The False Brother, Text

The False Brother · Text

p. 5The falſe Brother.

IT is not unknown (though it hath been ſad, and dangerous) how many intricacies and ſtrange emergencies have occurred in the affairs of this Nation, ſince the Parliament firſt began to oppoſe the Tyranny of the late King; ſo many changes and diviſions within ſuch a compaſs of time, and ground, ne'r have been experienced among any people; which hath not proceeded either from the in evidence of our firſt principles, or for want of the knowledge of our advantages over our common enemy, but meerly from the deſigns of our ſeeming friends, and boſome acquaintance, who (making uſe of our affections and indulgences) as faſt as God hath made way for an end of the warr, have found out other inſtruments, and pleas, either to new model the old Enemy, or alter our ſpirits and principles by ſecret diviſions among our ſelves.

But among all the ſecret enemies this Nation hath had, none have been more eminent and active with ſo much advantage as the Scottiſh Party, with whom, as we had moſt ſpecial correſpondencies, ſo they have had the faireſt pretences, and ſtrongeſt influences on all parties, all others being but under-agents to their deſigns, whoſe craft and policy meeting with the ambition and diſcontent of ſome Engliſh ſpirits, hath of a long time wrought together, to the perplexing p. 6of all our affairs, and to the recruiting our common Enemy, either in their ſtrength, or hopes; all which though it hath been a long while acted under-board, and carried on by fair and unſuſpected ſteps; yet it hath at laſt broke out, that all true Engliſhmen may ſee who were the firſt Agents, and are to be the laſt reſerve of the Malignant Intereſt.

For the full diſcovery of which plots and tranſactions of Scotland againſt England, their methods, and ends from firſt to laſt, as far as can be gathered out of their dark and cloſe negotiations with the King on the one ſide, and Parliament and City of London on the other, without any envy to that Nation, but of faithfulneſs to England, I have undertaken this ſhort Diſcourſe; for the better carrying on of which Narrative, it will not be amiſs to begin at the firſt original of our acquaintance, and to glance at the grounds of our diſtances and unions.

We may all remember, that the beginning of our dearneſs and acquaintance with Scotland hath been but of late years; Our Anceſtors thought we were as providentially diſjoyned from them by Tweed, as they and we are by the Ocean from all the world beſides; and in all their overtures with that Nation, their care was more to keep peace then friendſhip, and to impriſon them (with obſervance) in their own Nation, rather then to inlarge our Dominions with theirs; it being our utmoſt deſign to keep them from being bad Neighbors, for good and profitable friends we never could expect them to be, there being no parity or proportion for ſuch a converſe between us; but on the one ſide there would be envy and deſign, on the other jealouſies and indignation; they wanted too much, and we enjoyed more then we could ſpare upon meer acts of love and National correſpondencies.

And the Scots (who naturally hate or envy Engliſhmen) obſerved their own advantages; and therefore rather ſought to ſtrengthen their alliances abroad (eſpecially with France, who have been long our ſecret obſerving enemies) then to be one with us, knowing they could get more by helping others to annoy us, then by themſelves, who have been ever p. 7too weak in ſtrength (though not in policy) to deale ſingle with the Engliſh Nation; many and bloody battels have been fought between us; the Engliſh to preſerve their own borders (which was the top of their deſign) the Scots to inlarge their territories on ours, which yet they never could obtain, but have of late caſt very hard for, and have it ſtill in their eye. The neereſt conjunction this State could ever formerly in prudence ſeek after with them, was by Matches with their Princes, which at laſt brought forth a more viſible union of both Nations under one King, which fell out fortunately for the Scots, that their King ſhould be tranſlated into England, whereby they ſhould have his ſmall Revenues in Scotland, and advantage of place, and inſight to the priviledges and ſecrets of this Kingdom, and yet lye out of our way, and keep their own Nation to themſelves; This union, though it was hopeful and very welcome to the Engliſh (whoſe borders were never free from their ravenous invaſion) yet it proved not ſo well for England; for, as it brought more charge on us to maintain a King of three Kingdoms by one (for we could expect little or nothing from Scotland to eaſe our burthen) ſo that perſon laid the plot of Prerogative, and perſecution, and left the proſecution of it to his Succeſſors, which they have not failed in.

But our neerer acquaintance, and that which begot friendſhip betwen us, ſeemed to have laid on a more contrary, yet ſure foundation; not on our union under one King, but their falling out with him, and oppoſing the effects of his Fathers plots, and his ſons Tyranny (an act then very new and ſtrange, that both gained them hatred and reſpect) according to the diſpoſition of the Court, and the temperature of the Kingdom, and had gained them immortal glory to all Nations, if they had been as uniform and even in the ſeries of action, as they were hot and violent in their firſt motions and agitations about it.

For the late King having been fully acquainted with his Fathers principles (which he had a peaceable time to fortify) and obſerved whom he made his enemies and friends, did endeavour to go on where he left off, and to propagate them p. 8with that zeal that an intereſted Agent ought to do, upon whom only the active part of the work lay; which deſign, as it was chiefly to advance the Prerogative above the Law, and Epiſcopacy above the Goſpel, and both as a ſtep to Popery; ſo it was carried on by degrees in England, both as to Civils and Eccleſiaſticals, and ſo leſs diſcerned; and the great method was to begin with Scotland firſt, which as it was more remote, ſo it taking full effect there, as an Eſſay, it might be effected in England with more power, knowing that England was the more Heroick, free, and noble Nation, and more incapable of bondage, and ſlavery; and they well knew, it would be hard on a ſudden to make a Civil War in England after ſo long a Summer of peace, eſpecially ere they had tryed what could be done with the two other Kingdoms.

But it firſt brake out in Scotland on a ſudden (and too violently) by the zeal of the Archbiſhop of Canterbury, who (to provoke them) ſent them a new Common-Prayer-book, worſe then ours (which was bad enough) with many revilings and affronts publickly to the whole Nation; that the Scots had nothing elſe but the groſneſs of the plot to oppoſe, which yet was ſufficient to move them to preſerve themſelves; our condition was much worſe, by how much we lay more directly under the deſign, and both the burthens of oppreſsion and perſecution with leſs plea and power to oppoſe. The Scots ſoon reſent thoſe actings (and unite themſelves together) and put themſelves into a poſture of defence againſt the King, and his Incendiaries at Court, and at laſt come into England, to prevent the Kings coming with an Army to Scotland, and in a little time they gained their deſires, with ſomething from England over and above. This firſt engagement againſt the King, Common-Prayer, and Biſhops (all which lay heavy on our conſciences) did not only gain them their own deſires, but got them the hearts of true Engliſhmen, and abundance of reverence to their Cauſe and Nation; yea all honeſt and godly men (to whom then the thoughts of any Liberty was ſweet, and the glimmerings of probable hopes precious) fell down at their feet, eſpouſed p. 9their quarrel; and though their actings had but an occaſional influence upon our condition; our whole Parliament ſuffered a diſſolution, rather then they would contribute a farthing to make a war againſt them, though Parliaments were then rare monuments of Priviledges to us, and of ſuch neceſsity to our affairs, and we were hopeleſs of attaining any more; and when the neceſsities of the King (to get money) moved him to call this Parliament, (as meaning once more to try the people) we not onelyonly again refuſed to act againſt Scotland; but the firſt thing we did, was to proclaim them our Dear Brethren, and inſtead of granting Subſidies againſt them, we gave them a gratuity of three hundred thouſand pound ſterling, for ſtanding up for their own juſt Liberties, and giving us occaſion of doing the ſame; though ſome wiſe and ſingle eyed men are not afraid to ſay, that there was ſomewhat more in the end then preſervation of Religion in that expedition: Firſt, becauſe there were many private animoſities long before ripening about places among ſome great ones at Court, and Scotland, and that there was fire enough in theſe breaſts to kindle a very great flame, however they took occaſion to kindle it at a fit ſeaſon for the Scots.

2. The revenues of the Court in Scotland were not ſo equally diſtributed among the Scots Noblemen, but ſome got all.

3. It was a fine Eſſay for the Noblemen and Gentry of Scotland, having ſo good a pretence, to try the temper of the Engliſh, and take a clear proſpect of our State: But that which makes many eſpecially believe that Religion was but a pretence, is, becauſe they have made ſo little progreſs in the Reformation, and purifying it among themſelves, and yet have made ſo many diviſions in it, and by it among us; Others think their hatred was not ſo much againſt Superſtition, as Ceremony; nor of Epiſcopacy, but of its pontificalneſs in outward Ornaments, which they could no ſo well maintain, and their Nobility together.

But we muſt give them their due, they had the firſt eminent occaſion given them to oppoſe Innovations, and they muſt have the honor of the firſt ſtart; we then thought them all p. 10Saints; and at that time, every breath after Religion and Profeſsion of Reformation was ſo taking to good men, who knew no way of attaining it by themſelves, that the Scot laid in a ſtock of credit which hath laſted them ever ſince (having the firſt commendation of early riſers, though afterwards they might, and did lie abed) ſtriving to ſecure their own intereſts, and make uſe of others neceſsities, which they have ever ſince carefully held to in all opportunities.

But the laſt and moſt ſpecial friendſhip hath been by our mutual conjunction in a common Cauſe againſt the late King, and his malignant intereſt; the King having for the preſent altered the Scene from Scotland to England, though the deſign was the ſame againſt both, we were fain to unite more cloſely, and to profeſs againſt our common enemy; yet as the Scots did not move or engage, untill ſolemnly invited by our Parliament, ſo we were loth to trouble them, untill we ſaw them like to be engaged by others, and we at preſent (through the delayes and diviſions of our firſt Armies) were not able to improve our own ſtrength.

This union was confirmed by the Solemn League and Covenant, which one would think had been an everlaſting foundation of Amity and love between us, had it been well made, and honeſtly kept. But concerning this Covenant (it is to be feared) though it was ſolemnly taken, yet it was careleſly made, with much deſign and craft (which God will puniſh as well as the breach of it.) For it was drawn by the Scots, according to their ſenſe; and what dawbing there was in that affair, ſome know that will not ſpeak: Some of our Commiſsioners did wiſh and deſire ſome other terms to be inſerted, and ſome explained; but it was huſht, as not being a time to diſpute, that it would offend the contrivers, and retard the iſſue of affairs; the Scots reſolving not to move, untill they had our conſent faſt in their net; and our charity making us willing to hope they would be honeſt in their uſe and interpretation of ſo ſacred a Text. Thus it came out in the Scottiſh Dialect, which was then in faſhion in England, as the Spaniſh formerly at Court, and yet we were fain to buy the paper, and pay the Compilers, and I pray God it prove p. 11not the coſtlieſt ſheet that ever was drawn between two Nations; yet we now thought our ſelves well, and looked on our affairs, as in a very hopeful condition (the Scots being of late ſo high in all honeſt mens thoughts for their firſt expedition) and being ſo firmly united againſt the common enemy, ſung Requiems to our ſelves, hoping the War would ſoon be ended by the faithfulneſs and activity of the Scots Army, and that the Royal Standard would fall down at the appearance of ſuch a Covenanting Militia: And truly the eyes and hearts of all honeſt-hearted men were ſo on them, that they thought that God would onelyonly make uſe of their Arms to effect our happineſs; their very name now (which was formerly in Engliſh accounted as a barbarous expreſſion) was almoſt become ſacred, and ſpoken of with abundance of devotion.

But time that brings forth Truth, ſoon diſcovered them, and ere a year paſt over, many men began to be ſtartled, and to ſee day through many little holes, and to diſcover that England was like to pay well for their Charity, and Affections; yet while we were loving, they were deſigning, and making their advantages of our neceſſities; the opening of which is one of the main ends of this Diſcourſe.

This great Expedition, as it drew on much expectation on all ſides, ſo it gave them many advantages over us, which they carefully improved; for they had their own demands, both in Treaties, and the Covenant; they got into our affections and councels, and had a predominant influence in all our affairs without ſuſpition, and were behind the Screen in all tranſactions; beſides, they had their ſtakes in every hedge, their Agents in every corner, in the Parliament, Aſſembly, both the Armies of the Lord of Eſſex, and Sir William Waller, where the moſt of the Field Officers were Scotchmen, who were made Lieutenants, and Major Generals, Colonels, and Governors of great Garriſons, beſides a peculiar ſtanding Army in the North, and their Commiſſioners at London waiting on the deſign; and ſo handſomly were they placed in all great Offices, that the management of all affairs was almoſt come into the Scots hands; and had not God wiſely p. 12defeated their enterprizes, England had been Scotland long ere this; of which more anon.

But that I may quit ſcores as I go along, becauſe the Scots heighten their actings for us in this Expedition, and in their Papers ſpeak ſo largely of their aſſiſtance of us againſt the Royal Party, as the greateſt act of love and favour that ever was done unto a Nation, charging of us with ingratitude and ill requital; Let us a little remember, that it was a common cauſe, that but the day before (as it were) we did the like for them; we paid them for the meer ſtanding up for their own priviledges, that we bought their love at a greater rate then brotherly aſſiſtances are uſed to be ſold for, and were at all the charges to maintain the Covenant both in England and Scotland.

And whereas they urge the Kings offers of the four Northern Counties to be annexed to that Crown, if they would joyn with him, with abundance of large promiſes. In general, as it would be worſe than inhumanity for them to have engaged againſt the Parliament, who had a but year or two before helpt them, and ſent them home with money in their purſes, when they came but about their own buſineſs: So in particular, they knew who were better paymaſters, the King or the Parliament; and though they had not the four Northern Counties made over by the Covenant, yet they did not doubt but to work them out, and to have them for their Arrears (which was more ſafe and honourable;) in the mean while, they knew they ſhould enjoy them for their Quarters.

However, we muſt acknowledge their aſſiſtance was then ſeaſonable, and a favour; And yet when we pay well for reſpects, ſomething of thanks may well be ſpared.

But to return to our main diſcourſe, It is very obſervable to conſider the great difference in their carriages between their firſt Expedition for themſelves, and their ſecond upon the ſcore of the Covenant; in their firſt coming they came with Bibles in their hands, ſinging of Pſalms, and in a very lovely form of godlineſs, and their behaviour generally was not much unſutable; but in the ſecond Expedition when p. 13they came with the Covenant in their hats and hands, there was a ſudden viſible change, both in perſons and carriages, the conſtitution of the Army of a more looſe temper, and Religion marcht in the rear; for having us now faſt by Covenant, and lying under the ſhelter of ſo ſure a pretence, they preſently fell to plunder, and to challenge all things as their own; and (as I take it) the firſt night they entred England, they ſlew a thouſand ſheep, though by the Treaty they ſhould have brought in a moneths proviſion ſutable to their Army; and ſo acted, as if they had nothing now to look after but an intire communion, and mutual injoyment of all things in common with us; and though we had Commiſſioners with them, which by the Treaty were to order all things joyntly with them; as they were ſeldome conſulted withall, ſo hardly ever obeyed; theſe Gentlemen (though tender enough of the Engliſh Intereſt) giving way, and yeelding to many things, being loth to make broils, and hinder the main work, they ſo encroached ere they were aware on our priviledges and enjoyments in the North, that there was nothing but ſad oppreſſions and violences reigning over the poor Countreys, without any redreſs; and after they had warmed themſelves with our Engliſh refreſhments, they without any Warrant from the Parliament, or Approbation of our Commiſſioners, lay on a univerſal Seſs upon every thing that was of any concernment to the people, beſides Free-Quarter and particular plunders.

Thus our Commiſſioners remained among them rather as ſpectators of the miſery of the people, then as Counſellors and in authority with them; Theſe things were ſad preſages, and opened many mens eyes in the North (to ſee ſuch ſudden changes) though the South knew not but they were all Saints; It was wiſdom then to conceal theſe things, and not give them publick vent, leſt we ſhould rejoyce our Enemies, hoping likewiſe that it would be but for a while, and that they might be drawn farther South, where better means might be had for redreſs; in the mean time the burthen and miſery was enough to buſie us in patience and prayer; yea, ſo high they were grown, that I heard a General p. 14perſon ſay (debating about the rights of England, and of their power over Engliſhmen) that theſe diſtinctions muſt not be admitted; the Covenant had made us one, and that we were to be ruled by their Laws as our own. I had not inſerted theſe relations, but only that we may ſee what uſe they made at firſt, and meant to make of the Covenant.

The ſeries of the actions and carriages of the Army were alwayes proportionable to theſe principles, as if in their firſt Expedition they came to take our affections; in the ſecond, to take away our priviledges, and poſſeſs our inheritances.

As for their Military actions in proſecution of the War, we need make no large Chronicle, ſetting aſide their lying before York, the battel of Marſton-Moor, where they were aſſiſted with two diſtinct Engliſh Armies, and the taking New-Caſtle and Carlile, in which they ſerved themſelves as well as us; you may reduce all their ſervices to a preſerving their own borders, ſaving their laſt journey (in that Expedition) into the South (for March I cannot call it, being there was no enemy in the way, which yet was hardly obtained) where though they ſhamefully left Hereford, yet they got Newark, and the King to boot (of which more anon.) All the particulars of their ſtrange deportment in the North will require a particular diſcourſe, and but burthen this. I am ſorry we have cauſe to repeat any thing of their miſcarriages, neither would I leſſen their ſervices; but its time now to keep even reckoning, and for England to know its own Intereſt. But to go on.

God having almoſt beyond the faith of his people, and expectation of Politicians, bleſt our New Modell under the Command of that ever to be renowned Lord Fairfax, to conquer the Kings Forces at Naſeby, Langport, Cornwall, that they had on a ſudden beaten all their Field Forces, and taken in moſt of their Garriſons, ſave Oxford, Hereford, and ſome few more; It put the Scots into new ſhifts and policies; for they had kept their Army as the only reſerve and Umpire, and ſeeing things ſo ſtrangely, and without expectation p. 15altered (by almoſt a miracle of providence) and the main work to be done without them, and no Martial work at all left for them on the Royal Party, they ſecretly ſtrive to make ſome, that they might not leave us without doing ſomething.

They were at a great loſs in many regards (by theſe new providences) for firſt all their Commanders, who had before the great command of the Engliſh Army, had happily thruſt themſelves out of Office, proudly ſlighting the New Model, and ſcorning to ſtoop to a neceſſary Reformation, and reduction of Officers, which the State then ſaw fit, whereby they wanted that influence in the Military part of our affairs, which was of moſt concernment then unto us; and we found the miſery of it in the Lord General Eſſex his time, by the delayes and neglects of opportunities, which waſted our Treaſure, and gave the King too much ground to have got all; and by the way its not a uſeleſs obſervation (ſeeing it is drawn by providence) that God ſhould lay aſide, and not uſe the Scots Army, nor any of their great Officers in the full conqueſt of the common Enemy; but while they were lying ſafe in their Quarters in the North, (getting in their Seſſes) God ſhould proſper a poor deſpiſed Army, and carry them from South to Weſt, conquering, and to conquer, that we may impartially ſay that they never were inſtrumental in one battle, nor had a hand in the effectual accompliſhment of that conqueſt; there is ſomething more in it then hath been taken notice of either by them or us; and ſo much were they affected with the envy of that mercy, that it was wonderful to ſee with what ſtrange made faces they kept dayes of thankſgiving for every Victory which was obtained, as ordinary as we had Marches.

Beſides, they might well think it mightily reflecting upon them, that they ſhould leave the Nation ſo much indebted to them, and do them ſo little ſervice.

But what an unexpreſſible favour God hath ſhewn to England in that he uſed our own Army to do the laſt work, after-Ages will better judge; if they got ſo much into our hearts, and prevailed by the name of their brotherly aſſiſtance, and p. 16reckoned on ſo much deſerts from us, that all our money and reſpects can never requite; what would it have amounted unto, if God had made them to do all that work for us? The four Northern Counties had been a ſmall teſtimony of our acknowledgements.

But that I may avoid tediouſneſs; the Scots ſeeing themſelves ſo defeated, and all their old inſtructions out of date, think of a new way, either to lengthen the war, or ſlubber over the Peace, which they had well contrived by their Commiſſioners, (who pretty well knew how to act their parts) and had taken a full view of our affairs; and having by our reſpects been admitted to all our Counſels, and privy to moſt of our ſecrets (for ſo kind we were) they did ſoon caſt our water, and having had ſpecial advantages to view the generality of the people in the Parliament, they obſerved them to conſiſt of different tempers, ſome but looſely principled, and inclinable to the Royal Intereſt; others but warily ingaged, and almoſt neuters; others very zealous for ſome expreſs publick and national Government in the Church, and capable of their ſevereſt notions; others who were not much addicted to any ſeriouſneſs, and but a few truly engaged in the Engliſh Intereſt; they ſtrike in with the moſt comprehenſive partie, and fit baits ſutable to them; having but one intereſt to oppoſe, they thought to cruſh them by ſtrengthning the reſt: To take the one party which was not quite of Royal principles, they deal with Mountril the French Agent, to bring the King to their Army, that after our Army had conquered him, they might make uſe of him, at leaſt to gain breath to ſome other work.

That they might take the other party, they preſs Reformation, and cry up Presbyterial Government; and that this temptation might not miſs, they cloſely joyn Royalty and Presbytery together, as King James was wont to do Epiſcopacy and Royalty, ſaying, No Biſhop, no King: The Forge wherein they formed all their Engines, was the City of London; the prime inſtruments to effect their deſign, were cloſely ſome old formal diſcontented Citizens, who had worn out their conſciences with telling of money, and ſome back-ſliding, p. 17and rotten Lords and Commons, eſpecially thoſe who had been in the Army & had loſt their places, and honor with the Scots Officers, as Hollis, Stapleton, Waller, Maſſey, Graves, Gentlemen who had their names up for a while among the people in regard of ſome particular acts in the war, untill they became moderate towards the Kings intereſt, and fell into a diſcontented, and envious humor againſt the new Model, who were aſſiſted from heaven, to do that in one Summer which they had been dallying about ſome years, and had loſt more ground then ever they gained, ſtriving rather to ballance the Parliaments intereſt, then improve it to a Conqueſt: Theſe Gentlemen (with many others) being now out of Office in the Army, and ſo remoter from influences, (which much depended on the Military power) and ſeeing all their former ſervices ſwallowed up, and loſt in the preſent faithfulneſs and uſefulneſs of this Army, joyn in with the Scots party (whoſe condition was much alike as to their overtures) and the Scots (who were glad of ſuch inſtruments in our own boſoms) ſtrike in with them, and lay their heads together how to work upon all tempers, and diſtempers of men, that they might either make a new war for themſelves, to manage or patch up a peace wherein they might be ſeen to be the eminent inſtruments, thinking that would be moſt raiſing, and advantagious to themſelves, it being more taking to the people to be inſtruments of making any unjuſt peace, then of conquering by juſt war.

But the moſt plauſible and teeming Agents they uſed were ſome Miniſters in London, and other places, who had (by their good Doctrine) got into mens affections, whom they uſed as fit bellows for ſuch a flame; and the religious vail, and peculiar engine, was the Covenant which was made uſe of to ſerve both ends. So that this deſign hath been well compoſed, and made up of Engliſh materials, and Scottiſh ſpirits, who were as the predominant ingredient in a Potion, of the moſt ſecret and effectual influence.

The proper ſubject of theſe new contrivances, were that remnant in the Parliament, whom they had obſerved moſt immovable in their principles, & ſet againſt the Tyranny of the p. 18King and his intereſt, which they knew would be more afterwards then ever, hating to be ſo unfaithful to Gods Providences, and their own engagements to this Nation, as to ſell away their Liberties after a conqueſt, which they might have had in as good terms, and with leſs hazard before the war.

And becauſe God had kept the Army to the ſame principles, and united them with that honeſt party, they muſt be the main Butt of all theſe envenomed arrows, which afterwards were ſhot at Rovers, as well as in a level againſt them.

This poor Army, becauſe they had been too active, and had been honored to Conquer that proud and inſolent party; (the bare oppoſition of whom by the former Armies, coſt this Nation ſome millions, to little purpoſe) muſt now be put in their place, and accounted the common enemy, and the tables were preſently turned, and new names invented of diſtinction, and diſgrace, that what they could not effect by force they might by craft, which the Scots Commiſſioners were the great Maſters of: but that I may go on by degrees as this plot was managed,

The firſt work they ſet about in order to effect their end' was to get the King into the Scots Army, that he might be further out of the ſight of the Engliſh, and to prevent the Army from having the onelyonly glory of doing all, that though they had conquered his party, they might not have the honor of taking his perſon.

I know the Scots deny any capitulation with him, and profeſt they were as men that dreamt; but if Martial, and Hudſon, and Aſhburnham, who were the prime Agents in it, or the King himſelf, who ſwore it oftentimes upon his diſcontents, may be believed (as in theſe ſecret affairs which concerned themſelves they were the beſt witneſſes) then it is out of doubt; you may ſee this more full in a little Book, Intituled The Engliſh Tranſlation of the Scots Declaration againſt Montroſs; where both Hudſons and the Kings Affidavit about this buſineſs are recorded.

Nay, ſo fond they were of this new deſign, and the Officers of the Army ſo tranſported with it, that the old General p. 19Leſley told Hudſon, that his Majeſty might be ſure of his welcome, he would willingly meet him half way bare-foot, and on his knees, rather then to miſs his company; beſides, they preſently haſted away with him to Newcaſtle, contrary to the advice of our Commiſſioners then amongſt them, and the abſolute command of our Parliament, as if they had got ſome rich prize, and their ultimate end in this war; and that they might have no objection of delay, the King gave up Newark, as a token of his love to them; and though by being at Newark he was full half way to the Parliament, yet they without ſtop carry him farther off, that they might draw him at a greater diſtance from us, and keep him as a pawn for themſelves.

This tranſaction, how ever guilded over, was of a ſtrange and dangerous import in ſuch a juncture of time, and ſhews much of the Scots ends, that when he was beaten out of moſt of his Holds, he ſhould take Sanctuary in the Scots Army, and they to keep him, not onelyonly in the place where they firſt met him, but to convey him away ſo far from the Parliament, and that by the alone authority of their Army (which afterwards they condemned in our Army, though what they did was upon more ſpecial Reaſons;) all the world muſt needs judge that there was ſomething in it more then ordinary, and ſome great change, not in the King, who knew his own principles, and was too much indeared to them, but in the Scots, who were ſo glad of his coming unto them.

But the truth is, by this they thought to undermine the Army, and that party they had their eyes on in Parliament, to have fruſtrated all triumphs of our Conqueſt, having got the prime Standard, or at leaſt to have ſo puzled, and altered all our affairs, that they might be looked upon once more as the firſt and laſt cauſes of our ſalvation.

The King was not all this while unmindful of his Intereſt; neither were his Agents idle everywhere; for after the Scots had conveyed away Aſhburnham, and Hudſon (leſt they ſhould diſcover the ſecrets, and ſpoil the play) The French Embaſſador, and their Agent Montril ply the Kings buſineſs with the Scots, and improve the intereſt of that Nation p. 20(which with Scotland is moſt powerful) & all things had been done at that time (which was promiſed in the next Expedition) but that ſome of the wiſer, and men of greateſt intereſt, ſaw that it was not now time; the King was ſo faſt, and ſtiff to his principles, that they could make him do nothing in order to the Covenant, which muſt have been their greateſt pretence; and the thoughts of eſpouſing ſuch an intereſt ſo ſoon, and publikely ſtanding for him ere he had given any deluſive ſatisfaction, would have been too groſs, as being a renewing of the old Cauſe, which would make all men ſuſpect the deſign ere it was ripe, or handſomely veil'd; and they knew well enough our Army had been all this while in action, and yet in the eyes and hearts of the people for their rare ſervices, and that their ſpirits would fain be at the main perſon to end the war, whom the Scots had unworthily conveyed from them; and they might well imagine that our Army could eaſilier beat the Scots out of England, then the King into the Scots Army. Yet when he went from them, he was laden with as many promiſes as he could carry, or well believe, (which was too well performed afterwards, though privately,) of which more hereafter; ſome of their great men told him he had done too much, to be preſently ſtood for ere they had worn out the thoughts of his miſcarriages by their new ſtrategems on theſe they were then pleaſed to call his enemies; others told him that they could do him more ſervice in his abſence from them, and with leſs ſuſpition; neither could the King have gone away with comfort, nor they with that quietneſs, had not they promiſed to make up all at laſt; for (beſides the ſhifting off the burden from themſelves in regard of maintenance) they had the advantage of freer actings from him, by how much they had ſo orderly given him up to the charity of the Engliſh Parliament.

2. Great things lay viſible to any Obſerver, as to that tranſaction; firſt, that it was too coſtly for them to maintain him alone, when they ſaw they could make no preſent uſe of him.

3. That they could not part with their former engagement to the King without new promiſes, in a more hopeful p. 21way of accompliſhment; and ſome of their Grandees at that time, were for a preſent appearance, and the Army was dealt withall to that purpoſe; and the Regiments that were engaged; I could relate, and tell you how forward David Leſley himſelf was in that buſineſs, and how far the Lords, Calander, Lanerick, Sinclare yea and Lowden alſo acted in that affair; but wiſer, and more concerned men knew the Kings temper, and how little they had from him to ſatisfie their beſt and moſt followed men, and what it was to fight ſo ſoon in a new mask for the old Cauſe; and what need they had of two hundred thouſand pounds at preſent to pay themſelves and their Army, that they changed the Caſe, and gave up that perſon to us to look after which they could get then no more by.

The King, who was no fool, (as to Politicks) was not much diſcontented at his removal, but looked upon it as his uſual ghueſſe and progreſs, for he ſaw the Scots were too far engaged to England on the one way, as he was on the other againſt both, to expect a ſudden oppoſition; but he contented himſelf to think that he had laid a good foundation for their future deſigns, and had both gained, and engaged his formerly moſt oppoſite party. And you ſhall finde that the Kings party did more ſtorm at his giving up, then the King himſelf, who knew both his deſign, and their promiſes; they curſe the Scots, and fall on them as thoſe that ſold their King, and betrayed their Truſt, but he knew that he was not ſold, but bought; and as his neceſſities did drive him to come to them, whom he perfectly hated, ſo their neceſſities made them give him up, and renew their firſt promiſes to be performed in a more convenient way, they not finding mediums as yet ſo proportioned, and fitted to their main end

But it hath been thought with much ſeriouſneſs by many, that could the Scots have prevailed on him to have taken the Covenant, they would have made a greater Cheat of him, then ever they can now hope to make of Charls their Second.

Argyle (who was their main man in his ſurrender (to his praiſe be it ſpoken) though he hath ſince opened his heart) p. 22parted very fairly, and with much complement from his Majeſty, and told him that he could be a better friend to him at a diſtance then in their quarters; and whereas he could have now but one wheel moving for him (if he ſtaid) he ſhould hereafter have many.

Yet that I may not diminiſh any thing from them, they were very zealous in preſſing on him the Covenant, and ſome other acts, which was well done; and indeed they had no other viſible way (without ſhame) to make their beſt market by him; and the King knew them ſo well, that he would often tell them, They loved him onelyonly for themſelves, and yet he expected no more from them, then that they might ſerve themſelves by him.

Many particular diſcontents there were between them in their debates, which the King would often put up, and remember; onelyonly when he knew their full minde of delivering him up to the Parliament of England; he laboured twice to eſcape from them, which whether it were to try what they would do further for him, or what he could do by himſelf, I know not, but he was prevented, and not onelyonly kept more ſafe, but ſecured, that future actions ſhould manifeſt their real intentions.

But however the King is now delivered up to our Commiſſioners, who was very cheery, whether becauſe he was freed from a Scottiſh bondage, or was comforted with new hopes through their cloſe Proteſtations, I will not diſpute; but certainly he was no way danted, or melancholy in ſight; he now ſaw himſelf the ſpecial Umpire of all affairs, and the great prize of all Parties, and therefore intended to let them try out among themſelves their own differences, and rejoyced in our diviſions, that he might raign.

But though the King was thus made ours (after many diſputes of the propriety of each Nation) yet the Scots Army muſt have ſomething elſe (which they valued more then his perſonal preſence, viz. that Engliſh two hundred thouſand pounds (which was rather as a gratuity, then pay, all things conſidered) and yet was gladly given to fore-ſpeak a Peace) ere they would march; and yet to their Commendation, p. 23they did keep their Articles upon reception of their money; and I have nothing to ſay to diſpraiſe their peaceable departure; onelyonly for the honor of England, it may be well conſidered what a fruitful and bleſſed Nation we are in our ſocieties, and converſes, that whereas they came in with between two or three thouſand Scots Naggs, they marched out of England with about ſixty Troopes of as gallant horſe as ever any Army in Chriſtendom was furniſhed withall, and every Captain (beſides the extraordinaries of Colonels) had his two or three led horſes of as great value as ſome would judge their patrimony to be in Scotland, were they equally divided by a ſterling account. But yet England have much to bleſs God they went away with no more then they did. But ſtill to the deſign.

This Army went into Scotland not to be disbanded after their pay, but as into their Winter Quarters (which though their march was at almoſt the end of our Winter, yet but the middle of theirs) and they were deſigned to go aſide, and lie out of ſight, untill things were prepared in the South for their next March, and thoſe had been the next Invadors, had not Hambleton (who was too crafty) changed the Commanders, not the deſign; but of that in its place, the progreſs will demonſtrate the intentions.

And now begins the play; (having diſcharged themſelves of that burthen) moſt honeſt men began to renew their good thoughts of the Scots, and to think them very honeſt, and true-hearted to the intereſt of England, whereby they got freſh advantages to their intended work. And having underſtood fully our condition, as is related, ſet their Engines in motion, and by their Commiſſioners at London, tranſact all their ſecret contrivances; yet as men not onelyonly zealous, but careful, they took their times, and made ſuch handſome vizards for their faces, as ſhould not onelyonly hide them, but ſet out their deſign, as Paint doth ugly viſages. But to particulars.

The King by this time is ſetled at Holdenby, Hunting and Hawking under the protection of his Overſeers, very pleaſant and jolly, thinking he had need to do little, when his buſineſs p. 24was like to be done to his hand, by ſuch happy and unſuſpected inſtruments. The Scots Commiſſioners are now buſie at London with that party which they found moſt ſutable in the Parliament and City, with whom they fully ſtrike in, not neglecting to lay baits for all collateral and hopeful inſtruments, not yet ſo directly brought to that deſign.

The firſt plot of this new confederacy, is to deſtroy the Army, or weaken it, that it ſhould be no conſiderable block in the way; for this end many ſecret trains are laid to undermine them, and blow them up, both in their perſons, and reputations; they had many plauſible arguments at hand for the countenance of their intentions, as the burthen of an, Army, the uſeleſneſs of them now they had taken the King, and all was prepared for peace; yet they ſhew not ſo viſibly their hatred at firſt, but ſtrive to divide them, and to caſt them into another model, that they might not be looked on as the Army that conquered the King, but as reformed and made fit for their uſe.

For God having by ſpecial providences removed from this life the old Lord General Eſſex, who lived to ſee, what faithfulneſs and activity in an Army could effect, and to have his glory clouded by a New Model, which was formed out of the duſt of his greatneſs: This Gentleman (ſome thought ſeaſonably taken out of the way) being verily ſuppoſed to be the fitteſt perſon to head this deſign, having been laid aſide (as well as the Scots Army) and only honoured to begin the war, which might render him under the ſame animoſity, eſpecially having more of honour on his perſon to provoke him to envy and revenge.

About this time alſo Major General Maſſey's Brigade, who raunted and vapoured in the Weſt, were happily diſbanded, which was a great mercy, and done with much reluctancy, but that the new conquering General was ſent to ſee it done; this Army was deſigned to be the materia prima of this Model, and the Scots Army to be the form and ſpirit of the whole; but ſeeing themſelves thus diſappointed, firſt from Heaven more immediately concerning the one, and by an over-powering force as to the other; they preſently p. 25fell to work with the Army it ſelf, on whom they laid ſeveral plots. Firſt, they ſtrive to gain them to themſelves, as knowing they were inſtruments fit to be uſed: For this end they pretend their pitty and compaſſion to Ireland, and to ſend ſome part of them over there, or the whole as need ſhould be; this was the moſt taking and religious veile next the Covenant, that ever could be thought prevalent to make all men think their intentions honeſt and ſpiritual; but behold the myſtery! they muſt have new Commanders to conduct them, their own faithful Officers (who had waded equally with them in blood) muſt be reduced, for fear they ſhould do more ſervice, and have the honour of reducing that Nation alſo (which ſince God hath, maugre all deſigns, bleſt them to effect) and ſtrange and engaged Officers put upon them, as Waller, Maſſey &c.

This enterprize had too much of the ſpleen in it, and was not ſo handſomely managed, as the others were; for preſently the very common Souldiers ſmell the Scots fingers in it, and by a wonderful way of providence they unite, and reſolve to live and dye with their own Officers.

When they ſaw this would not take (they having got the caſting Vote now in Parliament) think to quaſh them by that Authority they had moſt carefully preſerved, and get them voted Rebels and Traytors, and all that took part with them, which were new and exotick words to be given to an Army, who had ſaved them from being executed according to that account; and doubtleſs ſuch a vote had never been breath'd forth in that houſe, if the Scots Ayr had not blown on the humors of ſome diſcontented Engliſh ſpirits, who would fain have had them provoked and tempted to have done ſomething which they might more plauſibly take advantage of for their ruine.

But it proved afterwards that was too rough a way to deal with Souldiers, to whom then, Parliament, and City, and Countrey (as inſtruments under God) did owe the enjoyments of all their peace and power.

This great and terrible Vote was paſt then againſt the Army, only upon their deſiring and petitioning (the faireſt p. 26and moſt cuſtomary way of addreſs to the Parliament) for the continuance of their own Officers over them, for an Act of Indemnity for acts done out of the neceſſity of their ſervice, which were not juſtifiable in times of peace, for their Arrears, and ſuch like equitable requeſts. It was noted as a ſtrange change of the Parliaments complexion at that time, towards ſuch faithfull and active ſervants, and judged to proceed from great prevailings of humor, that it made the ſouldiers conſider more ſeriouſly what they fought for all this while, and to judge that Tyranny had but changed its outward and looſer garments; and that they were under the deſigns of the old Enemy in a new dreſs; ſo that this ſtratagem not being by it ſelf effectuall, they add another; for that party having now the power of the Treaſury of the Nation, they ſpare not for monies to encourage our diſcourage, promiſing large rewards to thoſe Officers and Souldiers that would leave the Army, threatning others, entertaining all the Ruffianly Reformadoes of Maſſey's and Wallers Army, paying them all their Arrears with gratuities, whereby they got them privately liſted, ſpending all that money upon their own creatures, which ſhould of right have been long before paid to the Army who had dearly earn'd it, gallantly made it due.

At this time to make a full breach, the Scots Commſſioners acted behind the Curtain, and more remotely, yet moſt powerfully, having the advantage of ſecrecy; they lie in the City, ply the Miniſters to provoke the people againſt the Army, and to engage with theſe whom they had formerly made theirs in the Parliament; and that they might not want pleas, propoſe the neceſſity of a perſonal Treaty with the King, to make up all former miſcarriages; all theſe like ſo many twiſted cords, they thought could never be broken; a great part of the City, and the then viſible power were ſo courted, and the Miniſters of London ſo Coacht up and down the City by the Scots, and theſe Lords and Commons, that the Trumpet was blown for a new War; all pay hindred from the Army (they withdrawing their contributions) refuſing to lend any more money, without they p. 27would disband; and ſo vigorouſly was this deſign carried on, that the City put themſelves in a poſture of hoſtility (as if the Royal Army were at their Gates) and Reformadoes and others duly liſted, encouraged by money and promiſes, the Army ſo hated on a ſudden, that it was dangerous and capital but to mention them with reſpect; at the ſame time a multitude of Prentices and liſted Souldiers came down to Weſtminſter from the City, to awe the moderate party, and make them to vote in the King to London; upon which the Speaker, with many honeſt Members left the Houſe, and fled to the Army at Hounſlow-Heath, who were marching to prevent the deſign in the City, which had proved a bloody and doleful overture, if God had not by the wiſe mediation of ſome inſtruments prevented it.

But that the Scots were the main wheel in this work, may be eaſily known, if we remember their converſes then in the City, and the ſeries of their carriages ſince in proſecuting the ſame deſign; for after that iſſue, when the Grandees, as Hollis, Stapleton, and the reſt of the eleven Members were upon the Armies charge againſt them laid aſide, that they could not act, the Scots come forth, and act the part in ſight themſelves by other pretences, eſpecially that the world may know how deeply the Scots were intereſted in the making a new war between the Army and the City (thinking it beſt to begin at the head.) Let us but view their affections and carriages to our Commiſſioners in Scotland, who were ſoon after ſent to keep up good correſpondencies between us, they were very much ſleighted, eſpecially Mr. Marſhal that pious and prudent Miniſter (to whom England is much beholding) whom they would hardly own or look on, or ſuffer to preach, and all becauſe God had made him a happy inſtrument at that time to prevent that bloody Engagement, and had for the preſent been uſed to qualifie the ſpirits of the Miniſters, and to make all friends; a work which was his great honour, and the Cities and Kingdoms moſt ſeaſonable mercy, at which nothing but envy, malice, and a deep engaged ſpirit could have any exception.

So zealous have the Scots been for Englands good, that p. 28they will not let us flouriſh too much in peace, leſt we ſhould grow proud and wanton.

But to go on (for if one means fail, another may effect all) the next weapons the Scots take up are more ſpirituall, and theſe kept for the laſt (as being of the moſt keen and prevailing nature) and they were the Covenant and Presbyterial Government, both good, but badly handled to ſuch ends; the firſt being moſt large they put moſt weight upon, as comprehending the other. From both theſe they drew a neceſſity of a perſonal Treaty with the King; all which were proſecuted in their ſeaſons.

It fell out a little before the height of theſe workings, that the King was brought by Coronet Joyce into our Army, who though he was ſent towards Oxford about another buſineſs, yet had a mind to viſit Holdenby, and try a concluſion on the King, which he did, though without any command from the Army, yet with ſome advantage at preſent, at leaſt of freeing them from fears of his being made uſe of againſt them; for the Scots with that party in Parliament had intended his ſurprizal to make a new work for the Army, and once more to try a Northern trick in England.

This accident more incenſed their ſpirits than ever, when they thought how they were diſappointed in their beſt laid plots; and now they fall pelmel on both Parliament and Army, urging Treaties, plying the Kingdom with Remonſtrances, and Declarations, which none durſt to do but the Scots Commiſſioners; nor they, had not our Parliament had a large gift of patience and long-ſufferance, accompanied with great tenderneſs of the preſervation of the union of the two Nations, and they too great a mind to make England Scotland.

Yet truly they had little reaſon to envy the Armies enjoying the King, but as it gave a check to their deſigns; for they never got any thing by him but repentance, which coſt them dear to obtain, and with ſome loſs of Reputation in the eyes of many diſ-ingaged ſpirits; the King ſtriving to drive on his own Intereſt by every party he converſt withal. However the Scots thought it a great loſs, and that which did p. 29perplex their Motions, & therefore firſt cryed out againſt the Army for that act, as if they had forgotten what their Army did (in a far different cauſe) or were not yet got out of their dream of their Armies ſtated reception of him at Southwell, and carrying him to Newcaſtle; but the great cauſe of the murmur was this, That they were afraid that the Army would have made that uſe of him, which the Scots Commiſſioners, and the Engliſh Scots intended.

It will too much lengthen this Narrative, to repeat every circumſtance about theſe Tranſactions; the general and moral account I doubt not but will ſuffice.

When the Scots ſaw all this would not do, they fall to their pens, and ſhoot up and down their paper pellets againſt the Army, and now flie to the Covenant, as their laſt refuge; taxing the Parliament and Army with breach of Covenant; all England and Scotland is now filld with nothing elſe, but the cries of breach of Covenant (the moſt hainous, and deſtroying ſin of any Nation) the Army given out as the Army Royal of Hereſies and Schiſmes, names as odious in Eccleſiaſticals, as Rebelion and Treaſon in Politicks, that no good Chriſtian can think of but abhor. And theſe are ſo faſtened on the army, and reflected on the Parliament, that all good men that were not very wary and obſervant, looking on them both through this black Glaſs, could not imagine them to be otherwiſe then Monſters, who are incapable of any priviledge in a Commonwealth; this Plea hath, and doth do the Scots more ſervice than any that ever they made uſe of, becauſe it leaves ſomething alwaies ſuſpicious, and doubtful at the beſt in thoſe which bear the brand of it, and wild ſtill prevail on implicite-faith'd men, of which the whole world is full.

The Perſonal Treaty muſt be uſherd in by this, (which was nothing elſe but a way to bring the King into London with Peace, Honor, and ſafety, and to leſſen, and mittigate all former actings) which the Scots Commiſſioners proſecute with the greateſt violence, and are the onelyonly main men in view ſtanding for it; whether to regain their loſt Honor in delivering up the King at Newcaſtle, and vindicate themſelves of p. 30theſe aſperſions, of ſelling him for two hundred thouſand pound, or to make good their ſecret promiſes at his departure from them, its no great matter to be informed in; but all the world may know they negotiated that affair, more like the Kings authorized Commiſſioners for that purpoſe, then the Commiſſioners of the Covenant, and Nation of Scotland. For when the Parliament ſtood on the way of Propoſitions, (wherein the Fundamental principles of both Nations ſhould have been ſtuck unto, and the abſolute neceſſaries of our peace without reſtriction inſiſted on) nothing would ſerve the Scots but a Perſonal Treaty, which in effect was no more but this, That we muſt yet be at the Kings mercy for what we had by the ſword wrung out of his hands; that this was a dangerous deſign, that the Scots had a chief hand in it, I ſhall demonſtrate in theſe particulars.

For the firſt, That it was not the right way, but a by path found out on purpoſe for to act ſome other affair by, is evident, if we conſider,

Firſt, that the way of Propoſitions was judged at the utmoſt pinch of our affairs to be the ſafeſt, and faireſt by both Nations; and though the King often deſired it, when he had an Army as an argument, it would not be granted, knowing the influences of Royal aſpects, and reſpect. 2. Any other way would be moſt uſeleſs; for what could not be done by Propoſitions, could not be by a perſonal preſence; for thoſe Propoſitions were not as Ceremonial and State Complements which can be omitted without danger, but of that conſequence, and Fundamentalneſs to this Nation, and ſo connected together, that we could not loſe one, without hazard of all.

Beſides, our affairs were not in that equal ballance at that time, we having the King as our priſoner, to Treat with him upon equal terms, or to admit his perſon, to explain or daſh out our demands.

Yea, the way of Propoſitions was moſt ſerious, as ſafe; for if the King refuſed to grant our deſires in cold bloud, when he had time to peruſe them ſo long, and to know his own heart towards them, and yet refuſed to ſign them, and we p. 31durſt not recede from them, how could we expect by debate and conferences (where men are many times ſurprized, and lie under ſtrong influences, and have not time of looking ſo round about them,) to have got any thing by ſuch a Treaty? but theſe things have been in other Manifeſtoes more fully ſpoken unto.

That the Scots have been the prime inſtruments in it, its a Record in their own Remonſtrances.

And their carriages too groſs in it to be kept private; they proteſted againſt the Parliaments way of Propoſitions, and when they had nothing againſt the matter, they carp at the method, and cry out upon them for not putting the Covenant in the fore front, while the Parliament intended nothing but to ſecure it in the middle, and make it the center in which all things ſhould reſt, and by which they ſhould be determined; this was judged a little politick Superſtition in the Scots, to make the world believe they had the onelyonly care of the Covenant, and the Parliament of themſelves: the high incroachments of theſe Gentlemen, on the priviledges of England, and the Parliament, (though it might give us a full diſcovery of their deſigns on us,) yet it is not to be paralleld by any Miniſters of State in the Chriſtian, or Heatheniſh world; for ſtill (wrapping themſelves up in the Covenant) they peremptorily take upon them to determine what propoſals we ſhall make concerning our peace, and when they have granted the ſubſtance, will take on them to hold our hands in the writing of them, that we muſt not place a letter or ſyllable in any order, but what theſe Commiſſioners would have us; nor could we have liberty to point our own words, or add an accent without a ſevere check from them.

And when we had profeſt our ſelves proper Judges of our affairs, and not to meddle with any propoſals that immediatly concerned their Nation, the Scots Commiſſioners ride poſt preſently to the Iſle of Wight, and proteſt againſt all thoſe things that our Parliament thought moſt fit for ſetling the peace of this Nation: That all Engliſh men may ſee the aims of that Nation for power, and domination in England; and I may ſay it without partiality, the Spaniſh Faction never had more p. 32power in the conclave at Rome, then the Scots had at that time on the moſt of the Engliſh Nation.

And ſo ſtrenouſly do they follow this affair, that a perſonal Treaty is obtained at laſt; but leaſt it ſhould not have been effected, to bring the Parliament low, and ballance the Kings power with theirs, an univerſal inſurrection is deſigned in all Counties in England, and the Scots to come in on the back, that the Army might be divided and broken, and the Scots might back their papers with their ſwords: this was the deepeſt and moſt dangerous deſign, that ever was ſet on foot, and the greateſt power of God was maifeſted in preventing the efficacy of it; which did not onelyonly make a new War, but would have utterly undone all former hopes. For upon a ſuddain they revolt in Wales, under Poyer, Powel, and Laughorn, get together a great Army in Kent and Eſſex, afterwards in Surry; & had all been as ready as theſe Counties, and the word ſo fully given, it had been a blow indeed unto this Nation, as never was yet given: the poor diſcountenanced Army is now fain to divide, and to go into ſeveral corners to fight, and ſuppreſs their new enemies, among whom had not God appeared by an extraordinary preſence, we had not known the wonders we now ſee.

That the Scots were the great occaſion, if not the prime cauſes of this new, and deſperate plot, will not be very difficult to diſcover, though they ſeemed to veil it never ſo ſecretly; for all theſe things fell out upon their Declarations againſt the Parliament and Army, and were but the reſult of their tranſactions with the King, and doubtleſs formed eſpecially in the Ile of Wight

Their great endeavour (as you may obſerve) hath been ſince the work was done without them, to deſtroy the Army (the onelyonly bulwark God hath given us to preſerve our ſelves from the deſigns of the King, and them) and to diſaffect the people from the Parliaments power, and actings; many ſtrange things being blown up and down, and kindled in the Nation by their Papers to this end; it now breaks out into a flame; beſides all the pretences, the new Mutineers make as the utmoſt of their deſires, is for the disbanding the Army, for p. 33a perſonal Treaty, and to ſuppreſs Sectaries; and though the King lay cloſe all this while, and was glad of his Priſon, while his Agents were ſo inſtrumental, yet he had his predominant influences, and as they raiſed men, he put Commanders over them, eſpecially in Eſſex, and Surrey, and Scotland: but to make it without queſtion, that the Scots had the firſt hand in this buſineſs, let us but look back, and remember with what diſcontents and contempts of the Parliament and Army, and with what complements from the King the Scots Commiſſioners parted, when their Secretary was made Sir John Chieſly (a dangerous Omen in ſuch a juncture) and with what reſpect (notwithſtanding the complaints and charges of our Parliament againſt them, which were ſent after them) they were re-ceived by their Parliament, and what thanks were given them, as if they had fully expreſt the hearts of that Nation towards us.

But that which puts all out of doubt that the Scots were principal, and trump in this work, is that juſt at the ſame time to a hair Duke Hamilton invades England with a mighty Army, by the authority and commiſſion of the Scotiſh Parliament, as knowing his time, and how things were formerly agreed upon. For the Commiſſioners of Scotland, having laid fuel enough for the hotteſt flames to break out, and took their laſt leave of his Majeſty (and Hamilton having over and above private inſtructions) they withdraw to Scotland to receive thanks, and proſecute the remainder of their work, in preparing all things for it in Scotland, which was fully done & to the utmoſt advantage. And had not God (who hath not yet failed to proſecute this Cauſe, and help his inſtruments in all their perplexities) made bare his own Arm, we ſhould have had England peopled with that Nation, at leaſt morgaged to inrich them; but God which out of abundant mercy, was pleaſed to bleſs our Army, in every corner where any oppoſition was made, did ſpecially help them to beat that Army, which was like to an overflowing land-flood, threatning ruine to every Countrey, and to make uſe of this Army, both to help ſome particular diſſenters into that power (which they now uſe againſt them) and at laſt to cut off the root, that no more influence might be from ſuch a malevolent conjunction.

p. 34Thus the Reader hath had a faithful, and plain relation of the ſecret and open deſigns of the Scots to be Conquerors of this Nation, or to be joint-Rulers with us, whereby we may look about our ſelves, and remember what it is to be too much ingaged with poor and prying neighbours, where ſo many advantages are to be had on the one ſide to tempt, and ſo little on the other to provoke, and at laſt to learn how dangerous it is for States, which are like Sphaerical bodies, to touch but in a point.

But things ſtay not here; when the Scots ſaw themſelves ferreted out of all their holes, and the Parliament aſſiſted notwithſtanding. all deſigns to remove out of the way the great ſtumbling block, and to do Juſtice on the head of all our miſery, the late King, that there was no more now for the Scots to do in England; the Parliament having wiſely changed the Government to a Commonwealth, and cut off that hereditary uſurpation of Monarchy, which was never, either juſtly begun or continued, the Scots preſently to make new diviſions, and that they might both continue the war, and renew the old advantages, proclaim his Son King of England as well as Scotland, by the name of Charls the Second, and afterwards without our conſent, nay, in contempt of this Commonwealth, treated with him at Breda by themſelves, both for England and Scotland, and did engage to him to endeavor to advance him to the Engliſh Throne; all this but to incenſe and provoke us to a new war with them, and to make themſelves by our ruines.

I am now come to the rational part of this Diſcourſe, and to capitulate with them, about our entrance of Scotland. No man I know of any diſingagedneſs from that intereſt, after all theſe paſſages will wonder that the Parliament of England ſhould ſend an Army into that Nation, who have invaded us ſo often, both by their Armies and deceits; eſpecially when they have now taken our greateſt enemy into their boſoms; and have never given us ſatisfaction for all their former inj… ries. Though the grounds of this have been cleared fully by the Parliament and Army, yet I ſhall take the boldneſs to vindicate this overture by ſome further reaſonings, and p. 35taking off their objections againſt our perſons, and actions.

In General, no man can imagine, and retain in his underſtanding, that our entrance of Scotland could be out of any by-end, either to inrich our ſelves, or enlarge our Commonwealth; all the world know that Scotland hath not ſo many temptations to make Engliſh men to loſe all their accommodation, to forſake their wives and children, and venture their lives to injoy them; without poverty and penury, cold and hunger could allure them in, (which they have ſadly experienced, ſince they ſet their feet on that ground) neither could power and domination be their ground, ſeeing it would coſt us more to gain ſuch a power, then ever we could get by the moſt intire communion in it; and it would be a ſad exchange for Engliſh men to remove from ſuch a fertile and flouriſhing Nation, to make a plantation in the fag end of the Creation.

Neither can it be imagined, that the Parliament hath ſo much money to ſpare to keep an Army to plow up the fallow and barren mountains of another Nation; or that they are ſo unfaithful to this Commonwealth, as to hazard their moſt faithful and active inſtruments in a meer bravado againſt hunger and cold, as well as Swords and Canons.

All men muſt needs conceive its a matter of greater conſequence, and built upon higher grounds then meer pettiſhneſs or envy, ſeeing the ſubject is incapable of any ſuch working diſtempers.

Our great deſire is nothing elſe but ſatisfaction for their invading of us, and ſecurity againſt the next; terms moſt reaſonable; eſpecially when we conſider the wrongs, and damages done to this Nation by their means and the grounds of more then fear and jealouſies we have reaſon to entertain concerning their thirſt after the power and priviledges of this Commonwealth; yet I do not doubt but the conceſſion of the latter would ſerve us, though we have juſt ground to ſtand on the firſt.

We appeal to all the world, whether we have not put it to the laſt, and deferr'd it to the utmoſt period; it will be a wonder to all Kingdoms and States (if it were once fully known) with what patience the Supream Authority of this Nation p. 36hath born their affronts, from time to time, with what ceremony and affection we have courted their favours, deſired a fair underſtanding, & a hearty compliance with us in friendſhip; and that Commiſſioners might be appointed on each ſide to give, and take ſatisfaction; but as if we were already deſigned to ruine, we could neither get money nor good words; and as if they meant to hold out the blackeſt flagg of defiance, they return all our endeavours for Peace with the dirt of reproach and ſlanders in our faces; what can be done next? when Treaties are refuſed, offers of Peace ſlighted, muſt England bear all burdens like Iſſachar, and ſtoop under them? ſhall all the providences of God for this Nation be ſtill darkned by a Scottiſh Miſt? muſt we let them do what they pleaſe to undermine & overthrow all the happy iſſues of divine actings, and yet we ſit ſtill? ſhall they (without rebuke, and out of conſcience) be left alone to abuſe our Parliament and Army, enter into confederacies with all the enemies of this Nation, and take upon them to impoſe a yong and raw Stripling as a King on us, and yet no remedy to relieve our ſelves? doubtleſs, neither God, nor the Scots would ever thank us for acting ſuch a piece of folly. There is a neceſſity of preventing a neceſsity; and it is as lawfull for us to anticipate a miſchief, as to extricate our ſelves out of it, when we are involved in it.

But that I may go on diſtinctly, and by degrees, let it be pondered in the weights of Juſtice and Equity, what reaſon we have to enter Scotland, to require ſatisfaction for their invading us, (whereby the Kingdom of England was endangered in the whole, and many Counties were ſo much ruinated;) is it not enough that we have forborn all this while? muſt we loſe our Debts for want of demanding them? and muſt we be ſlighted for our patiences? and had not we need to ask ſatisfaction for the one, when they are preparing for another, that we may not truſt too much, where there is little to pay at laſt? Theſe queſtions are not in vain, when we conſider all things.

But whereas they ſay (Its enough they have proteſted againſt that Invaſion, and that may be ſufficient ſatisfaction.)

p. 37Its eaſily anſwered, if we reflect on the former Tranſactions, and preparations to it, who were the authors of it; even theſe that proteſted againſt it, who rather proteſted againſt the leaders then the Covenant, and the perſon then the thing it ſelf; for the truth is, theſe Gentlemen who had plaid their Cards ſo well in the South, were cheated by Hamilton in the North, who made uſe of all their preparations to ingroſs the power into his own hands: Hamilton uſed the ſame arguments, and profeſt the ſame principles which the Miniſters had preacht; uſed the ſame words, for the Covenant, and perſonal Treaty to reduce the Sectaries, &c. all theſe good words that they themſelves now uſe, and we have no reaſon but to belive with as true a heart.

Neither did ever the Kirk diſavow a War with England upon theſe grounds, until they ſaw their General, and ſo we caught in their own ſnare; for having by all their zealous agitations in Pulpit and Preſs, made ready all things for a War, they found they had unawares raiſed up a blacker Divel then they expected, which they could not conjure down until God met him in the height of his progreſs by that Army, which both he and they ſtill make the Butt of their deſigns.

Beſides, grant all this to be a truth, what is the proteſtation of private and particular perſons, to make ſatisfaction for National Dammages? That invaſion was by the Authority of a full Parliament, after long and ſerious debates; it is not for us to pry into their conſtitution; if every party muſt be judge of the whole, the Scots will ſoon loſe all their pleas againſt England, and their pretences againſt all our proceedings. They may well remember how we acted to them in a far different cauſe at firſt, when but a party in England, and at Court, acted againſt them, and made a War to overthrow that Nation, and infringe their Rights and Liberties, (as by Canterbury, and Strafford) though our Parliament abhorred the thoughts of it, yet they would not out of England untill they had ſatisfaction for all their charges, and gratuities to boot for preſerving themſelves, (which our Parliament freely, and conſcienciouſly gave them) and yet it muſt be a crime p. 38in us to demand ſatisfaction for an actual and ruinating invaſion, by the abſolute authority of their Parliament, onelyonly becauſe ſome few private men (who were as deep in the deſign, as the invadors) have out of ſome ſelviſh reaſons proteſted againſt it: let our Brethren give us leave to reaſon; would not the Proteſtation againſt all Tranſactions undertaken againſt the Scots by ſome few men in England, by a full Parliament, and all good peoples diſaffection, prevent the Scots from craving ſatisfaction of England, (who was innocent of any precedent misſdemeanor?) but they muſt have full ſatisfaction onelyonly for giving them occaſion to form and raiſe an Army by theſe private deſigns, (without any actual ruin to that Nation) and ſhall a diſcontented proteſtation againſt perſons, not the thing it ſelf, by ſome particular diſſenters, (who laid the plot firſt of the ſame invaſion, for themſelves) be thought a juſt plea againſt our demands of ſatisfaction for the actual ruins of many of our Counties, beſides the Act of Oblivion of all the reſt of their perſonal mis-behaviors? we ſhall ſtill appeal to Heaven, if men will not hear us.

Had God permitted it, That England had ſeen that miſerable day that Hamilton had prevailed, we ſhould have had farther demonſtration of their ſecret intentions; its now ſufficient that we had an invaſion, to a very vaſt dammage to this Nation, by the Commiſſion of the Supreme authority of Scotland in that Act, and no ſatisfaction but a bare proteſtation, and a continued inveterate proſecution of the ſame deſign by theſe particular perſons, who are now the chief men in the Royal Covenant Engagement againſt England: if God hath given us ſo much before hand, as to forbear the paiment, yet we ſhould not be abuſed for the demands of our juſt debts; and its moſt hard and dis-ingenuous that we muſt be forced to pardon all former miſ-carriages becauſe of their words, who are now ready on the ſame principles to cut our throats: but let us not daub that Engagement againſt England; as it was laid by Eccleſiaſtical principles, and agitations, ſo if God had not defeated, and over-reached the layers of the Foundation, or had but proſpered Hamilton in that undertaking, you would ſoon have ſeen the bottom of the p. 39buſineſs; for either had the old deſign been headed by their Commanders, or had the new been victorious, we ſhould have ſeen to what uſe the Covenant would have been put unto; a full demonſtration we have now, if we do not want eyes.

But that the world may ſee how tender we were of that proteſting party (though we knew their principles and ends were the ſame) as men forgetful of their own loſſes, we did not onelyonly (by Gods ſtrength) beat that Army for them, and take away their great eye-ſores, but never left (upon a ſmall intreaty) until we had ſet the proteſters in the Committee of Eſtates in Scotland, and had disbanded our enemies, though unto this day we never had either pay or thanks; yet theſe very men (that you may know their hearts) were, and are thoſe which ever ſince have abuſed our Parliament and Army, and have made uſe of all their authority to overthrow us; and yet we muſt be contented with their onelyonly diſſent, onelyonly to the manner and order of that invaſion. And yet truly, I think, we might well be ſatisfied in their diſlike, if we had not found that they have been both the firſt Agents, and mean to be the laſt proſecutors of the ſame deſign; but grant all theſe proteſting ſpirits to be never ſo entire to the Engliſh intereſt, (the contrary to which we have found by woful experience) yet we may ſee the complexion of that whole State in its aſpects on England, and may very well demand full ſatisfaction for a Parliamentary publick Commiſſion to enſlave and abaſe this Free born Nation.

When England was guiltleſs of any deſign, they muſt ſatisfie. When they come and invade us for their own ſecurity againſt two or three perſons at Court, we muſt out of Conſcience reward them. And when we make uſe of them in a Common Cauſe, which would at laſt fall as hardly on themſelves (if they meant to keep their firſt principles) yet we muſt pay them both for their own good as well as ours, and maintain them in their zeal and love, and Religion together: and yet its unreaſonable for this Commonwealth to propoſe ſatisfaction for an Authorized invaſion on us, to the undoing of thouſands in the North.

p. 40But the onelyonly, and beſt reaſon that ever I could find out to ſalve and quench ſuch a motion, is drawn from that way of arguing which is ab impoſſibili, that its impoſſible for us to get ſatisfaction, were they as Free as they are Froward; and where there is nothing, we may remember our Engliſh Proverb, In that cauſe there the King muſt loſe his Right; intimating, that if any thing could be got per fas, aut nefas, by hook or by crook, Kings would be ſure to get it, who were nothing elſe but the Royal Catch-poles of a Commonwealth.

But grant that all arrears were diſcharged between us, is it not reaſon that we ſhould have ſecurity, at leaſt when we are willing to take that for ſatisfaction? that is the next ground of entring Scotland, to ſecure our own Borders: and have not we reaſon when they have joyned with an intereſt diametrically againſt us, to intreat that after they have laid their deſigns on England, they will promiſe not to act them? we deſire nothing but peace at home, and to reap the fruit of our own labors, and Gods mercies.

Let Scotland ſit down with the Triumph, and Joys of their now Politick Convert; we ſhall not envy them; but they muſt give us leave to remember our own Condition when we have ſuch neighbors and enemies joyned together; who have been the bawds to all parties in their utmoſt Rapes and Raviſhments of the Priviledges of this Commonwealth. We wiſh we had as equal Judges, as we have ſufficient grounds for this Act; they have given us cauſe of Jealouſie, ſhould they prove never ſo honeſt now, by their former Tranſactions; but when both the former and latter deſigns are made one, and the ſame pretences ſtill pleaded to dreſs the old deſign, and all waies of information and correſpondencie is abſolutely ſhut up by them, its time for England to look to it ſelf, and to endeavor if they can to prevent that which they mean to prevail by, viz. our facilneſs and delay, upon what pretence ſoever. And we mean to go by examples; the Scots have led us the way, and taught as the Method of invading, long before Hamiltons Expedition, upon ſleighter, and lower grounds, and leſs occaſion then we have.

For when the King by the prevailing Favourites at Court p. 41had raiſed an Army with intention to make war on them, to prevent the miſeries of war in their own Countrey, and get before-hand with the King, they fairly march over Tweed, enter England, and take New-Caſtle, and by that means diſappointed that intended miſchief in their own Nation; and have not we the ſame juſt reaſons to take our opportunities, when they have proclaimed a King over us, and were forming an Army to enthrone him in this Nation? let all the world judge.

If they ſay they had not ſtated a war againſt England, or did not intend to invade us, we ſhall deſire nothing more from them than a full confirmation of that Proteſtation.

But what meant the Treaty at Breda? what meant that Article, wherein they promiſe upon his full ſatisfying the juſt demands of that State and Kirk, they would endeavour to reſtore him to his rights in England? Would they do it by an Army, or not? or could they reſtore him but by force upon us? Theſe juglings will not now ſerve the turn; Can any man of any competency of reaſon, judge that Charls Stuart, who hath been bred up in his Fathers principles, and who hath had ſuch Tutors all this while, would give up himſelf to live on the charity of that Nation? or that he would ever enter Scotland, but as a back door to England, intending to make the furtheſt way about the neareſt way home? Or will any imagine that the Scots are ſo in love with a King, as to be burthen'd both with his power and maintenance alone, but that they meant to make uſe of him to get a greater footing in England than ever they had, and to be enriched with the ſpoiles, and rewards of this flouriſhing Nation, for ſuch a ſpecial ſervice? let every mans conſcience ſpeak this truth: and ſhould not we be for ever branded as fools to poſterity, to let them make their own preparations, and take their own advantages to ruine us, while we are terrified with the nicety of a word (which they call invaſion) from ſecuring our ſelves? and certainly if the abſoluteſt neceſſity had not enforced Expedition, prudence and policy would have rendred it a madneſs for p. 42us to ſend our faithful and ſpecial Army into Scotland to ſuffer all that miſery and hardſhip, which they have ſince undergone; and notwithſtanding all former affronts (without any acknowledgement) much leſs redreſs from them, God knows, and honeſt men might ſee, with what frame of ſpirit our Army entred Scotland; in their addreſſes to the borders you would not think (to ſee them) they had been an Army of Souldiers, but of ſuiters and humble Petitioners for a peace; and it was no ſmall encouragement to ſome ſilent and obſerving ſpirits, to ſee the order of their addreſſes unto that Nation, ſending in their deſires for nothing elſe but the ſecurity of England, begging that they might not be put to extremities againſt that Nation, but might yet receive ſome hopes of ſatisfaction; writing as unto Saints, not enemies; and thoſe that viewed their carriages, ſaw as much of the workings of Chriſtian bowels in that Remonſtrance as ever any that came from an Army; But all theſe amicable and ſweet motions were returned with Fire and Sword, with the utmoſt revilings and contempt, as if they were rather ſhooting Canons at them, than writing anſwers: which was a ſad provocation, as it was a dangerous preſage of their own ruine.

It is likewiſe moſt obſervable in our March into Scotland, what a change there was in the ſpirits of moſt of the Officers and Souldiers (though they had been ſo egregiouſly abuſed) yet with what fear and trembling they went on in that work, not doubting of the juſtneſs of their Cauſe, but as out of a loving ſhyneſs, and unwillingneſs, and Chriſtian tenderneſs to do any thing that might endammage that Nation, pauſing every ſtep, hoping God would find out ſome other way to preſerve England, humbling themſelves for former errors and miſcarriages; and ſo leiſurely and ſadly they went to this work, that they ſeemed rather to be trayling their Pikes backwards, than advancing them; as if they were rather going to the Funeral of ſome dead General, than to charge a formidable and inveterate Enemy.

And we have much reaſon to ſay, that God hath, and will anſwer them according to the ſincerity of their hearts in that p. 43Expedition, as he hath and will remember the juglings of that Nation, both in England, and among themſelves. So that they themſelves by theſe carriages have at leaſt ſtrengthned our former juſt grounds of motion that way; and the nigher we drew to our own borders, the more reaſon we ſaw of entring Scotland. Had they had any mind to peace, or any other principle, but that which acted them to do all theſe things in England, they would have prevented a war in their own Nation, by ſome loving and reſpectful anſwers to our juſt deſires and tender motions; and truly any kind Eſſay in that behalf would have too much prevailed upon our natures to ſtop our courſe for the preſent, and hope more; but as if they longed for ſuch an act, they daily provoked us to it, ſcorning our motions, denying ſo much as a name of honour to our chief Commander, only ſtyling him by the name of Lieut. General Cromwel, whereby they would demonſtrate themſelves as perfect haters of their perſons, as of their actions: Is there no blood left in gallant and noble Spirits (who have conquered Armies of a more high and Noble Command and Model, than any Army that could be raiſed in Scotland) to be provoked to revenge? But, alas theſe things were paſt by as nothing, by the greatneſs and magnanimity of the General, who looked after Things more than Titles; and had they but ſeemed to be any way plyable to a ſatisfying peace, he, and all the reſt of the Officers would have been willing to have left their Titles behind them in that Treaty, and been content alſo to have born all the affronts they put upon them beſides; but that they might render themſelves abſolute and implacable Enemies to this Army and Commonwealth, they will not ſo much as admit a good motion with any ſence, but ſcorn us in our beſt acts of love, that they might confirm the truth of all our former ſuſpitions of them. What could we now conclude on (after all our care and timerouſneſs in that Expedition) but to be fully clear in that which we did but debate before? and what was but probable before, is now made neceſſary, and of preſent concernment. Thus God was pleaſed by the hight and hardneſs of their hearts toward us, to add a more immediate p. 44ground of our entrance of Scotland, to all we had before; but the Scots thought to have undone us by this Act; for firſt they thought to make this a foundation of a ſurer pretence of all future actings towards us, and by the name of (Invaſion) both to make us odious, and to give themſelves liberty hereafter to do what they would with England.

Secondly, they drew them in to enſnare and deſtroy them, as verily beleeving that ayr to be too ſharp for Engliſh bodies, and that hunger and cold ſhould do their work for them; which had been according to their deſign, if God had not given them more than ordinary ſtrength; the miſeries which in theſe few moneths that Army ſuffered in that Kingdom, hath been more than ever they ſuffered in all the wars of England and Ireland.

Let all the world (once more) judge what ground we had to enter Scotland, and whether it was not high time, when we could get neither former dammages repaired, nor preſent hopes of reſpect, or correſpondence from them with this Nation, when they were preparing for an invaſion of us, and had put themſelves out of a capability of peace? What, ſhall England be alwayes playing after-games? Have we bought our priviledges at ſo eaſie a rate as to ſell them all away upon miſtaken charity? We hope now the Scots have taught us wiſdom to take opportunities, though we have paid too much for the learning it.

But that I may not waſte paper, and tire the Readers patience with things ſo clear and demonſtrative, that I may remove any thing out of their way that may be further conſidered of by ingenuous and knowing men; Let us now fall on their objections, and take off their pleas againſt the Army and this Commonwealth in their proceedings, formerly, and now.

The great and main pretence of all their quarrel and ſtomack againſt England, is the breach of the Covenant, which they lay wholly on this Nation, profeſſing themſelves as the makers, ſo the only keepers of the Covenant; a charge that's heavy, and ſad enough if it were as true. But as the word is general, ſo is the charge; God hath, and will judge who hath p. 45been moſt faithful, ſhortly, as to that act; only let it be conſidered, that its hard to keep the Covenant according to the forc'd and fixt ſence of every party; but if by keeping the Covenant be meant the genuine and true end of it, from the natural and right meaning of it (ere it be brought forth from the womb of a deſign) then we ſhall not doubt but to clear our ſelves before God and men, that England hath kept the Covenant more intirely then Scotland; and while they ſeem to keep their own words and ſyllables, we have kept the ſence and end of it; and though we have not (as it is reported of quondam Alderman Bunce, a young Convert to the Scots) kept the paper of it in our breaſts, yet we have had the true interpretation of it in our eyes and hearts, and have proſecuted the Malignants to it (againſt whom it was primarily made) with the utmoſt juſtice, that they might no more hinder the literal keeping of it by England and Scotland.

I only ask what was become of the Covenant when Hamilton came in to invade England? whether was it publickly torn and burnt by that Nation? Or whether ever it can be read clearly ſince without any hoblings and blots? If they ſay they proteſt againſt it as formerly, its no doubt but the Scots themſelves judge, that there be many private perſons in England which cannot be taxed with ſuch a breach: and yet becauſe they think the publick authority hath broken it, they lay the charge on the whole, and ſo reflectively, we do not doubt but many private ſpirits in Scotland have kept chaſt, and are not mixed with the former and preſent deſigns; but as we are not to take notice of particular perſons, but as in their ſphear, but muſt judge of things by authoritative and National acts; ſo we muſt lay the firſt and abſolute breach of Covenant on that Nation, which can never be repayed by any private profeſſions; and if England have broken it ſince, it hath been by their example, and becauſe they have taken themſelves diſcharged from their part in performance, ſeeing the Scots have broke on their part firſt.

But if men will be impartial, the ill uſe of the Covenant p. 46may be as bad as the breach of it, if not worſe; and the truth is, the ſeveral ill uſes the Scots have made of that good thing, hath made many careleſs in keeping of it; for it hath been put to ſerve all turns, the Perſonal Treaty, the inſurrections in England for a ſecond war, the Invaſion of Scotland, who came with the fulleſt ſayles of the Covenant; and now at laſt it is made to ſerve the Malignant Intereſt, and to advance the Royal Party, once the common Enemy, (againſt whom it was firſt made;) theſe and ſuch like actings by it hath made the world beleeve that it was but a Scottiſh ſtratagem at firſt, and is now become a defiled and common thing; yet I could wiſh from my heart, that it had been more conſcienciouſly made and kept by both Nations; But let us view the particulars of this charge.

The firſt is, the not ſetting up of Presbyterial Government in England as it is in Scotland, Reformation of Diſcipline being one of the main ends of it. I have nothing to ſay againſt Reformation and of Diſcipline, but only to ſay in general of it, as the Apoſtle doth of the Law, 1 Tim. 1.8. It is good if a man uſe it lawfully; Yet that we may ſeriouſly weigh the thing; as the Parliament held all care in calling together an Aſſembly of Divines, and have hearkned unto their reſults; ſo there were ſeveral precious ſpirits in the Aſſembly, that could not well agree to a Scottiſh Presbytery; and many things were offered by diſſenting parties, which (though all were not of the mind of) yet they ſaw much reaſon and Scripture in it; and though Government were neceſſary, yet they ſaw not that clearneſs of a Jure Divino, as theſe of the North would have forc'd them unto; the Aſſembly at firſt, and after full debates, were contented with ſuch an expreſſion as this, (That many Congregations may be under one Presbyterial Government) which ſhewed only the prudential conveniency of the way at preſent, and it never advanced further until the Scots would needs intrude their own Jus Divinum; Diſcipline was with us, and is a hard propoſition, and there are ſo many conſcientious, and honeſt, and learned diſſentors, that it was found one of the p. 47hardeſt works to ſettle it either way; however Scotland did leap over it by their opportunities.

But if we mean to lay the ſaddle on the right horſe, we may thank the Scots that Presbyterial Government hath not been fully ſetled in this Nation, although they make it their great pretence.

For firſt, they only propoſed their own Model (which was to be the exact pattern, from which he was a Schiſmatick that diſſented) and to which they made the Word of God to ſtoop, and by which they judged the whole nature of grace, and all the State of Saints; a Government which as it was much controverted, and really thought unfit by moderate men; ſo truly it was too courſe for our Chriſtians, and too tyrannical and imperious for the generouſneſs and freedom of Engliſh Spirits.

Beſides, they wanted fit matter in every Congregation in England, to build ſuch a large ſuperſtructure upon; the moſt of our Pariſhes being either under the darkneſs of formal or ſuperſtitious blindneſs, or Malignant and horrid averſneſs from ſuch an order and Government. And if we could poſſibly get competent Members (which muſt be a wonder) yet for Elders you might traverſe many Pariſhes ere you got one of a common capacity for ſuch a work, unleſs the Scots uſual way of judging Elders and Members by, were admitted; viz. by taking the Covenant; beſides, there was ſo much to ſay by Epiſcopal men on the one ſide, and Congregational on the other; and ſo much for an Engliſh, and ſo much for a Scots Presbytery, that the utmoſt reſult could be no more then a convenient probability.

And as all things were Schiſme and Hereſie, that were not fully to that pattern (which they thought infallible) ſo England was utterly unprepared for ſuch an univerſal and new ſtructure, that we were rather ſurprized and hurried into a form, than any way fitly and ingenuouſly adapted to it. For ere we had time to make any ſutable ſurvey of our fitneſs, or any clear ſight of the principle, we were impoſed upon by the Authority of a Government whoſe rule yet lay under debate; p. 48the materials were ſo unfit, and the rule ſo unclear, that it made many of good affections to Diſcipline, think it not to be the time for ſetting of it up, or at leaſt that the rule was not ſo fairly written for to hold it forth to all men; in a word, all things were ſo confuſed, as to the materials of it in all, or moſt places, that many godly men thought either they muſt change their habitations, or be put to ſad ſhifts to ſatisfie their conſciences in exerciſing all Ordinances which ought to be in a publick eſtabliſhed Church Government. But if we come to the manner of their actings; the Scots (who were the great Agents) drove ſo furiouſly and made ſuch faces on it, that affrighted all ſober and tender conſciences from full cloſing in with it, according to ſuch a repreſentation; for ere they had proved the Divinity of it, they would needs ſet up the Authority of it; yea, before they had cleared their principles, they would have it enforc'd on all men to obey it, and ſubſcribe to it, without any care of the beſt ſort of conſciences, who were but newly releaſed out of a like ſort of bondage; which certainly was not a wiſe act, nor very religious; for though many good men in the Aſſembly and Parliament were for that Government in its true nature and exerciſe, yet they loved only an Engliſh, not a Scottiſh Presbytery, which differs little from Epiſcopacy, but in the pontificalneſs of Ceremony, it claiming and exerciſing as full and tyrannical a power againſt thoſe that cannot ſtretch themſelves to that uniformity, as the other doth againſt non-conformity, the great deſign of Scotland in urging, (not a but) their Presbyterial Government ſo fiercely on England, was to make their civil and Eccleſiaſtick tranſactions meet; for as they had by their Treaties, and our favours, got a kind of a negative voyce in all our Counſels, ſo by introducing their own pattern in the Government of the Church, they ſhould have been to us as Rome to other Churches, the laſt judge to whom all appeal; and what influence the Church hath on the State, all may gueſs.

p. 49But moreover the temper of our Miniſters was yet contrary unto what the Scots would be at, the moſt of them being not yet refined from the dreggs of Epiſcopacy; and it would be very much unſuitable to wiſe and foreſeeing tranſactors to put new wine into old bottles, and truſt unexperienced men with ſo large a power as was contended for, which would but have made them and us preſently remember the old principles they were more naturally inſtructed by: whereas, had they been willing to truſt Chriſt with his own Government, and had firſt cleered up to all men their way, and waited for the full power, untill they had given ſome eminent teſtimony of the goodneſs of it, either to unite Saints, or ſet up the power of godlineſs, it might have have been by this eſtabliſhed with abundance of peace and happineſs to this Nation; but as moſt good men were very jealous of an old Tyranny under a new name, (eſpecially when the good thing contended for was Power and Authority) ſo they found too many carnal mixtures, both publikely and privately, which frighted their conſciences, from a full compliance; yea, which is far worſe, ſo highly would the Scots party carry it, that the utmoſt diſtinction of godly and honeſt men ſhould be according to their ſubmiſſion to that rule; neither would all the power of godlineſs ſerve to give out the manifeſtation of a Saint, or to make a Chriſtian, but he muſt be called a Heretick, and Schiſmatick, without he were exactly meaſured by that tenter, and rackt to make that profeſſion. And when the diſſenting Brethren themſelves, (men of known integrity, and of ſpecial anoyntings) who agreed with them in all the principles of Religion and Directory for Worſhip, yea the principles of Diſcipline, onelyonly diſſenting in the extenſion, and ſubject of power and Authority, when they deſired but a forbearance, and diſpenſation to their conſcience from the utmoſt rigidneſs, and ſeverity of the Rule, ſo far did the Scots model prevail, that ſuch a tender, and rational requeſt would not be granted, which unheard of ſeverity opened many mens eyes, and made them think there was more than ſpiritual zeal in theſe deſigns, eſpecially when they ſaw Miniſters of the Goſpel, looking after ſuch a full Secular Power to prefer it before the power of godlineſs, and full conſent in the Orthodoxneſs of Doctrine, or the purity of the matter of ſuch a Government: So that I cannot but lay the p. 50great blame on the Scots, as the impediments of hindring the free and full eſtabliſhment of that Diſcipline, which would have ſurely took effect if it had been at firſt propoſed in Scripture terms, and language, and afterwards had been proſecuted with the meekneſs, and gentleneſs of a Goſpel-Government; and doubtleſs, had not the Scots rid on the fore Horſe, and driven the Chariot Jehu like, with their own principles and ends, we ſhould have had Presbytery in a better form, and ſettlement than now we have; for nothing opened our Engliſh eyes ſo much as their deſperate thruſtings of their pattern on us, ere we had well caſt off thoughts of Epiſcopacy, or were in any religious capacity for another Government; all men then began to wonder what Tabernacles theſe men did mean to build in England, who would have engroſt the legiſlative power both of State and Kirk into their own hands; ſo that the true and real lovers of Presbytery were hindred by the violence and deſign of the Scots party, who becauſe they got more by their Eccleſiaſtical pretences than any civil actings; therefore nothing would content them but their own Model in it, by which they thought to have the moſt ſpecial influences on all the reſt. I hope by this time the Reader will ſee ſomething into the nature of that Plea, and will look upon the Scots, who though they are accounted to Presbytery as the Spaniards to Popery, the eldeſt ſons of the Church, yet fairer and better mediums might have been uſed to have wrought it out more effectually than a new inquiſition, or a peremptory impoſition of a Government, without clearneſs of principles, or care of good conſciences; no more of that.

I come to the next main Objection, which is the doing Juſtice on the late King; an objection which is very unbecoming Scotland to make againſt us, though it be too freqent; for firſt, Let our accuſers be our Judges, they laid the foundation, we did but follow the ſame principle to its laſt end; they taxed him as a man of blood, profeſt there were no hopes of him to any good; and when we come to joyn iſſue with them by our actings, they exclaim on us for proſecuting their principles. When they had him at Newcaſtle, they knew not what to do with him, but to give him over to make more work for them among us. After all their deſires of a perſonal Treaty, their Kirk declares that to p. 51make a peace on theſe Conceſsions would be dangerous, and deſtructive to the whole Cauſe, and that God would curſe us if we did centre in theſe grants. And what could poſsibly be gain'd more, (ſeeing that was the laſt and utmoſt overture with him) but to cut him off as immedicabile vulnus, all wayes, and eſſays were uſed to the utmoſt, to gain but hopes of happineſs by him; but his returns were ſo groſs, that the Scots themſelves proteſted in Print, there was no reſiding in theſe conceſsions; and what way was there elſe, but a bringing him in unto his full power again, though he utterly refuſed either to take the Covenant, or aboliſh Epiſcopacy?

And truly the Scots rejoyce the Act is done, though they are alſo glad that they were not the active inſtruments of it; for they clearly ſaw he was too much engaged to ſeveral parties in England and Ireland, for them to make uſe of his perſon for themſelves, and they could do no more for him than they had done, and keep up any credit and eſteem amongſt good men; this gallant piece of Juſtice, is rather envyed by others, than hated; however it was done in a more noble and ſerious way than poyſoning, a way which the Scots have been (of all Nations) moſt guilty of; he having a fair trial, and a free hearing of what he could ſay for himſelf.

But we may lay the Kings death alſo very honeſtly on the Scots; for they by the height of their expreſſions againſt the King, both confirmed and aggravated our own experiences of him, and provoked us to do ſome act to make their words good; they cal'd him often a man of blood, one that had ſhed more blood than any of his predeceſſors; and what could we do leſs than revenge blood with blood, the blood of millions with the blood of a particular perſon? what attonement could be leſs and what more proper? And ſhall the Scots thus ſprinkle blood upon all his garments, and paſs the ſentence of condemnation on him; and may not we lawfully execute it? when never more bloody expreſsions were given to any Nero in the earth than Scotland gave to that King, and as truly; and yet they are angry with us for drawing out that blood, which elſe would putrifie in his veins, and for ever defile us.

This great and hainous act which the Scots ſo abhor, as they p. 52led the way to it firſt, ſo they were the haſtners of it ſooner than in probability it could have been effected; for they made him ſtand out againſt all thoſe juſt Propoſitions which were ſo often offered, and denied, and hardned his heart againſt giving full ſatisfaction, giving him hopes of a better way for him to regain his ends, and he who judged as a ſelviſh Polititian, could not but imagine, that he need not to improve any other than his own principles; for when they ſtirr'd ſo much for a perſonal Treaty, and to wave the way of Propoſitions, which he had ſo often knowingly rejected, and made ſuch ado about his perſon, what could he think leſs, than that his perſon was the unum neceſſariū, and that we could never make our own peace without his being Umpire? at leaſt it made him believe his perſon, was of more uſe than our Propoſitions; and if we may make rational conjectures, he had complied to any thing, if the Scots had not made him think, that he was the moſt uſeful perſon to the peace, as he was to begin the war; an Emblem of this the King himſelf gave (I take it) in the Iſle of Wight, when the King talking with our Commiſsioners, threw a bone at his doggs before their faces, that he might laught at them by a reſemblance; and intimate, that while they were contending for him, he would get his own ends. When the Parliament of England ſaw how he was hardned againſt them, and heightned by the Scots overtures to deny and ſcorn all our neceſſary Propoſitions; what could we do leſs than improve our power to remove ſuch a block, which lay as the ſnare and temptation of all parties, and at the catch of all our reſpects unto him?

What way was there left to prevent miſchiefs, and to ſettle affairs, but that juſt ſeveritie? either we muſt have given him over to the Scots to Reform him, as they have done his Son, (which is in Engliſh nothing but to make their own uſe of him againſt us) or have leſt the ſtain of all the Bloud unſatisfied for, on this Nation; or have been content to part with, and be willingly cheated of our dear bought Liberties, to ſave the bloud of a Tyrant, who if he had lived longer, would have cut a freſh vein in theſe three Nations, which could hardly ever have been bound up; what a Monument would it have been in England, to ſee CHARLS STƲART ſet up again in the Engliſh p. 53Throne, with his Garments ſprinkled (do I ſay) nay dyed in the bloud of the beſt people in the three Nations? and to ride to the Parliament in ſuch Robes, and in a fair capacity of a double, and deeper Tincture; ſhall we ever be deluded with names, and Titles, and circumſcribe Juſtice in the compaſs of ſome particular perſons, and not let it reign on the univerſity of mankind? But all men may eaſily judge the Scots never much lamented that perſon, whom they did firſt condemn as a Tyrant, and unfit to live; of whoſe death they laid the ſureſt foundations; and is it not as lawful to behead him, as impriſon him, when the urgency of affairs, and his deſerts, merit the one as the other? But no more of that; he is ſent to his Grave more Honourably, than bloud-thirſty men are wont to be, and ſo wil his Son if the Scots do not poyſon him before he come to ſo much Honor.

The next great ground of their hatred of us, is, The change of Government, that we have not ſet up the Son, to propagate his Fathers principles, and follow his ends with revenge; here they begin to Act according to their old way, and take upon them to determine what Government we ſhall have; what if England will change ſeven times yet more? what is that to Scotland? But the Myſtery lies in this, That we have caſt off their King, by whom they meant to ſhare with us in the Priviledges of this Commonwealth; and they are vext they muſt maintain a King alone, whoſe name would do them better ſervice in England, than his Rule can do in Scotland.

Of the conveniency and neceſſity of a Change, as we are the proper Judges, ſo Scotland will invade us more really, than we them, if they offer to make another change among us; we have not altered any thing of the Laws and Priviledges which are fundamental, or fit for the happineſs of our own Nation, we have onelyonly removed thoſe perſons who were the great obſtructions in the full execution of them, and who labored alwaies to render them uſeleſs, or to overpower them by prerogative; ſo that there is no alteration of the Government (we having many good Laws which muſt not be abrogated) but of the ill and Titular Governours, whoſe names did more ſway than the Laws, and who ſuperſeded all Laws by their own wills.

But how comes it to paſs that the Scots are ſo zealous about p. 54the Change of our Governors? can they make us believe that they have ſo much care and love to us, as to be ſo ſadly troubled at our Changes, ſeeing they themſelves have made ſo many ſad Changes amongſt us? or ſo much judgement as to know what Government is onelyonly beſt for us? No, no, we have got now ſo much out of that Fogg, that we can diſcern between a Scotiſh Brotherly affection, and an Engliſh Priviledge; had not we changed him who muſt be their King, and by whom they mean to further their old deſigns on us, (which are now grown riper by their cunning pretences of the Covenant) we might have had what Government we would; and had we altered, and raſed out all the Laws, which are the veins and ſinews of this body, they would never have repin'd, had we not caſt off that perſon, and ſo fruſtrated their hopes; and I doubt not but if we had embraced Mahomets Religion, we ſhould have had better correſpondencies with them than now we are like to have, onelyonly becauſe we cannot jump the whole Nation into their form, both in Kirk and State.

But had not we reaſon to change the Governors, when we had like to loſe both our firſt principles, and the ſenſe of all the ſignal victories of Gods Providence, by a new name added to an old Malignant, though a young pretender? Could we poſſibly expect any ſavory fruit of ſuch a rotten ſtock? or that the Son who was engaged in the Fathers quarrrel, and educated in his principles, would act contrary to both? if the Scots have more faith than we have, or can get for the preſent, they muſt pardon us until we be gotten to it by experience, and that we have learnt that piece of Reformation of them, as they would have us learn all the reſt.

For though the young mans years and experience cannot admit of any great judgement: yet his former principles and education may, and doth make him deſperate enough in the old deſign.

But becauſe we are fallen on this new buſineſs, though we have caſt him off, yet let us conſider how the Scots received him.

Firſt, as they were fain to go a begging to get him to be their King (which he hated as by it ſelf) ſo they were forced to p. 55make many a promiſe, and ſtrain many a point both in Kirk and State, e're they could get his approbation but to come amongſt them, and were fain to be telling him of England too, as the full point of every ſentence, to make up every Article taking, and powerful. For CHARLS STƲART (like a wiſe young man) kept them to it by the advice of his Councel, and rather held them to what they would do for him in England, than whether they would receive him into Scotland, as knowing he ſhould onelyonly be more ſenſible of his miſery in that Nation, if he had not a ſleight paſs into this by it: ſo that we are rather beholding to their King, than Parliament, who loved us better than them, and would onelyonly love them as inſtruments to advance him in the Engliſh Throne; and yet truly the Scots are not behind hand with him, who never loved him as King of Scotland, but of great Britain, and as they might diſcharge themſelves of him, and recruit their deſigns or parties, among their flouriſhing neighbours.

But what are the great hopes they have entertained concerning this Son of bloud? wherein lies his converſion? why, he hath taken the Covenant; a goodly Reformation at the utmoſt. But alas, will they gull the world ſtill, and themſelves by ſuch a Pretence?

We all know what a face he made when he lifted up his hand to that Brazen Serpent; and with what Reluctancies, and reſerves he took it, and that we may charitably judge conſidering all circumſtances, that though he took the Covenant, it never took him; for both before, and ſince he hath given ſuſpitions to the Kirk themſelves, and full demonſtrations to us, that he ſwallowed the Covenant as a little Pill, & as Phyſical, not natural food; for as the taking of the Covenant was put off by him untill he came to Scotland, that ſo he might ſee how it might further, or hinder his affairs; ſo when he came he was fain to thruſt it down by force, leſt it ſhould ſtick in his throat ere it came to his ſtomack; and all the godly party were preſently afraid of a Vomit, as that they ſaw was moſt nauſeous to his natural conſtitution; and truly it was nigh coming up (to follow the Metaphor) when the Scots ſent him that Declaration to ſign concerning his Fathers bloud, and his Mothers Idolatrie, and p. 56which he refuſed at preſent, upon which the Kirk Declared not to ſtand for him; and it had come fully up, if the preſent exigencie, and probabilitie of his coming into England had not been adminiſtred as a cordial; yet as a thing not fully digeſted, it oftentimes made qualms, and now and then ſomething of Phlegm and Choler came forth together; for after the glorious victory at Dunbarr by which God did check the Pride of that State and Kirk, and for the preſent diſappointed their confident hopes, when the news of it was brought to the young Convert, who was then a fiſhing for Salmon, its credibly reported (and its very ſutable to the raſh, and diſcontented humors of ſo raw a Ruler) that he fell on his knees, and bleſt God for it, ſaying, He expected no other from them, who had forct him to take the Covenant againſt his Conſcience: I report this as from credible authors, yet will not aſſert it but as a great probability: but ſince alſo he hath manifeſted his heart by his late eſcape, which he was like to make from the Kirk to Middleton, had they not carefully prevented it, leſt they ſhould both loſe all their former hopes, and be too ſuddenly ſhamed for their deluſive Tranſactions with him,

But what a ſad thing is this, that the Covenant muſt be put to ſuch a uſe at laſt, as to be the protection of the Common enemies? who will not now take the Covenant, ſeeing its become a Royal Enſign? had Montroſs lived, e're now he had been as great a Convert, and as much Sainted as his Maſter, if he would but have taken the Covenant; but the poor Gentleman (without any civil reſpect as to a man) muſt be hanged, and quarterd, uſed like a heathen, and Mahumetane, but for acting by the Commiſſion of him (yea, and given at that time when they were Treating with him) who is thought worthy of the higheſt power, becauſe he can fainedly ſign a Scots paper.

As for that Politick Declaration of his, whereby he is made to renounce all his Fathers ways, and to be humbled for his bloud, and his Mothers Idolatry; we know how it was extorted, and who penned it, and mended the expreſſions of it, and how many drops of bloud it took from his heart with it; but we may juſtly fear by ſuch jugglings, he is like to ſhed as much bloud as his Father hath done, if God cut him not off in ſeaſon, as p. 57he hath done his great aſſiſtant, the yong raunting Prince of Orange. God that judges the ſecrets of mens hearts will remember the Scots raviſhments of the Covenant, and of all things puniſh ſuch deceits; and its moſt dreadful to obſerve, how when the Lord of Hoſts, which was our word in that glorious day, met with the Covenant, which was their word and confidence; he overthrew the falſe Covenant party, and hath for ever ſtained it, though it had Carolus Rex new writ on the top of it, as hating to ſee men take his Covenant into their mouth and hand, and yet hate to be reformed; if God had not hardned their hearts, they might remember the determination of that day (after ſolemn appeals) as at leaſt a warning from Heaven, and a witneſs againſt them and their deceits.

The next and greateſt objection they are pleaſed to make againſt us, is, that we are not a ſufficient authority to do the acts that we have done, not owning us by any other name than the prevailing party.

For which, though they need no Anſwer, but to ſtand on our own guard, and vindicate our Authority by our Swords, yet that the world may ſee what little reaſon the Scots (of any people) have to make ſuch an objection, let us compare the Scots Model and Authority, by which they act what they do, and our Conſtitution (for we muſt ſtill make them our rule.)

When Duke Hamilton came into England, he was ſent in by their Parliament, in their fulleſt authority; and when they brake up, or adjourned, they choſe a Committee of Eſtates, with whom they left their power, which was the only lawful power; our Army having beaten Hamilton in England, by the invitation of ſome private men, proſecutes the remainder of that Army in Scotland, where they make them lay down Arms, and come to an agreement, and ſet up the former Committee of Eſtates (then accounted more honeſt) and diſſolve that Committee of Eſtates, who ſate by the full authority of the Supream power, and beſides whom all were but private perſons; this Committee hath ever ſince called Parliaments, ordered all affairs as the Commiſſion p. 58of the ſupream Authority of that Nation; and yet they will have us to be no authority, though the main of the body of the Commons of England in the ſame Parliament remain, only becauſe they have purged out many, and predominant, and Malignant humours, which diſturbed the health, and marr'd the beauty of the whole, and have cut off ſome rotten Members which were like to gangrene; the Scots themſelves alſo confeſſing in their Anſwer to the Armies Remonſtrance, that there was a party in Parliament which did betray their Truſt; and is it a deſtroying of the Authority to remove ſuch a party? And who are to be the Judges but theſe they call the prevailing party? Were not the Scots drunk with malice and venome againſt this Nation, they muſt be aſhamed to deny us to be a lawful Authority when they remember themſelves; who did not only act without King or Parliament, but got their Authority by diſſolving the only lawful Parliamentary Power, and courting the Royall; which Committee of Eſtates was a meer non-entity, untill our Army formed them in that Eſtate.

All that ever hath been acted in England, need no other demonſtrations to make them legal (if examples may be arguments) than the Scottiſh pattern; but theſe pleas are grown too common and ſtale to have any efficacy on diſcerning and impartial ſpirits; and if the Scots be admitted once as competent Judges of the Authority of our Parliament, we may be ſure they will judge according to their own ſence and intereſt; we have reaſon to bleſs God, we have yet power to maintain our juſt Authority; only we muſt obſerve to what end theſe men meddle ſo much in our affairs, who have enough to reform at home; and how unſutable is it to our carriages as to their Kingdom? When did England ever ſend Commiſſioners into Scotland to tamper with parties, or to print Declarations againſt any of their proceedings to divide the people from them? when did we take upon us to ſay that Scotland did do ill in diſſolving and annihilating the acts of a whole Parliament, and by force ſet themſelves in their places? we know not their reaſons of State as to their ſpecial actings (neither care we to pry into them) its fit they p. 59ſhould be their own Judges, and take their own advantages for their ſafety and ſecurity; neither would England ever have been angry for their taking a King in among them, or askt them why they did ſo, if they had not proclaimed him K. of England alſo, and agreed with him about impoſing him on us, eſpecially when he is the common Enemy to both Nations: I will add no more to this, let actions ſpeak; if judgement belongs to them, Juſtice and vengeance I am ſure belongs to God, who will judge his people, and diſcover and puniſh the Tyrannical Government of men, for the baſe and deceitful intentions of plauſible and deſigning Neighbors.

We are now come to the laſt and moſt fiery Dart which is ſhot againſt us, eſpecially the Army, which amounts to no leſs than a charge of Hereſie and Schiſme, words of the ſaddeſt import to terrifie Chriſtian ſpirits; which is as bad, and worſe in a Church ſence, than Treaſon and Rebellion in the States; for, as they have uſed all mediums both Eccleſiaſtical and Civil, that might hinder or deſtroy this Parliament and Army: ſo they have invented all ſorts of names which might make them odious in the eies of good and honeſt men; to effect which no terms could be more proper and effectual than theſe; ſomething muſt needs be therefore ſpoken as to the charge, and then of the application.

I am no pleader for any that are juſtly branded with theſe characters, I have learnt the Doctrine of the Goſpel better than to be an Heretick, and have taſted ſo much of Goſpel-love, that I abhor to be a Schiſmatick; but as theſe are names of the uglieſt viſage in Religion; ſo they ought to be moſt warily, and with great demonſtration fixt on any who profeſs Religion, or that are not obſtinately oppoſite to all wayes of ſound Doctrine and peace; but when ſuch horrid and black marks are faſtned on men at a diſtance from converſe, and out of politick and particular ends, it commonly either makes Hereticks, or forces them to be Schiſmaticks, & ne'r to look after cōmunion with that party. It would be wel, ere men make uſe of ſuch names, they knew how to define them; what a Heretick, & what a Schiſmatick is, hath took up p. 60many debates among learned men, & when a man is proper to be called a Heretick; not every error is Hereſie, nor every withdrawing from ſome particular acts a Schiſme; but we need not wade further into this controverſie; the Scots Hereſie is not to take the Covenant, and their Schiſm is not to follow the rules of the Kirk of Scotland; for elſe we bleſs God (ſetting aſide ſome particular private deſperadoes, we have their marks) we hold to the fundamentals both of Doctrine and Diſcipline, though we cannot yet ſee all the particularities of either, as we long after; but eſpecially we muſt confeſs we want eyes to ſee into the divine right of a Scotiſh Uniformity. As for the Army on whom they lay the weight of both theſe expreſſions, which they epitomize in the word Sectaries: I ſhall not undertake to clear every particular perſon from many errors; but this I muſt ſay, if they have miſcarried, I hope they have repented; and for the moſt of the Officers, they have publikely profeſt their hatred of any that can really be called by ſuch names.

Its true, they had long ſince ſome ſubtle and windy ſpirits, who vapoured in ſome high notions, and for the preſent took frothy and active fancies among them; but as they ſoon vaniſhed, ſo ſince they have ſeen much of the vanity and unſavourineſs of ſuch opinions, and it hath been a cauſe of great humiliation among them; and like the ſhaking of well planted trees, it hath ſtrengthned many of them more in the root; and I hope theſe deluſions of ſome among them, hath but furbiſhed and brightned the underſtanding of others, who kept always the root of the matter in life, and vigour in their hearts.

Yet if things were ſifted to the bottome, the Scots were great occaſions, if not cauſes of ſuch opinions among them.

For they (who minded nothing but their own deſign) did ſo impriſon and circumſcribe all Religion in the Northern Model, and in a particular Diſcipline, with ſuch rigid and unlimited ſeverity againſt any that had but a conſcientious ſcruple, that it made them believe, that either there was no form Jure Divino, or certainly that was not that, which came ſo nigh Epiſcopacie, and had no mixture of the tenderneſs, and p. 61love of the Goſpel in it; thus many went to ſeek the Church in the wilderneſs, and imagined the Dragon to be pouring out a flood after her; beſides, had not the violence of the Scots deſign hindred it (whoſe end was to deſtroy them, not reform) many fair and Goſpel courſes had been uſed to have ſhewed them their error, and make them confeſs; but no way or courſe did they ever take, or prompt any unto, to convince them, or hear them ere they condemned them. Theſe things (bleſſed be God) are in a good meaſure reformed & execution done on many, and both the Parliament and Army have proteſted againſt owning any ſuch errors, yea have made exact and ſevere Laws, unto which the utmoſt puniſhments the Word of God requires are annexed; and yet ſtill they are the Sectarian Army and Parliament, and ſo they will be accounted, though they ſhould be never ſo refined in Doctrine and Diſcipline, if they come not fully up to that pattern which they have ſet to us, whereby they may have their influences on our conſciences, and Eſtates.

It is wonderful to conſider how any men can be deluded with ſuch names, which are only coined on purpoſe to make ſome contrary deſign Orthodox and godly; words which are fit for any party, and made uſe of as ordinary for deſigns, as common places are to help dull and crazie memories. The Papiſts have made much uſe of them againſt the Proteſtants, the Lutherans againſt the Calviniſts, the Biſhops againſt the Non-conformiſts and Anti-ceremonialiſts, calling them Hereticks and Schiſmaticks, and now the Scots againſt the Parliament and Army; ſo that its no unuſuall ſtrategem, to put ſtrange names on thoſe which men have a mind to make odious or deſtroy. Yet if we compare the Army under this deſperate cenſure, with that Army which was in England, under the banners of the Covenant, we ſhall find, that if the Scots had looked better at their own Army, they would have found little reaſon to fall ſo foul upon ours; for while our Army were debating and controverting about Religion (a rare thing among Souldiers) and profeſſing to be above all outward forms (which though many were very erroneous in) the Officers of the Scots Army were carowſing in every Tavern p. 62and Ale-houſe in the Countries, and drinking Healths, not only in Ale and Sack, but Aqua vitae, and other ſtrong waters to an incredible proportion; and when the now Lord General Cromwel (who was particularly pitcht on by their malice for the blackeſt mark) was exerciſing his gifts to benefit his Souldiers, which God hath given him a ſpecial faculty in, David Leſley, then their Lieutenant Generall of Horſe, was jovialling up and down Yorkſhire with a Gentlewoman (which ſhould be of kind to that County by her name) leaving ſome fruits of his love behind him; I could tell many ſuch ſtories, but that I am loth to rip up too much of their failings, and had not done this, but that you may gueſs at the difference between the Engliſh Sectarian and the Scotiſh Army, who pretend to have kept the Covenant. Is it a greater offence to have a working and elevated fancy, beyond the ſetled Rule in Religion, which may ſoon be brought down and conſolidated by rational converſes, than to walk in all exceſs of riot? Are ſpeculative errors more ſinful than practical abominations?

I plead no excuſe to any error, I only wonder how the Scots can ſo clearly diſcern motes in the eye of our Army, and ſtumble over ſuch viſible beams in their own; we have reaſon to prize them as much as the Scots to hate them; and had they or any Nation an Army of ſuch faithfulneſs and inſtrumentalneſs, they would be loth to part with them upon the envious and falſe aſperſions which a Neighbor Nation (out of particular diſaffection to the State and them) can caſt upon them.

We have much cauſe to bleſs God for what he hath done by them, and what he is ſtill doing in them, humbling them for former errors, and engaging them afreſh in ſpiritual duties; and I could wiſh now that they are in Scotland, the Kirk would uſe all good means to convince them further, and win them from the error of their wayes, by an amiable and powerful diſcovery of truth in love.

The Reader hath by this time ſeen a coarſe, yet true Relation of the Scots deſigns in England, and how nigh they have come to a full communion in our privileges; what friends p. 63we have made them, and what Neighbors they have been, and are like to prove to England, how cunningly they have ſhuffled the Cards, that they might Trump. I need make no obſervations on the whole, wiſe men may ſee, honeſt men have felt enough already, eſpecially in the North; And,

I have nothing elſe to add but a Paraenetick to all Engliſh men, to learn at laſt how they truſt ſuch pretenders. Its high time for us to look at home, and preſerve our own intereſts, when we have ſuch needy and crafty Neighbors to deal withall; God hath by a wonder of mercy and providence freed us from the advantages of that Nation, and brought us to an even ſtanding upon our own legs; let us keep our own diſtance, and we may be kind enough to them; too much friendſhip will but tempt them, and enſnare us. Kingdoms and Commonwealths of different tempers and intereſts have need to be wary in their conjunctions and unions, neither to be too ſtrange, nor too dear, eſpecially where the one muſt ſuffer all, the other act all. Its with States in their friendſhip, as with bodies in a different complexion and conſtitution, they will never agree but in a tranſient and remote converſe; the diſproportion between our Nation and Scotland, in our enjoyments, and priviledges is ſo great, that we cannot but loſe by any other neerneſs, than what may exactly be fit to diſtinguiſh the two States, and yet unite them againſt a common Enemy; what ever nigher approach we have to each other, will but enforce us daily to warineſs and obſervance, and them to deſign and temptation; for we can get nothing worth our labour and coſt in Scotland, they may too much ſoon in England ere we are aware. What a ſad and miſerable buſineſs will it be for England to beg of Scotland to provide us a King, and to give way to the greedineſs of that Nation, to make their own ends upon us by new pretences? God hath gloriouſly owned our actings, notwithſtanding all the ſtrategems of all ſorts of enemies, and hath followed us with more than fortunate events in all our actions; and while we keep up the ſence of Gods glory, and the diſtinct Gallantry of Engliſh Spirits, and avoid mixtures with that deceitful people, we ſhall regain ſoon our p. 64ancient generouſneſs, and be the moſt flouriſhing and free people under the Sun; yea, and be the firſt provocation and pattern to all the world, to prize Liberty and Freedom.

But if ever we ſuffer the Scots (out of what pretence ſoever) to bring in a King on their backs to England, we may never expect to know what Engliſh names or freedoms were, but may write our names before-hand in braſs, and lay them in ſome dark and ſtinking Vaults; for, no other memory of our names, or perſons, or priviledges is like to be preſerved with honour and reſpect.

FINIS.

End of the text · Cuthbert Sydenham, The False Brother (1651)