever acquainted the Engliſh with his working. At length an inferiour Sachim, ſubordinate to Nanohigganſet affronts him and his men, hee complaines to the Engliſh, they ſend to this inferiour Sachim, hee ſleights their admonition, goes on his courſe; whereupon the other demands leave to make warre upon him, not requiring any aide. Still the Engliſh forewarne the other party of the evill they were like to being upon themſelves; till at length they profeſſe they have had peace enough, & now it is time to war. Whereupon the Engliſh give way to Vncus to revenge himſelfe, he doth it; the other are beaten. Now Myantonimo he prepares an Army of above 1000 men, and comes upon a ſudden upon Ʋncus without any reſpect to Covenants, and took Ʋncus at advantage, not with above 300 men; by which meanes they beſet him every way in his Fort, which ſtands upon a point of Land between two Rivers. Myantonimo ſo diſperſed his men to prevent their f…ight, as Ʋncus making a deſperate ſalley with almoſt his full force, routed the other, ſlew neare upon an hundred, and forced them to fly: But Mr. Weekes one of Samuel Gortons company (as I am credibly informed) lending the Great Sachim a complete Armor; and having it on in the fight, was not able to fly ſo faſt as his men, and was taken by this meanes. Yet ſuch was Ʋncus reſpect ſtill to the Engliſh, as hee kept him till hee ſent to the Engliſh, viz. to the Right Worſhipfull George Fenwicke Eſquire, to know what he ſhould doe with him, who lived next to him, Hee wiſhed him to follow their owne Cuſtome, and to deale with him, as if hee had not adviſed with him, or there were no Engliſh in the land to adviſe withall. Hereupon hee reſolved to have killed him forthwith, according to their Cuſtome. But no ſooner were the Nanohigganſets got home, who had loſt divers Sachims, Captaines, and chiefe men in this fight, but they ſend to Mr. Gorton, &c. who ſent a Note to Ʋncus, with a command by the bearer, that they put him not to death, but uſe him kindly and returne him. This the Meſſenger either ſaid or they ſuppoſed came from the Maſſachuſets Governour, and did much daunt Ʋncus and his men: but to cleare up all, they adviſed with the Gent. of Coneetacut, who wiſhed him to keep him priſoner, and to adviſe with the Commiſſioners of the United Colonies whereof they were part, whoſe meeting would bee ere long by courſe at the Maſſachuſets: which counſell hee followed, and entreated the Governour of Coneetacut (Myantonimo alſo deſiring it) to keep him ſafe for him till then, whereupon hee was brought to Hartford: And many gifts were ſent to the priſoner; which hee beſtowed like himſelfe, ſome on him that took him, ſome on Ʋncus, ſome on his wife, ſome on Ʋncus brother being a great Captaine, and ſome on others where he had received kindneſſes, and this was all the ranſome was paid, there being not ſo much as a ranſome propoſed by the Nanohigganſets, nor ſet down by Ʋncus. But hee adviſing with the Commiſſioners, they conſidering how many ways beſides open hoſtility he had ſought the life of Ʋncus, by poyſon, ſecret murther, witchcraft, &c. adviſed him to put him to death, there being no ſafety for him whilſt hee lived, being ſo reſtleſſe in his practice againſt his life; and therefore wiſhed Ʋncus to proceed with him according to their owne Cuſtome towards priſoners of Warre, which is to put them to death; according to which advice he proceeded, knowing now that none of the Engl. would intercede for him. And hereupon Ʋncus went to Hartford and demanded his priſoner, and led him to an houſe of his owne, out of the limits of the Engliſh, and there killed him, where was an Engliſh man or two by to prevent their accuſtomed cruelties, in cutting off not onelyonly the head and hands of their priſoners when they are dead, and make bracelets of the fore-joints of their fingers, &c. but to torture them whilſt living with moſt inhumane cruelties. After this, the Nanohigganſets would warre upon him in revenge of his death; wee forbade them, and at our next meeting of Commiſſioners to conſult about the Weale publike of the United Colonies, in regard the Nanohigganſets pleaded they had taken a ranſome for his life, and his life alſo, which the other denyed; Wee ſent for Ʋncus, and ſent to the great Sachims of Nanohigganſet to come alſo, or appeare by Commiſſioners; but they ſent foure Commiſſioners with full authority to treate, where we found neither ranſome, nor colour of ranſome in the leaſt meaſure. And ſo a truce was agreed on, & if Ʋncus brake it, we were then freed from our engagement to defend him any further, for they deſired no more: And if the Nanohigganſets broke it, then it ſhould be lawfull for us the United Colonies to take part with him, &c. But the truth is, though before they had ſo neare neighbours of the Engliſh, as Gorton, &c. and till Myantonimo's Government, as they were the moſt in number, and moſt peaceable of all the Indians, yet now they were changed, as if they had not been the people, and had their Tutors, Secretaries, and promptors to ſuggeſt their greatneſſe and our weakneſſe to them, as his Book witneſſeth, in ſuch manner as I am confident if the Gortonians (for I take the phraſe from his owne Book here, never hearing it before) bee ſuffered to live ſo neare them, it will bee our ruine, or theſe Indians (which we deſire not) in ſhort time. I thought good to inſert this Narration thus briefly, that the Reader might underſtand the ground of his many charges, calling God to witneſſe I know not the leaſt falſhood related in it, but many things for brevities ſake omitted worthy a hiſtory; but I am now about an anſwer, not an hiſtory, and therefore thus briefe. But to return.
In pag. 47. ſee how he ſcoffes at the Sabbath as if there were no other ground for our religious obſervation of it, then Mr. Co…tons judgement. And in pag. 48. hee is full of many ſcoffs, as if hee and his Gortonians would not, nor did ſhoot at all, when as I have oath to prove they ſhot alſo at the other, but the truth is, I heard ſome ſay that their powder was ſo dampe and moiſt as they could not without great difficulty diſcharge a peece, which I well beleeve might bee the reaſon they ſhot no more then they did.
In pag. 49. hee chargeth Captaine Cooke with breach of Articles: And yet I have it atteſted upon oath, that there were none agreed on; onelyonly they deſired they might not goe bound; which was eaſily aſſented to, they behaving themſelves quietly. And for their cattle, I never heard the number to be ſo great by farre; but asking the Governour of the Maſſachuſets about them, hee profeſſed they did not amount to halfe their charges. And if any aske by what authority they went out of their own Government to do ſuch an act▪ Know that his former ſeditious and turbulent carriage in all parts where he came, as Plymouth, Roade-Iſland, a place of greateſt liberty, Providence that place which relieved him in that his ſo great extremity, and his ſo deſperate cloſe with ſo dangerous and potent enemies, and at ſuch a time of Conſpiracy by the ſame Indians, together with the wrongs done to the Indians, and Engliſh under the protection of that Government of the Maſſachuſets, who complained and deſired reliefe; together with his notorious contempt of all Civill Government, as well as that particular, and his blaſphemies againſt God needleſly manifeſted in his proud letters to them, one whereof hee hath printed, and the other I have herewith publiſhed for him. All theſe conſidered, you ſhall ſee hereby cauſe enough, why they proceeded againſt him as a common enemy of the Countrey. And as ſuch as one, the ſaid Commiſſioners being then met together at Maſſachuſets by courſe, for the Weale of the whole, upon juſt complaint ordered and thought meet that the Government of the Maſſachuſets ſhould call them to accompt, and proceed with them ſo farre as ſtood with righteouſneſſe and juſtice: And by their declaration thou maiſt eaſily ſee they went no further, for they refuſing ſafe conduct to come to anſwer to the matters againſt them, forced them upon this charge needleſly, which they made them beare part of as before. So that here's cauſe enough beſides blaſphemy for their proceeding with them I ſuppoſe.
In pag. 51. he chargeth New-Engl. Miniſters to pray in the ſtreets: but take notice I have been there theſe 26 yeares, and better, but never heard of ſuch a practiſe, till I now reade it in his Book.
In pag. 52. he ſaith, the Governour to ſatisfie the people, ſaid, we were apprehended for divers groſſe opinions, &c. Anſw. You may ſee in the laſt Section but one there was cauſe enough. And yet for Opinions, let mee tell you that you held, That that Image of God after which man was created was Chriſt; and that when Adam fell Chriſt was ſlaine, &c. And as for your opinion concerning Churches, Mr. Williams by way of ſad complaint told me, you denyed any true Churches of Chriſt to bee in the world: alſo Baptiſme it ſelfe, and the Lords Supper, Sabbath, Magiſtracy as it was an ordinance uſed amongſt Chriſtians. And for the Lords Supper, that it is but a ſpell, the Miniſters Necromancers, and the Communicants drunke with the juice of the grape, &c. And for this laſt paſſage here mentioned, the Reader ſhall have it at large in a ſecond Letter ſent by him and his companions to the Government of the Maſſachuſets, concealed by himſelf in his Book, though he pretendeth to have printed all, &c.
In pag. 53. as he abuſeth others, ſo Mr. Cotton and Mr. Ward, in affirming that Mr. Ward put himſelfe into a paſſion, and ſtirred up Carder to recant, &c. as being no diſcredit to him, becauſe Mr. Cotton ordinarily preached that publiquely once a yeare, which the next yeare he recants, &c. But Mr. Ward being in Towne, a man well knowne and reputed, I ſhewed him the Booke, and hee gave mee thanks, and returned this anſwer to it verbatius: Samuel Gorton having made mee a Margent note in the 53 page of his Booke, I hold my ſelf called to make this anſwer to it; I cannot call to minde that ever I knew or ſpake… with ſuch a man as Richard Carder, nor that ever I had any ſpeech with any priſoner at a window, nor ſhould I need it in New-England, where there is liberty enough given for conference with priſoners in more free and convenient places. This I remember, that one Robert Potter who went in the ſame Ship with mee into New-England, and expreſſing by the way ſo much honeſty and godlineſſe as gained my good opinion and affection towards him: I hearing that hee was affected with Samuel Gortons blaſphemous conceits and carriages, and therefore now impriſoned with him, I went to viſit him, and having free ſp…ch with him in the open priſon yard, who ſhedding many teares might happily move me to expreſſe my affection to him, which Samuel Gorton calls paſſion: After ſome debate about his new opinions, I remember I uſed a ſpeech to him to this effect: That hee ſhould doe well and wiſely to make ſuch acknowledgement of his errours at his conſcience would permit; telling him that Mr. Cotton whom hee had ſo much reverenced in Old England, and New, had given him a godly example in that kinde, by a publique acknowledgement upon a ſolemne Faſt day with many teares; That in the time when errours were ſo ſtirring, God leaving him for a time, he fell into a ſpirituall ſlumber; and …ad it not been for the watchfulneſſe of his brethren the Elders, &c. hee might have ſlept on; and bleſſed God very cordially for awakening him, and was very thankefull to his Brethren, for their watchfulneſſe over him, and faithfulneſſe towards him: wherein …ee honoured God not a little, and greatly rejoyced the hearts of his …earers; and therefore it would bee no ſhame for him to doe the like.
Concerning Mr. Cotton, were I worthy, I would preſume to ſpeake that now of him, which I have ſaid more then many times of him elſwhere, That I hold him ſuch an eminent Worthy of Chriſt, as very few others have attained unto him; and that I hold my ſelfe not worthy to wipe his ſlippers for matters of grace, learning, and induſtry in the worke of God.
For the Author Samuel Gorton, my ſelf and others farre more judicious, take him to bee a man whoſe ſpirit is ſtarke drunke with blaſphemies and inſolencies, a corrupter of the Truth, and a diſturber of the Peace where ever hee comes; I intreat him to read Titus 1. 13. with an humble heart, and that is the greateſt harm I wiſh him.
N. W.