The Ancient Bounds, Section 2

The Ancient Bounds · Section 2

p. 43SECT. II.

CHAP. VII. Illuſtrating the Argument, with Examples and Teſtimonies out of divine and humane Writ.

HAving ſtated the Queſtion, both on the poſitive and negative part of the Magiſtrates duty, and proved it with Reaſons; I proceed further to confirme and illuſtrate this Argument with Examples and Teſtimonies. Beginning with the old Teſtament, and therein with Inſtances of Heathen Kings, (whoſe Religion, and the Jewes were diametrally oppoſite) whereby it may ſeeme this to have been a principle in Nature,) that yet upon grounds of ingenuous reaſon, as well as policy, (though we deny not a providence in it) not onelyonly permitted the publick exerciſe of a contrary Religion, (which is more then we plead for) but alſo gave faire quarter to the Church, and all liberty, yea authority and accommodations for their religious ingagements; yea, endowed them and their worſhip with great priviledges, immunities, and advantages; then which Inſtances, nothing could poſſibly be alledged by us, more pregnant, preſſing, provoking, upbraiding, conſtraining, to thoſe, between whom and us there is the ſame Religion, truth, and worſhip ſubſtantially, though ſome lighter circumſtantiall differences.

Theſe are eſpecially Cyrus, Darius, and Artaxerxes; I might adde to them Ahaſuerus, who though a ſtranger to the Church, Ahaſuerus.and to the true God, yet not onelyonly protected the Church, deſtined to deſtruction for their Religion ſake; but gave them a free avengement of themſelves, of his owne profitable ſubjects their enemies, Eſth. 9. to the ſlaying of ſeventy ſix thouſand men. And the book of Daniel is not without ſome paſſages, which might be referred hither, and good uſe made of them; as namely, Nebuchadnezzar.Nebuchadnezzars exalting men of a Religion contrary to the Babylonians, in the Provinces, and making p. 44all the great Affaires of the Provinces to run through their hands, Dan. 2.48, 49. And a ſecond time if not to a further degree of honour, Dan. 3.30. And theſe things done by Politick Princes, that wanted not ſerious regards to their own ſafety, ſtability, floutiſhing; and were Conquerours over theſe captives, (whoſe terrour could not make theſe Princes afraid, as Elibu ſpeaks, Job 33.7.) nor had they any politick ingagements to their Religion, further then the ſatisfaction of theſe their Subjects in this particular, and their more willing ſubjection, and the union and peace of their kingdomes thereby; and they went on in their owne Heatheniſme themſelves, though they indulged thus to the Church.

But I ſhall content my ſelfe to ſet before you thoſe three before mentioned, Cyrus.beginning with Cyrus, whoſe Story, ſo far as concernes our purpoſe, you ſhall find, Ezra 1. to this effect; That he made a Proclamation throughout all his Kingdome, and put it in Writing, wherein be gave free liberly to all the people of the Jewes his Captives, to goe up to Jeruſalem, and build the houſe of God there. And whoſoever remaineth (he addes) in any place, where he ſojourneth, let the men of his place help him with ſilver and with gold, and with goods, and with beaſts, beſides the free will-offering for the houſe of God, which is in Jeruſalem. Moreover, he made reſtitution of all the veſſels of the Temple, plundred by his predeceſſour Nebuchadnezzar.

One would have thought a Proclamation of liberty, & no more, had been enough, and doubtles that alone would have been moſt thankfully accepted by the godly Jewes, and they would have acknowledged that this Prince had indulged a great and ſpeciall fayour to them; but theſe further acts of grace might well make them ſay; as, Pſal. 126. When the Lord turned againe our captivitie, we were like them that dreame. Then was our mouth fill'd with laughter, and our tongue with ſinging. Nay the Heathen could not chooſe but ſay, The Lord hath done great things for them: and truly ſay they, The Lord …th done great things for …s, whereof wee are glad. And who could blame them for being glad?

But I look it ſhould be objected; object. That Cyrus did not this of himſelfe, but was extravrdinarily ſtirr'd up hereunto by God, (his owne words importing ſo much) and that he was acted in this thing above the conſideration of all politique reaſons, and the regard of his owne Religion: Therefore what Cyrus did upon ſuch an extraordinary p. 45motion, cannot be reaſonably expected from Princes now, that are not ſo ſtirr'd up and acted extraordinarily by the divine hand, but they muſt be faithfull to their Principles received, and Religion eſtabliſhed, and muſt indulge no other liberties or favours, then may conſiſt therewith in a rationall and prudentiall way.

I anſwer. Cyrus was ſtirr'd up by God; Anſw.but firſt God would not ſtirre him up to an unlawfull or an uncomely thing, if that act of him being of one Religion himſelfe to accommodate another had been ſuch, God was not ſo put to it, he had other meanes to have brought this to paſſe, then by the ſin of any man, eſpecially then by becoming a tempter thereto himſelfe. Let not any man ſay when he is tempted, that he is tempted of God, for God cannot be tempted, neither tempteth he any man: therefore if this was a temptation, 'twas not of God, if it was of God, 'twas no temptation.

2. Gyrus was ſtirred up, but 'twas not by a Prophet that we read of, nor by a viſion, nor any extraordinary way. The Holy Ghoſt tels us he was ſtirred up, but perhaps none of his Court, nor his Princes could tell he was ſtirred up by the Lord, nor he himſelfe, the Lord might carry this force ſo ſecretly under rationall and prudent conſiderations: And no queſtion he did, and ſhewed Cyrus reaſon for what he put him upon. And doe you thinke there were not politique Objections made againſt this act of Cyrus, by his Stateſinen and Counſellors (as there were to Artaxerxes, with whom they prevailed for the ſuſpending of the worke that the Jewes had begun,) and was it likely Cyrus anſwered all theſe Objections to his carefull Counſellors, with the meere inſtigation he had to it without reaſon?

3. We need not feare to affirme, that Cyrus had reaſon for what he did, and did move upon reaſon in this act, (though reaſon alone would not have done it with him, there was the ſpeciall bleſſing of God upon that reaſon, and his effectuall inſtigation of Cyrus heart, making it facile and yeelding unto that reaſon) and we may aſſigne the reaſon partly what it was, at leaſt probably: 'tis couch'd in the act, which was an act of Juſtice as well as of grace: For theſe poore Jewes had in Cyrus his predeceſſors time, been wrongfully carried away captive from their own land, and the worſhip of God, and detained ever ſince in a ſtrange land, and diſabled to ſet it up againe of themſelves, and therefore Cyrus might well through the workings p. 46of a naturall conſcience, hold himſelfe bound to reſtore both perſons and utenſills, and to ſupply what ever inability or inſufficiency that accrew'd to them through their captivity: and no doubt alſo but this Principle, which it ſeemes by the ſtories in the Bible was a received one in thoſe ancient times, did glow in Cyrus his heart, that every Nation would willingly walke in the Name of their God; even as himſelfe would; and it ſeemed to him hard meaſure to reſtraine them, and therefore though as a Heathen, and ſo one that had choſen and pitcht his Religion already, he had no obligation to any other Religion but his owne, yet out of a principle of common juſtice, to doe as he would be done by, he might hold himſelfe bound to do what he did.

But it may be further objected, object. that Cyrus was in a falſe way himſelfe, and all that he did in this way of diſpenſation, he did it for the truth, and if he had done more, and left his own way, and joyn'd with the Jewes, it had been but his duty.

I anſwer, anſw. and grant, he did no more then was his duty, but yet by the Principles of ſome men in our dayes, he did over-doc his duty, nay he did contrary to his duty; if the duty of every Magiſtrate be, to be ſo zealous of his own conſcience and way, as to tolerate no other; as they affirme.

But it will be ſaid further, object. that Cyrus was convinced of the God of Iſrael to be the true God.

Grant that, anſw. yet what was that to the inſtituted worſhip of the God of Iſrael? was he convinced of that too? Why did he not then goe up himſelfe with them to Jeruſalem? No, but Cyrus was a Heathen in worſhip ſtill: Or, Why might not Cyrus have ſaid, I know and acknowledge the true God as well as you, and do worſhip him, therefore you ſhall worſhip him after the ſame manner as I do? No, but he leaves them to their conſciences; els, if he had tyed them to his heatheniſh rites in worſhipping the true God, they had been but ſorry gainers by his converſion. Laſtly, Cyrus was convinced that the God whom Iſrael ſerved was the true God; and is that thought by you as a ſufficient reaſon for all the favour he indulged them? Why then I appeale to you, whether you have not the ſame & much more reaſon to indulge as large priviledges to your differing Brethren, of whom you never had ſuch a ſinfull ſcruple, (I in charity thinke) whether they worſhipped the true God.

p. 47Therefore to conclude this Inſtance; It ſeemed reaſonable to Cyrus to doe what he did in way of favour to the Jewes, though he himſelfe was of different principles from them in worſhip. For God ſcarce acts his owne people to any thing without reaſon, (much leſſe againſt reaſon) how much leſſe other men, who are not prepared with ſuch a principle of reſignation, and ſubmiſſion of will and reaſon, and all to him, as his owne are or ought to be?

The next Inſtance is of Darius, Darius.who (upon the occaſion of the Jewes adventuring upon the worke againe, after the proſcription of Artaxerxes, and a long ceſſation thereof, Chap. 4.) is conſulted with by Letters from Tatnai, and Shetherboznai, Governours on the other ſide the River, what to doe, whether to ſuffer them, or to hinder them; and you have Darius his anſwer, Chap. 6. which is to this purpoſe; That as upon ſearch, he found a decree of Cyrus, authorizing them to build; ſo he charges Tatnai the Governour, &c. Shetherboznai, and their companions, to be far from hindring them, but to let the worke of this houſe alone, and let the Governour and Elders of the Jewes build it, in its owne place: Marke, how all is left to their conſciences: Yea moreover beſides the former indulgence and diſpenſation of Cyrus, he decrees that of the Kings goods, even of the tribute beyond the River, forthwith expences ſhould be miniſtred to them, (that they be not ſo much as hindred or retarded) yea and ſacrifices day by day.

Obſerve here, 'tis not permitted, but commanded, not to be conſidered, but forthwith executed and obeyed by the Kings Officers, not to be lent, but to be given, not to be rai…ed of the people by tax, but to be taken out of the Kings revenue. O unparallell Darius! againſt many a Chriſtian Prince and Magiſtrate ſhall he riſe up in judgement, that ſnib and keep downe their own free-borne ſubjects, in the exerciſe of the ſame Religion that themſelves profeſſe, for differing in a Circumſtance comparatively. Well, the depth of Darius policy is this? that they may offer ſacrifice, and pray for the life of the King and of his children. Darius thought it but reaſonable, that if they did accommodate him and his children in their prayers, he ſhould accommodate them in offering ſacrifice. Beneficium poſtulat Officium, and Officiwn relates to Beneficium. Doe yee expect our prayers, and will not let us offer ſacrifice? How can wee ſing the Lords ſong in a ſtrange land? How can wee pray for you, but as wee are bound to p. 48pray for enemies, that God would turne their hearts, and breake the rod of their oppreſſion? But ſhall not our hearts indeed be lifted up in the day of your ſhewing kindneſs and ſpeaking friendly to us, to pray for you? Wee promiſe not that we will doe it. Or doe you thinke we cannot pray, or that our prayers are nothing worth, will not ſtead you at all? or doe you not need our prayers? Wee goe on. This Decree he ratifies (doth not onelyonly recommend an Order for their accommodation) but under the paine of a moſt exemplary death, to him that ſhould diſobey this Word, even the Timber ſhould be puld down from his houſe, to make a Gibbet to hang him on, and his houſe to be made a Dunghill, Ezr. 6.11. Concluding with a generall curſe, pronounced upon all that ſhould put to their hand to alter or deſtroy that houſe, ver. 12. be they Kings or people.

Will you ſee now O Magiſtrates, what you are to doe, and where to uſe your ſword and authority, even againſt thoſe that hinder the building of the houſe, that will not ſuffer the poore Saints that are inſtructed, to build the houſe according to the patterne, that they have taken out of the Word, but worke them diſturbance and perſecution. Such you ought to puniſh; why? not becauſe they are of a differing mind and way from us, no more then you ought to puniſh us for being of a differing mind and way from them, but if they hinder us in this worke of building the houſe of God, which they know not but we are ſtirred up of God unto (we ſay we are) and directed by him therein, (we truſt we are and ſhall be.) Therefore let them take heed in the feare of God what they doe againſt us: and thinke not you may alter the houſe, no more then deſtroy it, or that you may hinder us any more then we may hinder you.

The third and laſt Inſtance, Artaxerxes.is of Artaxerxes (not that Artaxerxes by whom the building was proſcribed, but another after him) who ſends Ezra with a large Commiſſion and authority to Jeruſalem, to this effect, Ezra 7.11. To take with him the reſidue of the people, Prieſts and Levites, that would freely goe, (he thought it not reaſonable to force them to goe, though they were of the Church by birth and Nation.) Obſerve that by the way [all that are minded of their owne free will to goe up, ver. 13.] and to carry with him the free will offering of the King and his Counſellors, in gold and ſilver, and all the ſilver and gold he could find in the Province of Babylon, with the free will offering of the Prieſts and people, to furniſh himſelfe for ſacrifice, and p. 49to doe with the overplus what ſeemed good unto him; He had alſo veſſels given him for the ſeruice of the houſe, and a liberty to take out of the Kings Treaſure-houſe, whatſoever more was needfull, (and charges his Treaſurers accordingly to furniſh him) if it were to an hundred …dents of ſilver, &c. And whatſoever is commanded (ſays he) by the God of Heaven, let it be diligently done. I beſeech you, what were Artaxerxes his ingagements to God and his worſhip, who was a ſtranger thereto, that he ſhould be more bound to take care of his houſe, and that every command of God concerning it and his worſhip there, ſhould be diligently obſerved; then Chriſtian Magiſtrates and people are now adayes? Obſerve how punctuall his naturall conſcience tells him the ſervants of God muſt be; and what proviſion he makes that they might be punctuall; and will you now on the contrary, blame, fine, impriſon them, for obſerving punctually what their confciences ſay is commanded by the God of Heaven? Furthermore, he exempts all the Miniſters of the Houſe of God from all Taxes, and authorizes Ezra to place and diſplace Magiſtrates, for the advantage of the true Religion, which he commends to him to promote and ſpread, as far as ever he can, ratifying this Commiſſion under the paine of heavy puniſhment, to all that ſhould oppoſe, according to the degree and quality of their oppoſition:

But Cyrus did this ſlaviſhly; for he addes, object. Why ſhould there be wrath againſt the Realme of the King and his ſonnes?

Cyrus did this for feare of wrath, anſw.what then will not you doe it at all? Nay doe it for conſcience ſake, and not for wrath onelyonly; as the Apoſtle ſays in another caſe, or God is able to bring you under the ſenſe and feare of wrath as well as Artaxerxes. Did God ſubject him to this feare (who was a Heathen, and was therefore more remote from ſuch a duty) for not furthering, and will he not judge Chriſtians and Chriſtian Magiſtrates (as they will be acknowledged) for hindering the worke of his houſe? Nay, if they doe not further and incourage all they can, that all things may be done accurately and preciſely, that the God of Heaven hath commanded, leaving it to ſpirituall men to judge, who alone are able.

Chriſt Jeſus is the Prince of Peace; where he is kept out, there's trouble, and wrath. Therefore imitate at leaſt, and goe … farre as theſe Heathens herein; ſo ſhall wee pray for the King and his ſonnes, for our Rulers and Governours, under whom wee live peaceable lives, p. 50in all godlineſſe and honeſty: and ſhall bleſſe God, as Ezra doth, Chap. 7.27. Who hath put ſuch a thing into our Governours hearts, as to beautifie the Houſe of God, which is at Jeruſalem.

There is much the truly conſcientious expect from our Governours, in the name of the Lord, after the preſident of theſe Kings; Not a toleration onelyonly, but an accommodation, incouragement, and ſufficient Protection from all moleſtation and damage. The Lord inlarge your hearts in proportion to this great duty and opportunitie.

CHAP. VIII. Containing Examples out of the New Teſtament.

WEE come to the times of the New Teſtament, Sub Principib. Maccabaeis & corum ſucceſſoribus diverſae Judaeorum ſectae, Phariſae, Sadducaei, Eſſaei, & ſim…les liberè viguerūt & ſatis amicè inter ſe vixerunt. Alſt. de Eccl. l. 4. c. 14.Sir 50:4beginning from our Lord and Saviour Jeſus Chriſt, when there were I know not how many ſects, Caſſideans, Phariſees, Sadduces, Eſſenes, Gaulonites and Herodians: Theſe all differing from one another, as materially as Chriſtians doe now adayes. Some holding no reſurrection, no Angels, or Spirits; others, holding all theſe, &c. yet they lived by one another; yea, and our Saviour Chriſt, who lived among them three and thirty yeares, and upwards, whereof three yeares and more he ſpent in the Miniſtry, never (that we read of) ſtirr'd up the Magiſtrate to reduce them to an unity, never inſtigates thoſe that were in the right, or neareſt the truth, to proſecute the other: Our Saviour did neither feare them, nor ſpare them, but among all his woes that he pronounces, there's none againſt Magiſtrates for not forcing.

Further, Joh. Baptiſt.Johns Diſciples were in a great error, had an envious eye upon Chriſt, and would have had their Maſter to have been the Meſſias. What doth John doe to convince them, and to right our Saviour? Doth he cudgell them into the true faith, or ſway their aſſent by his place and authority? No: but he **Joh. 7.19.John 7:19ſends them to Jeſus, to be convinced by his word and workes; and obſervable is our Saviours carriage: When theſe Meſſengers came to him, and p. 51made their errand known, he doth not require (as at other times) their Faith to bear upon his naked teſtimony of himſelfe, but he demonſtrates what he was, both by effectuall words and workes, and ſo is made manifeſt in their conſciences, as the Apoſtle ſayes elſewhere of himſelfe.

Here was toleration, and giving time in Fundamentals, how much more may there, ought there to be the like in more circumſtantiall differences?

And our Saviour foretels that there ſhould ariſe falſe Chriſts, and falſe Prophets, that ſhould worke ſignes, and counterfeit the true Miniſtry, and deceive many. But what word ever dropt from Chriſts mouth, of violence to be uſed againſt them, as to drag them before the Magiſtrate, or the like? No, but he bids us beware of them, and tels us, By their fruits we ſhall know them, Mat. 7.16. And ſo againe, ver. 20. By their fruits yee ſhall know them. It was our Saviours pleaſure, that there ſhould be a Chriſt and a Chriſt, Prophets and falſe Prophets, Apoſtles and falſe Apoſtles in the world; and that the one ſhould be diſtinguiſht from the other, not by any brands or eare-markes, but by their fruits, and that the one ſhould at length be overcome and extinguiſht by the other, not by might, nor by power, but by the Spirit. Even Michael contending with the Devill, brings no railing accuſation, but the Lord rebuke thee.

And ſo what differences were there after our Saviours departure, in the Apoſtles dayes, about obſerving dayes, eating meat ſacrificed to Idols, Circumciſion, covering the head or face in worſhip, and the like; ſome of which were Church-differences; and how doth the Apoſtle endeavour to compoſe them, but by argument and reaſon, by reproving, exhorting, convincing? and where he meets with contentious ſpirits, what ſays he? We have no ſuch cuſtome, nor any of the Churches of God. Others were differences that diffuſed themſelves further, then in one particular Church, taking unſtable minds up and downe (perhaps) every where; as the oppoſition of the Law to the Goſpel and Circumciſion, &c. Now how did the Apoſtles behave themſelves here, who were armed and inſtructed with a greater power and authority for the vindicating of the truth, then ever any ſince, either Civill or Eccleſiaſticall perſons; and when occaſion was, ſhewed it, ſtriking Ananias and Saphira dead in the place, for lying in the face of the Holy Ghoſt, and their own conſciences? p. 52I ſay, Paul in ſundry caſes.how did theſe men behave themſelves? Why, Paul is very hot (as one could wiſh) in his Epiſtle to the Galatians, he workes his head, and writes, and chides, and inſinuates, and exhorts, and denounces; If an Angel from Heaven, &c. He was as warme as the Apoſtles were, when they called for fire from Heaven; as warme as any are now in the caſe of Church-government; but his zeale expreſſes it ſelfe the right way. Indeed, he hath one ſmart paſſage, I would they were even cut off that trouble you, but he cals not upon man to cut them off. Again, Paul knew in what cauſe he ſaid it, not in a doubtfull cauſe, wherein he might have been wrong, and they right, but he ſpeakes this in a full aſſurance and demonſtration of the truth by the Spirit; and 'tis but a committing the judgement to God. In other Epiſtles we finde errours and hereſies lay in Pauls way, and in the way of the truth: and thereupon he cals upon the Miniſters to quit themſelves, and ſhews how they had need to be furniſhed and accompliſht, that they may exhort and convince gain-ſayers; and they muſt doe it with patience and meekneſſe, 2 Tim. 2.25. Some indeed muſt be rebuked ſharply, that they may be ſound in the faith. But here's no calling to, nor authorizing any to exerciſe any forcible coaction.

And (yet not to have done with Paul) who had ſpirit enough for the truth, yet where he might, how did he become all things to all men? to the Jewes he was as a Jew, &c. Not by an unworthy diſſimulation, putting on any forme, to the humours of the preſent company, but by a friendly accord, and walking with them, notwithſtanding thoſe differences; that his preſence was no more dreadfull, nor his company any more unpleaſant to them, then if he were one of their own, a Jew, or of the Circumciſion. And herein the Apoſtle held forth an eminent practiſe of his owne Rule, 1 Cor. 13. who after he had arbitrated in many Controverſies, in the foregoing part of the Epiſtle, and laboured to compound their differences, and to bring them to an uniformity in the right order, (which if it may be had, I grant is not indifferently deſireable) yet (ſays he) ſhew I unto you a more excellent way: and that is the way of charity and love, as it follows: which is better then to have a mans mind poliſhed with the pureſt notions and livelieſt apprehenſions. Its better for Chriſtians to be able to exerciſe abundance of love in differences, then to jump all juſt in a judgement. For Muſick is not p. 53made with one ſtring, nor with many ſtrings ſet to the ſame note, but of various notes and ſtrings, rightly ſet and ſubdued to a harmony, is the ſweeteſt muſick, and of differing Inſtruments. Indeed, if they be not ſo ſet and ſubdued, the variety makes but a moſt unpleaſant craſhing confuſion: ſo it is in this caſe of different judgements, with or without love. As order is ſaid to be the forme of the univerſe, ſo love may be ſaid to be the forme of the Church, which makes us all one, and uſefull to one another in what we have, pitying and pardoning one another in what we have not.

Laſtly, Paul foreſaw that as there were great, ſo there would be greater errors, Acts 20.29. For I know this (ſays he) that after my departure, ſhall grievous wolves enter in, &c. Alſo of your owne ſelves ſhall men ariſe, ſpeaking perverſe things, drawing Diſciples after them. But what courſe doth Paul adviſe them to? but bids them therefore watch, and remember how by the ſpace of three yeares, he had warned everyone of them night and day with teares, ver. 31. Yet are wee to have (after Pauls example) a ſerious zeale againſt pernicious doctrines, and the obſtinate diſſeminators of them.

CHAP. IX. Of Examples and Teſtimonies recorded and commended to us by humane Writings.

SHall we fall downe from theſe times (the ſacred Stories going no further) to the ſucceeding times continued by other Hiſtories, Euſebius, Theodoret, and others, out of whom (and eſpecially out of an unparalleld golden Manuſcript I have ſeene, which I wholly leave to tell his owne Tale) many Inſtances, very pregnant and commendable, might be produced, principally in the times of Conſtantine, and his ſonnes, and both the Theodoſius…es, and ſome other Emperours, who tolerated divers wayes, and preſerved the peace between the ſeverall profeſſors of them; but that it would increaſe the bulke of this Argument, far beyond what was intended, therefore I ſhall content my ſelfe with one onelyonly, that indeed an eminent one.

And before I bring forth that, I muſt vindicate the truth from p. 54needing that one, or any humane teſtimonies; and though it be lawfull to bring them, yet I would not be brought under the power of ſuch an obligation. But they may ſtand us in good ſtead, thus far, to induce an eare that is inclined to Antiquity and Authority. And what wee ſee of this kinde in darke times, in men voyd of Religion, and ſufficiently zealous of their own ſuperſtition, is like to be conſonant to reaſon, and the principles of naturall light; and ſo this Inſtance or Inſtances will have much authority with them, and a vertue not onelyonly illuſtrative, but argumentative. The Inſtance is this;

Many complaints were brought by them of Aſia, Marcus Aurelius Antonius. Euſeb. Eccl. Hiſt.the Elders and Judges thereof, to the Emperour Marcus Aurelius Antonius, (as to his Father before him) upon occaſion of an Earth-quake which did them great damage,) againſt the Chriſtians, who by reaſon of their different Religion were their envy, & a great eye-ſore to them, charging theſe Chriſtians to be the cauſe of that Earth-quake, (as was their manner upon every miſ-fortune that befell them, and to cry out againſt them, Ad Leones) even as now all the faction and tumult is laid upon tender Conſciences; to whom the Emperour anſwers thus, — De motibus autem terrae, &c. Comperi quod in hujuſcemodi rebus, ad illorum invidiam, communes caſus transfertis, &c. — Super quibus plurimis ex Provinciis Judices etiam venerabili Patri noſtro ſcripſerunt. Quibus reſcriptum eſt ab eo, ut nihil omnino moleſtiae, hujuſcemodi hominibus generarent, niſi fortè arguerentur, aliquid adverſum Romani Regni ſtatum moliri. Sed & mihi ipſi, de his quam plurimi retulerunt, quibus ego paternam ſecutus ſententiam, pari moderatione reſcripſi. Quod ſi quis perſiſtit hujuſcemodi hominibus abſ que ullo crimine movere negotia, ille quidem qui delatus pro hoc nomine fuerit, abſolvatur, etiamſi probetur id eſſe quod ei objicitur, Chriſtianus; is autem qui crimen obtendit, reus poenae ipſius quam objecit, exiſtat. The ſumme of it in Engliſh is this; That as for the Earth-quake, he hath found by experience, that they doe put common accidents upon their (i. the Chriſtians) account out of envy, and commands them as his Father had done before, not to worke theſe men any trouble, except they ſhould be found to attempt any thing againſt the Roman Empire. If any did cauſeleſly moleſt them, the Chriſtian ſhould goe free, and his accuſer ſhould ſuffer the puniſhment he would bring upon him. Here's now a Heathen, not onelyonly tolerating a contrary Religion to his own (for he remained a very Heathen p. 55ſtill, as the firſt paſſage of his Epiſtle ſhews; Ego quidem non ambigo Diis ipſis cu…ae eſſe ne quis noxius lateat; Multo enim magis illis convenit punire eos qui ipſis immo…are nolunt, quam vobis) but countenancing and pleading for it, not onelyonly not impeaching it of faction, but implicitly clearing of it, not onelyonly providing for their eſcape of unjuſt puniſhment, but making an Ordinance to doe them juſtice upon their cauſleſſe accuſers. How ſhall this Emperour riſe up in judgement at the laſt day, againſt many in theſe dayes?

How many of the Ancients have father'd this opinion of mine, Auſtin how he came to be againſt us.I take not upon me to tell. But Auſtin once for us, afterwards gotten from us, by what means, I ſhall give you account out of Peter Martyr: At que haec ratio fuit cur Auguſtinus cum anteà judicaſſet, non oportere Magiſtratum anim …dvertere in Haereticos, poſteà mutavit ſententiam: Alii enim Epiſcopi proferebant multas Eccleſias, quae met… Imperatorum & Legum, à Donatiſtarum factione deſciviſſent, & jam aſſuetudine cognoviſſent Catholicam veritatem, ut nullo pacto vellent ab eâ diſcedere; The Biſhops of ſeverall places told him what great ſucceſſe the Emperours force had to reclaime men from Donatiſme. But ſucceſſe alone is not a rule for wiſe men to goe by, in as much as Solomon ſays; That there be juſt men (and ſo juſt wayes) to whom it happeneth according to the worke of the wicked, and there be wicked men, (and ſo wicked wayes) unto whom it happeneth according to the worke of the righteous.

Zanchy puts the Criſis of the utmoſt extent of the Magiſtrates authority, not upon all evill manners, domeſticall or publique, Zanchy.except they diſturbe the publique peace, or hinder the publique good; though yet they may fall under the Churches Cognizance, yea correction. His words are theſe; There are many wickedneſſes, againſt which the Magiſtrate truly Chriſtian, doth not uſe to proceed, neither is bound by his lawes; is alſo many evill manners, both domeſticall and publique, which doe not diſturbe the publique peace, on the publique good: But the Church ought not to beare theſe, but to correct them according to Chriſts inſtitution. Now then if by Zanchies rule, diſturbing the publique peace and good, is that which brings in the Magiſtrate, and gives him Cognizance of miſdemeanours and wickedneſſes, then by his judgement, errours in faith, or practiſe of Religion, are not within the Magiſtrates Cognizance, except they be ſuch in their nature or managing, as diſturb the publique peace. Which is all that wee aske.

p. 56And how far the ſpirits of many now are from the moderation of later Authors and Writers, Alſted.I might ſhew. Alſted delivers his poſition thus upon the Queſtion; De pace Religionis, (ut vocant) ſeu de libertate Religionis, ſive de bono autonomie: An & quatenus concedi poſſit à pi… Magiſtratu? Ʋbi licet nos concedamus unam duntax it Religionem, quam videlicet ipſe Magiſtratus veram agnoſcit ex verbo Dei, ab eodem Magiſtratu, pro virili conſervandam eſſe, neminem tamen ad eandem externâ aliqua vi cogendum eſſe docemus: quin potius ſuam Conſcientiis libertatem relinquendam: Et non nunquam etiam diverſarum Religionum exercitium, ſi non publicum, ſaltem privatum, aut clandeſtinum ex ſingularibus cauſis permittendum eſſe ſtatuimus. At que hoc demum ſenſu pacem & concordiam externam ſeu politiam inter Orthodoxos & non orthodoxos, ſaepe etiam haereticos ſimul colendam, ab ipſo pio Magiſtratu procurari, & p…ſſe & debere exiſtimamus. I could not wiſh my judgement more happily expreſt, nor words more accommodate to my ſenſe, viz. That though the Magiſtrate be with might and maine to defend but one Religion, even that which he judges to be the truth by the Word of God; yet none ought to be compeld to that by outward force, but every mans Conſcience to be left at liberty, &c. (I ſhall not Engliſh it all;) and that a Civill externall peace ſhould be maintain'd by the godly Magiſtrate, even between Orthodox and Heterodox. And he gives three **Prima nititur generalibus illis ſcripturae dictis, quę juſtitiam & charitatem ſtudium que pacis & cōcordiae ſeriò nobis omnibus commendant: & ne quid alitèr adverſus proximum ſtatuamus, quàm qualitèr nobiſcum agi vellemus diſertè praecipiunt. Deni que ut conſcientiis ſuam libertatem concedamus & diſſentientes in negotio Religionis amicè toleremus, omnino mandant, Mat. 5.7. Rom. 12.14. & alibi. Secunda petitur ab exemplis ſapientium & piorum Principū, tum in veteri tum in N. Teſt. &c. Tertia ab ipſa naturali equitate item que adjuncta utilitate, quàm etiam experientia quotidiana fere comprobat. Nam praeterquam quod aequiſſimum eſt, in cauſa Religionis ab omni vi & coactione externa abſtinere, ipſis etiam rebus publicis ut ita fiat, omnino expedit, at que conducit; quippe quae alioqui facillimè turbarentur, & inteſtinis bellis, ac mutuis lanienis tandem conciderent: prout hactenus in multis Europae provinciis, Gallia praeſertim & B…gio, accidiſſe novimus. Cum contrà in Germania, Helvetia, Polonia, & alibi locorum, in quibus Religionum liberta… hactenus indulta fuit, iſtis diſcordiis & lanienis, non fuerit locus. Ergo res ipſa perſe licita, & bona eſt, etiamſi per accidens abuſus aliquis accedere poſſit. Alſt. de Eccl. lib. 4. c. 14.Matt 5:7Rom 12:14Reaſons for his judgement, which I ſhall transject into the Margent.

And what Reformation this Kingdome had in the late dayes, it did conſiſt in the incoaction or ſpontaneouſneſs of it in the Parliament, Humſred. de verâ Relig. &c.whatſoever it did in the people; as one reports of it; Nam in p. 57ſenatu, ut fertur, patuit omnibus ad dicendum locus, nec ulli hominum generi poteſtas contradicendi, ſuam que fidem profitendi intercluſa eſt; imò integrum fuit cui que liberis velitari ac pugnare ſententiis, in quo ſumma elucet aequitas & moderatio Principum, qui allicere, ducere, perſuadere; non cogere, trahere, jubere voluerunt; ut impudens mendacium ſit, ſi quis jam dixerit, authoritatem viciſſe, non vecitatem. Illud etiam conſtat, liberum fuiſſe adverſariae parti in publica diſputatione ſuas partes tueri, arbitris adhibitis incorruptioribus, ſive voce ſive calamo certare, ſive opponere, ſive reſpondere maluiſſent. Humfr. de vera Relig. conſerv. p. 31, 32.

I quote the words, becauſe if they had never been realized, yet the Idea of ſuch a carriage when men are ſeeking out the truth is lovely, as being very equall and rationall.

And if I were in Davids caſe, 1 Sam. 21. without my ſword and weapons, I might tranſlate two or three pages out of M^r Edwards Antapology. I ſhall produce but a paſſage or two, p. 168. he hath theſe words; Now the remedies appointed for theſe (viz. Church-matters, & matters of Conſcience, and the inward man) are ſpirituall and Eccleſiaſticall, namely, ſpirituall puniſhments. Chriſt ſaith, My kingdome is not of this world: and the Apoſtle, 2 Cor. 10.3, 4, 5. The weapons of our warfare are not carnall, but mighty through God, to the pulling downe of ſtrong holds, by which the ſpirit, and the inward man, even every thought is ſubjected to the obedience of Chriſt. Spirituall remedies and meanes muſt be uſed in the kingdome of Chriſt, and by them Chriſt doth his worke; and hence in Eccleſiaſticall Diſcipline, and thoſe ſcandals in the Church, all the puniſhments in the body, and in the purſe, which can be by the Magiſtrate, have no place, neither can ſuch means which are of a different kinde from the ſpirituall kingdome of Chriſt, produce thoſe effects which belong to that heavenly kingdome. 'Tis out of the ſpheare of the activity of the Politicall Magiſtrate to ſubdue the inward man, or to inflict ſpirituall puniſhment upon the Conſcience, &c. Thus M^r Edwards, and far more, which I muſt omit for brevity ſake. Therefore I hope he will not thinke it meet to preſſe the Magiſtrates power in the Presbyteries quarrell, relating to Church-matters, &c. which here he ſo expreſly declines.

To tell what Triglandius, and the Walacbrian and Leyden Profeſſors ſay in this point, were to tranſlate Volumes worthy of a diſtinct labour by it ſelfe. For theſe that are produced, I have not p. 58puld them from the ſhockes of any Diſcourſes of this Argument, already prepared and digeſted, which were a labour thankleſſe and needleſſe, but have gleaned and gathered theſe fragments here and there from places alien enough from this ſubject (at leaſt deſignedly,) that there might be no loſſe.