The Mystery of the Gospel Vindicated and Socinianism Examined, To the reader

The Mystery of the Gospel Vindicated and Socinianism Examined · To the reader

p. 1To those that Labour in the VVord and Doctrine, in these Nations of England, Scotland, and Ireland, with all that call upon the name of Jesus Christ our Lord: JOHN OWEN wisheth Grace and Peace from God our Father, and from the Lord Iesus Christ.

THat so meane a person, as I am, should presume in this publick manner, to make Address to all those comprised in the Title of this Epistle; I desire it may be ascribed to the business I come about, and the message that I bring. It is about your great Interest and Concernment, your whol portion, & inheritance, your all, that I am to deal with you. If he who passes by his neighbour's house, seeing a Thief breaking up it's foundations, or setting fire to it's chief materials, will be farre from being censured as importune and impudent, if he awake and call upon the Inhabitants, though every way his betters (especially if all his own estate lye therin also) although he be not able to carry one vessel of water to the quenching of it; I hope, that finding Persons endeavouring to put fire to the house of God, which house ye are, and labouring to steal away the whole Treasure thereof, wherein also my own portion doth lye, I shall not be condemned of boldness, or presumption, If I at once cry out to all persons however concern'd, to take heed that we be not utterly despoyled of our Treasure; though when I have so done, I be not able to give the least Assistance, to the defence of the house, or p. 2quenching of the fire kindled about it. That of no less importance is this address unto you, a brief discovery of it's occasion will evince.

The Holy Ghost tels us, that we are built upon the foundation of the Apostles and Prophets, Jesus Christ himselfe being the chief corner stone, in whome the whole building fitly framed together groweth unto an holy temple in the Lord, in whom we are built together for an habitation of God through the spirit, Ephes. 2. 20, 21, 22. And thus, doe all they become the house of Christ, who hold fast the confidence, and the hope of rejoycing to the end, Heb. 3. 6. In this House of God there are dayly Builders, according as new living stones are to be fitted to their place therin; and continual Oppositions have there been made thereto; and will be, till we are come, in the unity of the faith, and of the knowledge of the Son of God, unto a perfect man, unto the measure of the stature of the fulness of Christ, Eph. 4. 13. In this work of building are some imployed by Jesus Christ, and will be so to the end of the world (Mat. 28. 20. Ephes. 4. 12.) and some imploy themselves, at least in a pretence thereof, but are indeed to a man every one like the foolish woman, that puls down her house with both her hands. Of the first sort, other foundation can no man lay, nor doth goe about to lay, save that which is laid, which is Jesus Christ, 1 Cor. 3. 11. But some of them build on the foundation Gold, silver, and precious stones, keeping fast in the work to the forme of wholsome words, and contending for the faith that was once delivered to the Saints.

Others againe lay on wood, hay, and stubble, either contending about foolish Questions: or vaine and profitable janglings, or adding to what God hath commanded, or corrupting, and perverting what he hath revealed and instituted, contrary to the proportion of faith, which should be the rule of all their prophesy, where by they discharge their duty of building in this House. Those with whom I am at present to deale, and concerning whom I desire to tender you the ensuing Accounts, are of the latter sort, such, as not content with others to attempt sundry parts of the building, to weaken it's Contexture, or deface it's Comeliness, doe with all their might set themselves against the work it's selfe; the great foundation and corner stone of the Church, the Lord Jesus, who is God blessed for ever. They are those I say whom I would warne you of, p. 3in whom of old, and of late, the spirit of Errour hath set up it's selfe with such an Efficacy of Pride, and delusion, as by all wayes, meanes, devices imaginable, to despoyle our dear and blessed Redeemer, our holy one, of his Eternal power and Godhead; or to reject the Eternal Son of God, and to substitute in his Room, a Christ of their own; one like themselves, and no more; to adulterate the Church and turne aside the Saints to a thing of nought. If I may enjoy your patience, whilest I give a brief account of them, their wayes and indeavours for the compassing of their cursed Ends, of our present concernment in their actings, and seductions, of the fire kindled by them at our doores, of the sad diffusion of their poyson throughout the world, beyond what enters into the hearts of the most of men to imagine, I shall subjoyne thereunto those cautions, and directions, which withall humbleness, I have to tender to you, to guide some, and strengthen others, and stirre up all, to be watchful against this great, and I hope the last considerable Attempt of Sathan (by way of Seduction and Temptation) against the foundation of the Gospel.

Those then who of old opposed the doctrine of the Trinity, especially of the Deity of Christ, his Person and Natures, may be referred to three heads, and of them, and their wayes this is the summe.

The first sort of them may be reckoned to be those, who are commonly esteemed to be followers of Simon Magus, known chiefly by the names of Gnosticks and Valentinians: These, with their abominable figments of Aeones, and their Combinations, Conjugations, Genealogies, and unintelligible imaginations, wholy overthrowing the whole Revelation of God concerning himselfe and his Will, the Lord Jesus, and the Gospel, who chiefly with their leaders, Marcus, Basilides, Ptolomaeus, Valentinus secundus, (all following or imitating Simon Magus and Menander) of all others most perplexed and infected the Primitive Church. As Irenaeus, lib. 1. Tertullian, praescrip. ad Haeret. cap. 49. Philastrius in his ca…alogue of Heretickes, Epiphanius in Panario lib. 1. Tom. 2. And Augustin in his book of (aaEpiphan. Haeres. 47.) Heresies, ad Quod vult Deus manifeste. To these may be added Tatianus, Cerdon, Marcion, and their companions (of whom see Tertullian at large, p. 4and Eusebius in their respective places.) I shall not separate from them Montanus, with his Enthusiastical, formal Associates; in whose Abominations it was hoped that these latter dayes might have been inconcerned, until the present madnes of some, commonly called Quakers, renewed their follies: but these may pass (with the Manichees) and those of the like fond imaginations, that ever and anon troubled the Church with their madness and folly.

Of the second Ranke, Cerinthus is the head, with (bbforeign Epiph.) judaizing Ebion; both denying expresly the Diety of Christ, and asserting him to be but a meere man, even in the entrance of the Gospel; being confounded by John, as is affirmed by Ephiphanius, Haeres. 51. Hieronymus de Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis de Johanne. The same Abomination was againe revived by Theodotus called Coriarius (who having once denyed Christ, was resolved to doe so alwaies) excommunicated on that account by Victor, as Eusebius relates. Hist. Eccles. l. 5. c. ult. Where he gives also an account of his Associates in judgment; Artemon, Asclepiodotus, Natalius &c. and the books written against him are there also mentioned. But the most notorious Head and Patron of this madnes was Paulus Samosatenus, Bishop of Antioch, An. 272: of whose pride and passion, folly, followers, Assistants, Opposition, & excommunication, the history is extant at large in Eusebius. This man's pomp, and folly, his compliance with the Jewes and Zenobia the Queen of the Palmyrians, who then invaded the Easterne parts of the Roman Empire, made him so infamous to all Christians, that the Socinians do scarce plead for him, or own him as the Authour of their opinion. Of him who succeeded him in his Opposition to Jesus Christ, some 50 or 60 yeares after, namely Photinus Bishop of Sirmium, they constantly boast: of Samosatenus and his heresy, see Euseb. Hist. Eccl. lib. 7. cap 29. 30. and Hilary de Synodis: of Photinus, Socrat: Eccles. Hist. l. 2. cap. 24. 25. and with these doe our present Socinians (ccInjuriâ afficit Franken complures, qut hac de re idom aut senserunt aut sentiunt quod Socinus; & ne de iis qui hodiè vivunt, quid quam dicamus, duos tantum nominabimus, quorum alter ante aanos mille ducentos, alter vero nostra aetate vixit. Ille Photinus fuit quondam Sir mii Episcopus, ipsorum etiam adversariorum testimonio divinarum literarum doctissimus &c: Faust. Socin: disputat. de Adorat. Christi. cum Christian. Franken. pag. 29.) expresly agree in the matter of the person of Christ.

p. 5To the third head I referre that deluge of Arianisme, whose Rise, Conception, Author, and Promoters, Advantages, success, and propagation, the Persecutions, Cruelty, and tyranny of the Rulers, Emperours, Kings, and Governours infected with it, it's Extent and Continuance, are known to all, who have taken care in the least, to inquire what was the state of the Church of God in former dayes: that heresy being as it were the floud of waters, that pursued the Church for some Ages. Of Macedonius, Nestorius, and Eutyches; the first denying the Deity of the Holy, Ghost, the second the hypostatical Union of the two natures of Christ, and the last confounding them in his person, I shall not need to speak. These by the Socinians of our dayes are disclaimed. (ddSocin. ad Weick cap. 9. p. 152. Smalc. Respon. ad lib. Smiglec. lib. 1. cap. 1. p. 1.)

In the second sort chiefly we are at present concerned. Now to give an Account, from what is come down unto us, by Testimonies of good report and esteem, concerning those named, Theodotus, Paulus, Photinus, and the rest of men, who were the Predecessours of them, with whom we have to doe, and undertook the same Work in the infancy of the Church, which these are now ingaged in, when it is drawing with the world to it's period, with what were their wayes, lives, Temptations, Ends, Agreements, differences among them, and in reference to the Persons of our present contests, (of whom a full account shall be given) is not my ayme nor business. It hath been done by others: and to doe it with any Exactnesse, beyond what is commonly known, would take up more Roome then to this Preface is allotted. Some things peculiarly seem of concernment for our Observation, from the time wherin some of them acted their parts, in the service of their Master. What could possibly be more desired for the safeguarding of any Truth, from the Attempts of succeeding Generations, and for giving it a security above all controul, then that upon publick and owned Opposition, it should receive a Confirmation, by men acted by the Holy Ghost, and giving out their sentence by inspiration from God. That among other important Heads of the Gospel (as that of justification by faith, and not by works, of Christian Liberty, of the Resurrection of the dead,) this most Glorious Truth of the Eternal Deity of the Son of God, underwent an open Opposition from some of them above written, during the life of some of the Apostles, before the writing of the Gospel by John, p. 6and was expresly vindicated by him in the beginning thereof, is acknowledged by all, who have in any measure inquired into, and impartially weighed the Reports of those dayes. What could the heart of the most resolved Ʋnbeliever desire more for his satisfaction, Then that God should speak from heaven. For the Conviction of his folly and ignorance? or what can our Adversaries expect more from us, when we tell them, that God himselfe, immediately determined in the Controversy wherin they are engaged. Perhaps they think, that if he should now speak from heaven, they would believe him. So said the Jewes to Christ, if he would come down from the Cross when they had nayled him to it: In the sight, & under the contempt of many miracles greater then the delivery of himselfe could any way appear to be. The rich man in torments thought his brethren would repent if one came from the dead, and preached to them. Abraham tels him, if they will not believe Moses nor the Prophets, they would not believe though one should come from they dead. Doubtless if what is already written, be not sufficient to convince our Adversaries, though God should speak from heaven, they would not believe, nor indeed can, if they will abide by the fundamental Principles of their Religion. Under this great disadvantage, did the perswasion of the Socinians, that Christ is only foreign, by nature no more but a man, set out in the world; so that Persons not deeply acquainted with the methods of Sathan, and the darknes of the minds of men, could not but be ready to conclude it certainly bound up in silence for ever. But how speedily it revived, with what pride and passion it was once and againe endeavoured to be propagated in the world, those who have read the stories of Paulus Samosatenus, are fully acquainted, who foreign blasphemed the Son of God, as one no more then a man. In some space of time these men being decryed by the general Consent of the residue of man-kind professing the name of Jesus Christ, and their Abomination destroyed by the sword of faith managed in the hands of the Saints of those days, Satan perceiving himselfe at a loss, and under an impossibility of prevalency, whilst the grosnesse of the errour he strove to diffuse, terrified all sorts from having any thing to doe therewith; He puts on it by the help of Arius and his followers another gloss and appearance, with a pretence of allowing Christ a Deity, though a p. 7subordinate, Created, made divine nature, which in the fulnesse of time assured flesh of the Virgin. This opinion being indeed no less really destructive to the true and eternal Deity of the Son of God, then that of theirs before mentioned, who expresly affirmed him to be a mere man, and to have had no existence before his nativity at Bethlehem, yet having got a new pretence and colour of ascribing something more excellent and sublime unto him, then that whereof we are all in common partakers, it is incredible with what speedy progress, like the breaking out of a mighty flood, it overspread the face of the earth. It is true, it had in it's very entrance, all the Advantages of Craft, Fraud, and Subtilty; and in it's carrying on, of violence, force and cruelty; and from the beginning to it's end, of ignorance, blindnesse, superstition, and profanenesse, among the generality of them, with whom it had to deale, that ever any corrupt folly of the mind of man met withal: The Rise, Progresse, Cruelty, and Continuance of this Sect, with the times and seasons that passed with it over the nations, it's entertainment by the many barbarous nations, which wasted, spoyled, and divided among themselves the Roman Empire, with their parting with it upon almost as evill an Account as at first they embraced it, is not (as I said) my business now to discover. God purposing to revenge the Pride, Ingratitude, Ignorance, profanenesse, and Idolatry of the World, which was then in a great measure got in amongst the Professours of Christianity, by another, more spiritual, cruel, subtile, and lasting mystery of iniquity, caused this Abomination of Arianisme to give place to the power of the then growing Roman Antichristian state; which about the sixt, or seaventh Century of yeares, since the Incarnation of the Son of God, having lost all Church Order and Communion of the institution of Jesus Christ, fell into an earthly, political, carnal Combination, authorised, and animated by the spirit of Sathan for the Ends of superstition, Idolatry, persecution, pride, Atheisme, which thereby ever since vigorously pursued.

With these ccAriani Christo divinum cultum non tribuerunt. Atqui longe praestat Trinitarium esse quam Christo divinum cultum non tribuere. Imo Trinitarius (m…o quidem judicio) modo alioqui Christi praecepta conserve…, nec ulla ratione eos persequatur, qui trinitarii non sunised potius cum ipsis fraternè conferre, ac veritatem inquir ere non recuset, merito Christianus dici debet. Qui vero Christum divina ratione non colit, is nullo molo Christianus dici potest: Quecirca non est dubitandum, quin Deo minus displicuerurt Homousiani Trinitarii, quam vulgus Arianorum. Quid igitur mirum, si cum to us foreorbis Christianus in has duas (ut ita dicam) factiones divisus esset, Deus visionibus & miraculis testari vo…uisset utram ipsarum viam salutis vel adhuc retineret, vel jam abj…cisset. Adde Arianos acerrimè tunc persecutos fuisse mise: os Homousiaros, id{que} diu & variis in lecis: Quare meritò se Dous Arianis iratum ostendit. Socin. ad Weick pag. 452.Arians (as was said) doe our Socinians refuse p. 8Communion, and will not be called after their name; not that their profession is better then theirs, or that they have much to blame, in what they divulge, though they agree not with them in allowing a preexisting nature to Christ before his Incarnation, but that, that Generation of men, having made themselves infamous to posterity, by their wickednesse, perjuries, crafts, and bloody cruelties, & having been pursued by eminent and extraordinary judgments from God, they are not willing to partake of the Prejudices which they justly lye under.

From the year 600 for divers Ages, we have little noyse of these mens Abominations, as to the person of Christ, in the world. Sathan had something else to busy himselfe about.

A designe he had in hand, that was like to doe him more service then any of his former attempts. Having therefore tryed his utmost in open opposition to the person of Christ, (The dreggs of the poyson thus shed abroad infecting in some measure a great part of the East to this day) by a way never before heard of, and which Christians were not exercised with, nor in any measure aware of, he subtilly ruines and overthrowes all his Offices, and the whole benefit of his mediation, and introduceth secretly a new Worship, from that which he appointed, by the Meanes and endeavours of men, pretending to Act, and doe all that they did, for the Advancement of his Kingdome and Glory. And therefore, whilest the fatal Apostacy of the westerne World, under the Roman Antichrist, was contriving, carrying on, and heightning, till it came to it's discovery and ruine, he stirs not at all with his old Engines, which had brought in a revenue of obedience to his kingdome, in no measure proportionable to this, which by this new device he found accrewing to him. But when the appointed Time of mercy was come, that God would visit his people with light from above, and begin to unravel the mystery of Iniquity, whose Abominations had destroyed the Soules of them that embraced it, and whose cruelty had cut off the lives of thousands who had opposed it, by the reformation eminently and successively begun and carryed on, p. 9from the year 1517; Sathan perceiving that even this his great master-piece of deceit and subtilty was like to faile him, and not to doe him that service, which formerly it had done, he againe sets on foot his first designe of oppugning the Eternal Deity of the Son of God; still remembring that the Ruine of his Kingdome arose from the God-head of his person, and the Efficacy of his Meditation. So that as for the first 300 yeares of the profession of the name of Christ in the world, he had variously opposed the God-head of our blessed Saviour, by Simon Magus, Ebion, Cerinthus, Paulus Samosatenus, Marcus, Basilides, Valentinus, Colobarsus, Marcion, Photinus, Theodorus, and others, and from their dissipation and scattering, having gathered them all to an head in Arius and his Abomination; which sometimes with a mighty prevalency of force and violence, sometimes more subtilly (putting out by the way the several branches of Macedonianisme, Nestorianisme, Eutichianisme, all looking the same way in their tendency therewith) he managed almost for the space of the next 300 years ensuing, and loosing at length that hold, he had spent more then double that space of time, in carrying on his designe of the great Antichristian Papal Apostacy, being about the times before mentioned most cleerly and eminently discovered in his wicked designe, and being in danger to loose his kingdome, which he had been so long in possession of; intending if it were possible to retrive his Advantage againe; He sets on those men, who had been instrumental to reduce the Christian Religion into it's primitive state and Condition, with those very Errours and Abominations, wherewith he opposed and assailed the Primitive Professours thereof. If they will have the Apostles doctrine, they shall have the opposition that was made unto it in the Apostles times: His hopes being possibly the same, that formerly they were; but assuredly Christ will prevent him. For as whilest the Professors of the Religion of Jesus Christ were spiritual & full of the power of that Religion they did profess, they defended the Truth thereof, either by suffering, as under Constantius, Valens, and the Gothes & Vandals; or by spiritual meanes and weapons; so when they were carnal, and lost the life of the Gospel, yet endeavouring to retaine the truth of the letter thereof, falling on carnal politick wayes for the supportment of it, and the suppressing of what opposed it, Satan p. 10quickly closed in with them, and accomplished all his ends by them, causing them to walk in all those wayes of law, policy, blood, cruelty and violence, for the Destruction of the Truth, which they first ingaged in, for the rooting out of Errours and Heresies; haud ignota loquor. Those who have considered the Occasions and Advantages of the Bishop of Romes rise and progress, know these things to be so. Perhaps (I say) he might have thoughts to manage the same or the like designe, at the beginning of the Reformation, when with great craft and subtilty, he set on foot againe his opposition to the person of Christ; which being the businesse cheifely under Consideration, I shall give some brief account thereof.

Those who have formerly communicated their thoughts and Observations to us, on this subject, have commonly given rise to their discourses from Servetus, with the transactions about him in Helvetia, and the ending of his Tragedy at Geneva. The things of him being commonly known, & my designe being to deale with them, in their chief seat and residence, where, after they had a while hovered about most nations of Europe, they setled themselves, I shall forbear to pursue them up and downe in their flight, and meet with them only at their nest in Poland, and the Regions adjoyning. The Leaders of them had most of them separated themselves from the Papacy, on pretence of embracing the reformed Religion; and under that Covert were a long time sheltred from violence, and got many Advantages of insinuating the Abominations (which they were throughly drenched withall, before they left the Papacy) into the minds of many who professed the Gospel.

The first open breach they made in Poland, was in the year, 1562, (something having been attempted before) being most of the Leaders, (ffDe tribus in unâ divinâ essentiâ personis Anno 1562, controversiam movôrunt, in min. Pol. Itali quidam advenae; praecipui autem assertores contra S. S. Trinitatem fuêre, Georgius Blandrata Theologus ac Medicus, Petrus Statorius, Tonvillanus, Franciscus Lismaninus Theologiae Doctor, quorum tamèn ab initio opera reformationis valdè fuit Ecclesiae Dei procfiua: Histor. Eccles. Slavon. lib. 1. pag. 84.) Italians, men of subtile and serpentine wits. The chief Leaders of them were Georgius Blandrata, Petrus Statorius, p. 11Franciscus Lismaninus, all which had been eminent in promoting the Reformation.

Upon their first Tumultuating, Statorius, to whom afterwards Socinus wrote sundry Epistles, and lived with him in great intimacy, was summoned to a meeting of ministers, upon an Accusation, that he denyed that the Holy spirit was to be invocated. Things being not yet ripe, the man knowing, that if he were cast out by them, he should not know where to obtaine shelter, he secured himselfe by dissimulation, and subcribed this Confession: (ggPropheticam & Apostolicam doctrinam quae veram Dei patris, filii, & spiritus sancti cognitionem continet, amplector ac vencror. parique Religione Dcum patrem silium & spiritum sanctum distinct… secundum sacra… rum literarum veritatem colendum, implorandúmque precibus, liberè profitoors Deni{que} omnem haereticam de Deo patre fili… & spiritu sancto blasphemiam, planè detestor, sive Ariana illa, sive Serventiana, sive Eunomiana, sive Staucorian…. Act Eccles. mino. Pol. synod. Pinczovian. Au. 1559.) I receive and reverence the Prophetical, and Apostolical doctrine, containing the true knowledge of God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, and freely professe, that God the Father Son and Holy Ghost ought to be worshiped with the same religion or worship, distinctly, or respectively, and to be invocated according to the truth of the Holy Scripture And lastly I doe plainely Detest every Heretical blasphemy, concerning God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, whether it be Arian, Servetian, Eunomian, or Starcarian. And this Confession is to be seen in the Acts of that Convention, under his own hand to this day; which notwithstanding, he was a fierce Opposer of the doctrine here professed all his dayes afterward.

And I the rather mention this, because I am not without too much ground of perswasion, that thousands of the same judgment with this man, doe at this day, by the like dissimulation, live and enjoy many Advantages both in the Papacy, and among the reformed Churches, spreading the poyson of their Abominations as they can. This Statorius I find by the frequent mention made of him by Socinus, to have lived many yeares in Poland, with what End and issue of his life I know not; nor more of him, but what is contained in Beza's two Epistles to him, whose Scholar he had been, when he seemed to have had other opinions about the Essence of God, then those he afterwards setled in, by the instruction of Socinus.

And this man was one of the first heads of that multitude of of men, commonly known by the name of Anabaptists, among the Papists (who took notice of little but their outward worship) who having entertained strange, wild, and blasphemous thoughts concerning the Essence of God, were afterwards brought to a kind of setlement by Socinus, in that Religion he had prepared to p. 12serve them all, and into his word at last consented the whole droves of Essentiators, Trithetis, Arians, and Sibellians that swarmed in those dayes, in Silesia, Moravia, and some other parts of Germany.

For Blandrata, his story is so well known, from the Epistles of Calvin and Beza, and others, that I shall not insist much upon it. The summe of what is commonly known of him is Collected by Hornbecke.

The Records of the Synods in Poland of the Reformed Churches, give us somewhat farther of him, as doth Socinus also against Wiek. Being an excellent Physitian, he was entertained at his first coming into Poland, by Prince Radzivil, the then great Patron of the reformed Religion in those parts of the world: one of the same family with this, Captaine general of the Polonian forces, for the great Dukedome of Lithuania, a man of great successe in many fights and battels against the Muscovites, continuing the same Office to this day. To him (hhDe Georgio Blandrata, pro singulari suo in Ecclesiam Dei amore praemonuit Polonos Cl. Vir Johan. Cal quin …tiam Illustrissimum Principe Palatinum, Vito censem, Nicolaum Radzivilium, cujus Patrocinio Blandrata tum utebatur. Subolfererat enim vir doctus Blandratae ingenium ad Serveti sententiam esse compositū: itaque ferius principi fuasor fuit, ut fibi ab eo caveret: sed homo ille facile, technis suis fallacibus, optimo Principi fucum fecit, adeò ut ille iratus Johanni Calvino, Blandratam nomine suo ad Synodum Piuckzoviensem Anno 1561. 25. Jun. habitam, delegaret cum literis, quibus serio postulabat in causa Blandratae, cum Ecclesiâ, dicebatque male & praecipitanter egisse Calvinum, quod Blandratam tra luceret, & Servetismi notaret. Regen. Hist. l. 1. p. 85.) Calvin instantly wrote, that he should take care of Blandrata, as a man not only inclinable to, but wholy infected with Servetianisme: In that, as in many other things, he admonished men of by his Epistles, that wise and diligent person had the fate to tell the Truth, and not be believed. See Calvins Epistles about the year 1561: but the man on this occasion, being sent to the meeting at Pinkzove, (as Statorius,) he subscribes this Confession.

(iiFateor me credere in unum Deum patrem & in unum dominum Jes. Christum filium ejus, & in unum Spiritum …anctum, quorum quilibet est essentialiter Deus; Deorum pluralitatem detestor: cum unus tantum sit nobis Deus, essentia indivisibilis: fateor tres esse distinctas hypostases & aeternam Christi Divinitatem & generationem; & Spiritum Sanctum unum & aeternum Deum ab utroque procedentem: Act: Synod. Pinczov: Anno 1561.) I professe my selfe to believe in one God the Father, and in one Lord Jesus Christ his Son, and in one Holy Ghost, whereof each is essentially God. I detest the plurality of Gods, seeing to us there is one onelyonly God, indivisible in essence; I confesse three distinct persons, the eternal Deity and generation of Jesus Christ, and the Holy Ghost true and eternal God proceeding from them both.

p. 13This did the wretched man think meet to doe, that he might preserve the good esteem of his Patron, and reserve himselfe for a fitter opportunity of doing mischief: which also he did, obtaining a Testimonial from the whole meeting of his soundnesse in the faith, with letters to Prince Radzivil, and to Calvin signifying the same.

Not long after this by the great repute of his skill in Physick he became known, and Physitian to Stephen King of Poland; by whose favour having no small Liberty indulged him, he became the Patron of all the Antitrinitarians of all sorts throughout Poland and Transilvania: What Books he wrote, and what paines he took in propagating their cause, hath been declared by others. The last Epistle of Socinus in order as they are printed, (it being without date; yet evidently written many yeares before most of them that went before it) is to this Blandrata; whose inscription is, Amplissimo Clarissimoq Viro Georgio Blandratae Stephani invictissimi Regis Poloniae, &c. Archiatro & conciliario intimo, Domino, ac patrono suo perpetuâ observantiâ colendo: & subscribitur, Tibi in Domino Jesu deditissimus Cliens Tuus F. S. To that esteem was he grown amongst them, because of his Advantages to insinuate them into the knowledge of great men, which they mostly aymed at. So that afterwards, when Socinus wrote his Answer about Magistrates, to Palaeologus in defence of the Racovians, (kkDixit heri vir amplissimus Blandrata, librum se tuum contra Polaeologum accepisse: Habes tu unum sal…cm cui sis charissimus, cui omnia debes, qui judicio maxime polleat, cur tantum studium, consili…que pondus neglexisti? poteras non tantum e…us censuram, absoluti jam libri petere, sed consilium postulare de subeundo non levi labore. Et possum affirmare senis consilium tibi sine dubio si petivisti, prosuturum fuisse. Ep. Marcel. Square: ad Faust. Socin.) Marcellus Squaricalupus his countrey-man a man, of the same perswasion with him, fals fouly on him, that he would venture to doe it, without the knowledge and consent of this great Patron of theirs.

But though this man by his dissimulation and falsehood, thus escaped Censure, and by his Art and cunning insinuation, obtained high promotions, and heaped up great riches in the world, yet even in this life he escaped not the revenging hand of God. He was found at length with his Neck broke in his bed, by what hand none knoweth. Wherefore (llMonendum Lectorem harum rerum ignarum censui, Blandratam haud paulum ante mortem suam vivente adhuc Stephano Rege Poloniae, in illius gratiam, & quo illum …rga se liberaliorem (ut fecit) redderet, plurimum remisisse de studio suo in Ecclesiis nostris Transilvani…is nostrisque hominibus juvandis: imo eo tandem devenisse ut vix existimaretur priorem quam tartopere foverat de Deo & Christo sententiam retinere, sed potius Josuitis qui in cā provinciā tunc temporis Stephani Regis & ejus fratris Christopheri haud multo anie vitam functi ope ac liberalitate non mediocriter florebant, jam adhaerere aut certe cum eis quodammodo colludre. Illud certissimum est cum ab eo tempore quo liberalitatem quam ambiebat Regis Stephani orga se est expertus, caepisse quosdam ex nostris hominibus quos charissimos prius habebat, & suis opibus juvabat spernere, ac descrere, etiam contra promissa & obligationem suam, & tandem illos penitus deseruisse, atque omni verae & sinccrae pietatis studio valedixisse, & solis pecuniis congerendis intentum fuisse, quae fortasse justissimo Dci judici…, quod gravissimum exercere solet contra tales descrtores, ei necem ab eo quem suum heredem fecerat conciliarunt Socinus ad Weik. cap. 2 pag. 43. 44.) Socinus observing that this Judgment of p. 14God upon him, as that of Francisous David, (of which mention shall be made afterwards) would be fixed on, in the thoughts of men, to the prejudice of the Cause which he favoured, considering more what was for his interest, then what was decent, or convenient; decryes him for an Apostate to the Jesuites, before he was so destroyed; and intimates that he was strangled in his bed, by a kinsman whom he had made his heire, for hast to take possession of his great wealth.

The story I have adjoyned at large, that the man's ingenuity and thankfulness to his friend and Patron may be seen. He tels us that before the death of Stephen King of Poland he was turned from their profession by the Jesuites. Stephen King of Poland died in the year 1588. according to Helvicus. That very year did Socinus write his answer to Volanus; the second part whereof he inscribed with all the magnifical Titles before mentioned, to Blandrata; professing himselfe his Devoted Client; and him the great Patron of their Religion: so that though I can easily believe what he reports of his Covetousnes and Treachery, and the manner of his death, yet as to his Apostacy (though possibly he might fall more and more under the power of his Atheisme,) I suppose the great Reason of imputing that to him, was to avoid the scandal of the fearful judgment of God on him in his death.

For Lismaninus the third person mentioned; he was accused of Arianisme at a Convention at (m) Morden: Anno 1553. And Act. Synod. Morden. An. 1553.there acquitted with a Testimonial. But in the year 1561, at another meeting at Whodrislave, he was convicted of double dealing, and after that wholy fell off to the Antitrinitarians, and in the issue, (n) drowned himselfe in a well.Bez. Epist. 81.

And these were the chief setled Troublers at the first, of the Polonian reformed Churches; the stories of Paulus Alciatus, Valentinus Gentilis, Bernardus Ochinus, & some others, are so well known out of the Epistles of Calvin, Beza, Bullinger, Zanchius, with what hath of late from them been collected by Cloppenburgius, Hornbeck, Maresius, Becmanuus, &c. that it cannot but be needlesse labour for me to goe over them againe. That which I aime at is, from their own writings, and what remaines on record p. 15concerning them, to give a brief accompt of the first breaking in of Antitrinitarianisme into the reformed Churches of Poland, and their confused Condition, before headed by Socinus, into whose name they have since been all baptized.

This then was the State of the Churches in those days. The reformed Religion spreading in great abundance, and Churches being multiplied every day in Poland, Lithuania, and the parts adjoyning, some tumults having been raised, and stirs made by Osiander and Stancarus, about the essential Righteousnesse, and mediation of Christ, (concerning which the Reader may consult Calvin at large) Many wild and foolish Opinions being scattered up and down, about the Nature of God the Trinity and Anabaptisme, by many Forreigners, sundry being thereby defiled. The opinions of Servetus having wholy infected sundry Italians. The Persons before spoken of then living at Geneva, and about the townes of the Switzers, that embraced the Gospel, being forced to flee for fear of being dealt withal as Servetus was, (the judgment of most Christian Rulers in whose days leading them to such a proceedure, how rightly, I doe not now determine,) scarce any one of escaping without imprisonment and abjuration, (an ill Foundation of their after Profession) They went most of them into Poland, looked on them, as a Place of Liberty, and joyned themselves to the Reformed Churches in those places: And continuing many years in their Communion, took the opportnnity to enti…e and seduce many Ministers with others, and to strengthen them who were fallen into the (Abominations mentioned, before their coming to them.

After many Tergiversations, many examinations of them, many false subscriptions, in the year (o) 1562 they fell into open division and separation from the Reformed Churches. The Ministers (m) Cum dici jus non possini in Ecclesiâ deli. tescere, manifeto scismate Petriconiae Anno 1562. habito prius celoquio eam scindunt & in sententiam suam pertrahunt plurimostium ex ministris, tum ex Patronis Ministri qui partem corum sequebantur erant in principio Gregorius Pauli: &c. Histor: Ecclesi: Slavon: Regn. lib. 1. pag. 86.that felloff with them besides Lismannus, and his companion (of whom before) were Gregorius Pauli, Stanislaus, Lutonius Martinus Crovicius, Stanislaus Paclesius, Georgius Schomanus and others, Most of whom before had taken good paines in preaching the Gospel: the chief Patrons & Promoters were Johannes Miemoljevius, p. 16Hieronymus Philopouius, Joannes Cazaccovius, the one a Laelius interim praematura morte extinctus est: incidit mors in diem parendinū id: Maii: 1562. aetatis vero ejus scptimi supra trigicssimum. Eques Polon. vita Faus. Socin. Senens.Judge, the other a Captaine, the third a Gentleman, all men of great esteem.

The (n) yeare that this Breach was made Laelius Socinus then of the age of 37 yeares, who layd the foundations that his Nephew after built upon, died in Switzerland; As the Authour of the Life of Faustus Socinus informes us. The man's Life is known: he was full of Servetianisme, and had attempted to draw sundry men of note to his Abominations: A Man of great subtil…y and Cunning, as (ooFuit etiam Lael us Socinus Senensis incredibiliter ad contradicendum & varios nectendos no los comparatus; nec nisi post mortem cognitus, hujusmodi pernitiosissimis haeresibus laborare. Epist. ad Eccle. Orthodox. Epist. 8. 1.) Beza says of him, incredibly furnished for contradiction and Sophismes: Which the Authour of the Life of Socinus phrases, He was suggerendae veritatis mirus artifex. He made (as I said) many private attempts on sundry Persons to entice them to Photinianisme; on some with successe, on others without. Of his dealing with him, and the Advantage he had so to doe, (ppFuit is Laelius nobili honesta{que} familia natus, bene graece & Hebraice doctus, vitaeque …tiam extcrnae inculpatae quarum nerum causa mihi quo …e intceresserat cum illo non vulgaris amicitia, sed homo fuit plenus diversarum haeresium, quas tamen mihi nunquam proponebat nisi dispatandi Causa, & semper interrogans, quasi cuperet doceri: hanc vero Samosatanianam imprimis a…os multos fovit, & quoscúnque potuit pertraxit in eundem errorem: pertraxit autem non paucos: me quoque ut dixi diversis tentabat rationibus, si eodem possit errore simul, & aeterno exitio secum involvere Zanch Prefa… ad lib. de tribus.) Zanchius gives an account in his preface to his book de tribus Elohim.

He was, as the Authour of the Life of Faustus Socinus relates in a readinesse to have published his Notions and Conceptions, when God by his merciful providence, to prevent a little the pouring out of the poyson, by so skilful an hand, took him off by sudden Death; and Faustus himselfe gives the same account of the season of his death in an Epistle to (qqCum amicorum precibus permotus tandem constituisset, at que et…am caepisset, saltem inter ipsos, nonnulla in apertum proferre. Socin. ad Andraeum Dudithium.) Dudithius.

At this death, Faustus Socinus being then about the age of 23 yeares, seizing upon all his Ʋncles books, after a while returned into Italy; and there spent in Courtship and Idlenesse in Florence 12 yeares, which he afterwards greivously lamented, as shall be declared: Leaving him a while to his pleasure in the Court of the great Duke, we may make back againe into Poland, and consider the progres of the persons, who made way for his coming amongst them. Having made their separation, and drawn many after them, they at length brought their businesse to that height, that they came p. 17to a disputation (rrCum his Antitrinitariis publicam habuerunt Evangelici disputationem Betricoviae in comitiis Regni Sigism. 11. Aug. Rege permitt…nte Anno. 1565. Disputatores fuerunt, &c. Regenvoiscius. Vbi supra.) with the reformed Ministers at Petricove, (where the Parliament of the Kingdome the… was,) by the permission of Sigismund the King, in the year 1565 whereof the ensuing account is given by Antonius Passevine the Jesuite, in Atheis: sui saeculi cap. 13. fol. 15.

The Assembly of States, was called against the Muscovians; the Nobility desiring a Conference between the Ministers of the Reformed Churches and the Antitrinitarians, it was allowed by Sigismund then King. On the part of the Reformed Churches there were four Ministers: as many of the other side came also prepared for the Encounter: Being met, after some discourse, the chief Martial of the Kingdome then a Protestant, used these words. (ssJant igitur constituta propositione qua de agendum est, in nomine Dei unius & Trinitatis exordimini.) Seeing the Proposition to be debated is agreed on, begin in the Name of the one God, and the Trinity.

Whereupon one of the opposite party instantly cryed out;

(ttNos vero hic non dicimus Amen, neque evim nos novimus Deum istum Trinitatem.) We cannot here say Amen: nor doe we know that God, the Trinity.

Whereunto the Ministers (uuNulla jam alia propositione nobis epus est, cum haec se obtulerit, nos autem Deo volente, & volumus, & parati sumus demonstrare, quod Spiritus Sanctus non alium nos Deum in Scriptura doccat, nisi solum Patrem, Filium, & Spiritum Sanctum, id est, Deum unum in Trinit…te.) subjoyned, we have no need of any other proposition, seeing this hath offer'd it selfe; for God assisting we will, and are ready to demonstrate that the Holy Ghost doth not teach us any Other God in the Scripture, but him only, who is Father, Sonne, and Holy Ghost; that is, one God in Trinity.

This colloquy continued three dayes: in the first the Ministers who were the Opponents (the other alwaies choosing to answer) by expresse Texts of Scripture in abundance, confirmed the truth. In the beginning of their Testimonies, they appealed to the (wwNos quidem ô amici haud difficulter poterimus vobiscum eam rem transigere, nam ubi primum biblia aperueritis, & initium veteris & novae legis confideraveritis, statim offendetis, id ibi asseri quod vos pernegatis, sic enim Geneseos primo Scriptura loquitur. Faciamus hominem ad imaginem nostram. Nostram inquit, non meam: postea vero addit, Fecit Deus. Navae autem Legis initium hoc est: Verbum erat apud Deum, & Verbum erat Deus. Videtis ut in veteri lege loquatur unus Dcus tanquam de tribus: hic vero quod Filius, Verbum aeternum (nam quod ab initio erat, aeternum est) erat apud Deum, & erat idem, non alius, uti vos perperam intrepretamini, Deus.) beginning of the old, and new Testament, and upon both places confounded their Adversaries.

The Second Day the Testimonies of the Ancient Writers of the Church were produced, with no less success.

p. 18And on the Third; The Stories of Arius, and some other Hereticks of old. The Issue of the disputation was to the great Advantage of the Truth, which Possevine himselfe cannot deny: though he affirme a little after, that the Calvinists could not confure the Trinitarians (as he cals them) though they used the same Arguments that the Catholicks did, cap. 14. pag. 366.

(xxMox agunt de imaginibus sanctissimae Trinitatis, non contenti simpliciorum quorundam picturas convellere, eas item quae ab Ecclesia Catholica rite usurpatae sunt, scommatibus & Blasphemis carminibus proscindunt. Anton. Posse v. Lib. 8. cap. 15. 16.) Possevine confesses, that the Ministers (as they called themselves of Salmatia and Transylvania) in their book of the true and false knowledge of God, took advantage at the Images of the Catholicks; for whose satisfaction (it seemes) he subjoynes the Theses of Thyreus, whrein he labours to prove the use of those abominable Idols to be Lawful, of which in the close of this address.

And this was the first great obstacle, that was layed in the way of the progresse of the reformed Religion in Poland: which by Satan's taking the Advantage of this horrible scandal, is at this day in those parts of the world, weak and oppressed. With what power the Gospel did come upon the Inhabitants of those Nations at the first, and what number of Persons it prevailed upon to forsake their dumb Idols; which in Aegyptian darkness they had long worshipped; is evident from the Complaint of (yyProfecto illis temporibus res catholicorum fere deplorata erat: cum in amplissimo Senatu vix unus aut alter praeter Episcopos reperieba tur. Casper Cicovius Canon. & Parock Sardom. Alloquia.) Cichovius the Priest, who tels us, that about those times in the whole Parliament of the Dukedome of Lithuania, there were not above one or two Catholicks (as he cals them) besides the Bishops.

Yea among the Bishops themselves, some were come off to the reformed Churches: amongst whom Georgius Petrovicius, Bishop of Sarmogitia is reckoned by Diatericus Chron. pag. 49.

Yea and so far had the Gospel influenced those Nations, that in the year 1542, upon the death of King Sigismund the second, during the Interregnum, a decree was made in Parliament with general Consent, that no prejudice should arise to any for the Protestant Religion; but that a firme Ʋnion should be between the Persons of both Religions, Popish and Protestant. And that whosoever was chosen King, should takean oath to preserve this Union, and the Liberty of the Protestant Religion. (Sarricius. Annal. Pol. lib. 8. pag. 403.)

p. 19And when (aaNeque vero hoc juramentum pro tuenda pace Evangelica praestitisset, ni si cum Johannes Shirle Palatinus Cracovienfis, Vir plenus Zeli & magna cum potentia authoritatis, ade gisset; Ferturenim cum Rex Henricus jane coronandus esset, nec pacem inter dissidentes se conservaturum iurassec, sed silentio illudere vellet, acceptá quae Regi tum praeferebatur corona, exitum ex templo parasse, & in haec prorupisse verba, si non jurabis non regnabis. Hist. Eccles. Slavon. Regenvol. lib 1. pag. 92.) Henry Duke of Anjow, Brother to Charles the ninth, King of France, was elected King of Poland, (being then a man of great esteem in the world, for the Wars which in France he had managed for the Papists against the Prince of Conde, and the never enough magnified **Condaeo succedit Colignius, vir natalibus & militia clarus, qui nisi Regi suo moveret bellum, dissidii fomes & caput, virtutis heroicae exemplar era, supra antiquos ducea, quos mirata est Graecia, quos Roma extulit. Gramond. Histor Gal. lib. 6.Gasper Coligni, being also consenting at least, to the barbarous massacre of the Protestants in that Nation,) and coming to the Church where he was to be crowned, by the advice of the Clergy, would have avoided the Oath of Preserving the Protestants, and keeping peace between the dissentours in Religion, John Shirli, Palatine of Cracovia, took up the Crowne, and making ready to goe away with it out of the Convention, cryed out, si non jurabis non Regnabis. If you will not sweare you shall not reigne, and thereby compelled him to take the Oath agreed upon.

This Progresse (I say) had the Doctrine of the Gospel made in those Nations, so considerable a portion of the body of the people were wonne over to the belief of it, when through the Craft and Subtilty of the old enemy of the propagation thereof, this Apostacy of some to Treithisme, as Georgius Pauli, of some to Arianisme, as Erasmus Johannes, of some to Photinianisme, as Statorius, Blandrata, some to Judaisme, as Sidelius (of whom afterwards) the foundation of the whole building was loosned, and instead of a Progesse, the Religion has gone backwards almost constantly to this Day. When this difference first fell out, the (bbQuid interea bonus ille Hosus Cardinalis cum suis Cath olicis? Nempe ridere suavitèr, & quasi ista vihil ad ipsos pertinerent, oliud quidvis agere, imo etiam nostros undi{que} ad extinguendum hoc incendium accurrentes, probrosis libellis arcessere. Bez. Ep. 81.) Papists not once moved a mouth, or pen for a long time, against the Broachers of all the Blasphemies mentioned, hoping that by the breaches made by them on the reformed Churches, they should at length be able to triumph over both. For which End in their disputes since with Protestants, they have striven to make Advantage of the Apostacy of many of those who had pretended to plead against the Papacy, in behalfe of the reformed Churches, and afterwards turned Antitrinitarians: as I remember it is particularly insisted on in an English Treatise, which I saw many yeares agoe, called p. 20Micheas the Converted Jew: and indeed it is supposed, that both Paulus (ccCum Gentilis de Paulo Alciato sodali suo rogaretur, factus est inquit Mahmumetanus. Beza. Epist. ubi supra.) Alciatus, and Ochinus turned Mahumetans.

Having thus then disturbed the Carrying on of the Reformation, many Ministers and Churches falling off to Treithisme and Samosatenianisme, they layd the Foundation of their meeting at Racovia, from which place they have been most known since, & taken notice of in the world. The first foundation of what they call the Church in that place, was made by a confluence of Strangers out of (ddErant alii quoque Antitrinitarii sectae Anabaptitsicae per Bohaemiam & Moraviam longe latéque serpentis Sectatores, qui absurdam illam bonorum communionem observaturi ultro abjcctis suis conditio nibus Racoviam se contulerunt. Novam Hierusalem ibi loci extructuri, (ut aiebant) adhanc ineptam so cictatem plurimos invitabant nobiles; &c. Regen. lib. 1. pag. 90.) Bohemia and Moravia, with some Polonians, known only by the name of Anabaptists, but professing a Community of goods, and a setting up of the Kingdome of Christ: calling Racovia, where they met, the new Jerusalem, or at least professing, that there they intended to build and establish the new Jerusalem, with other Phanatical Follies, which Satan hath revived in persons not unlike them, and caused to be acted over againe in the Dayes wherein we live: though for the most part with lesse appearanoe of holinesse and integrity of Conversation, then in them, who went before.

The Leaders of these men who called themselves their Ministers, were gregorius Pauli, and Daniel Bielenscius, of whom Bielonscius afterwards recanted, and (eeQuid commemorem animosi illius Gregorii Pauli insalutato suo grege fugam, Bez.) Gregorius Pauli being utterly wearied, ran away from them, as from a hard service.

And as Faustus Socinus tels us in his Preface to his answer to Palaeologus, in his old age left off all study, and betook himselfe to other imployments: such were the Persons by whom this stir began.

This Gregorius Pauli, (ffNovi isti Ariani exorti sunt in Polonia, Lithuania, et ipsa nimirum Transilvania, aceorum caput & ducem se profitetur Gregorius Pauli minister Ecclesiae Racoviensis, Home impius, ambitiosus, & in blasphemiis effutiendis plane effraenis: & ita quidem jactabundus, ut adscribere sibi, cum aliis Arianis, non vereatur excisionem Antichristi; & ejusdem extirpationem ab imis fundamentis: Lutherum enim vix minmā partem revelationis Antichristi reliquisse: Schluffelburg: de Anticri: p. 3.) Schlusselburgius very ignorantly affirmes to have been the head of the Antitrinitarians, and their Captaine, when he was a mere Common Trooper amongst them, and followed after others, running away betimes: an enthusiastical, Antimagistratical heretick, pleading for community of goods. But this Gregory had said, that Luther did but the least part of the work, for the destruction of Antichrist: & thence is the Anger of Doctour Cunradus, who every where shews himselfe as Zealous of the honour of Luther, as of Jesus Christ. So was the man, who had some divinity, but scarce any latine at all.

p. 21Be pleased now to take a briefe view of the State of these men, before the coming of Faustus Socinus into Poland and Transilvanica: Both those Nations after the death of Sigismund the second, being in the Power of the same family of the Bathori. Of those who professed the reformed Religion, and were falne from the Papacy, there were three sorts; Lutherans, and Calvinists, and the Ʋnited Brethren; which last were originally Bohemian exiles, but professing and practising a more strict way of Church order and fellowship then the other, had very many of the nobility of Poland, and the people joyned to their communion. The two latter agreed in all points of Doctrine, and at length came in sundry meetings and Synods to a faire Agreement and correspondency, forbearing one another, wherein they could not concurre in Judgment: Now as these grew up to Ʋnion amongst themselves, the mixed multitude of several Nations that had joyned themselves with them in their departure out of Aegypt, fell a lusting after the Abominations mentioned: and either withdrew themselves, or were thrown out from their Communion.

At first there were almost as many minds as men amongst them: the tessera of their Agreement among themselves, being purely Opposition to the Trinity, upon what principles soever; Had a man learned to Blaspheme the Holy Trinity, were it on Photinian, Arian, Sabellian, yea Mahumetan, or Judaical principles, he was a companion and brother amongst them. To this, the most of them added Anabaptisme, with the necessity of it, and among the Papists were known by no other name. That they opposed the Trinity, that they Consented not to the Reformed Churches, was their Religion: For Pelagianisme, afterwards introduced by Socinus, there was little or no mention among them. In this Estate divided amongst themselves, notwithstanding some attempts in their Synods (For Synods they had) to keep a kind of Peace in all their diversities of opinions, spending their time in disputes and Quarrellings, were they, when Faustus Socinus came into Poland, who at length brought them into the Condition wherein they are, by the meanes, and wayes that shall be farther insisted on.

And this State of things, considering how not unlike the condition of multitudes of men is thereunto in these Nations wherein we live, hath often times made me fear, that if Satan should put it into the heart of any Person of learning and ability, to serve his p. 22lust and Ambition with craft, wisdome, and diligence, it were not impossible for him to gather the dispersed, and divided opinionatists of our dayes to a Consent in some such body of Religion, as that which Socinus framed for the Polonians: But of him, his Person, and abours, by what ways and meanes he attained his End, it may not be unacceptable from his own, and friends writings to give some farther account.

That Faustius Socinus of Sene, was borne of a good and ancient family, famous for their skill in the Law, in the monethmonth of December, in the year 1539, that he lived in his own country, until he was about the age of 20 yeares; That then leaving his Country after his Ʋncle Laelius, he went to Leyden and lived there three yeares, That then leaving his Country after his Ʋncle Laelius, he went to Leyden and lived there three yeares, That then upon the death of his Ʋncle having got his books, he returned into Italy, and lived in the Court of the great Duke of Tuscany 12 yeares, about the close of which time he wrote his book in Italian de Authoritate Sacrae Scripturae; That leaving his Country he came to Basil in Switzerland, and abode there three yeares, and somewhat more, are things commonly known, and so little to our purpose, that I shall not insist upon them.

All the while he was at Basil, and about Germany, he kept his opinions much to himselfe, being (ggIllic solli. dum triennium quod excurrit Theologiae studio incubuit, paucissimis Laelii Patrui scriptis & pluribus abiis relictis notis multum adjutus est. Vita Fausti Socini.) intent upon the Study of his Ʋncle Laelius his notes, as the Polonian Gentleman who wrote his life confesseth: whereunto he added the Dialogues of Bernardus Ochinus, as himselfe acknowledgeth, which about that time were turned into Latine by (hhBeruardini Ochini Dialogos transtuli, non ut judex, sed ut translator; & ex ejusmodi opera ad alendam familiam quaestum facere solitus. Castel. Apol.) Castellio, as he professed, to get money by his labour to live upon: (though (iiIllud certissimum est, Gregorium Zarnovecium ministrum ut vocant Evangelicum qui nominatim adversus disputationem meam de Jesu Christo Salvatore libellum Polonicè edid …, in ejus praefatione asserit, me ex Ochini dialogis annis ab hinc circiter trigiota 6 editis Sententiam illius meae disputationis accepisse, nam certe in Dialogis illis, quoraim non pauca exempla jamdiu in ipsa Polontâ mihi viderecontigit &c. Faust. Socin. Epist ad Martinum Vadovitum Acad. Craco. Professorem.) he leads that he read Ochinus his Dialogues in Poland, and as it seemes not before) and from thence he was esteemed to have taken his Doctrine of the mediation of Christ.

The Papers of his Ʋncle Laelius, of which himselfe often makes mention, were principally his Comment upon the first chapter of Saint John: and some notes upon sundry Texts of Scripture, giving p. 23Testimony to the Deity of Christ; among which Faustus extol's that abominable corruption of John the 8 and the 58. Of which afterwards I shall speake at large. (Socin. Respons. ad Eras. Johan.) His Comment on the first of John (kkLaelius in Samosateni partes clam transiitverbo Dei ut ex quodam ejus scripto nunc liquet adeo veteratoriè & plane versute deprava to, ac praesertim primo Evangelii Johavn. capite, ut mihi quidem videatur omnes cejus corruptores superasse, Beza Epist. 81.) Beza tels us, is the most depraved and corrupt that ever was put forth; it's Authour having out gone all that went before him in depraving that portion of Scripture.

The Comment it's selfe is published by Junius (in defexsione sanctae Trinitatis) and confuted by him, and Zanchius, at large (de tribus Elohim. lib. 6. cap. 2. & deinceps) Faustus varying something from his Ʋncle in the carrying on of the same designe.

His book de Jesus Christo Servatore, he wrote as the Authour of his Life assures us, whilest he was in, and about Basil, as also many passages in his Epistles and other writings manifest.

(llCum Basiliae degeret ad annū us{que} 1575 dum lumen sibi exortum, ad alios propogare studet, ab amicis ad alieuos sensim dilapso dissereudi Argumento, disputationem de Jesu Christo Servatore ore primum inchoatam, postea scripto complex us est: cui Anno 1578. summam manum imposuit: Eques Polon. Vita Socin.) About the year 1575, he began it, which he finished about the yeare 1578, although the book was not printed till the year 1594. For upon the divulging of it, (he then living at Cracovia) a tumult was raised gainst him by the unruly and disorderly Students, wherein he was dragged up and down, and beaten, and hardly escaped with his Life; which inhumane procedence he expostulates at large in an Epistle to Martin Vaidovita a Professour of the Ʋniversity, by whose meanes he was delivered from being murder'd: but this fel out in the year 1598 as is evident from the date of that Epistle, 4 yeares after the book was printed.

The Book is written against one Covet, whom I know by nothing else, but what of his disputes with Socinus is by him published; Socinus confesseth that he was (mmEt sane mirum est cum bonis literis ut audio, & ex sermone quem simul habuimus conjicere, atque ex tuis scriptis potui sis admodum ex cultus te id non vidisse Socin. de Servatore, l. 1. part. 1. c. 10.) a learned man, and in reupte for Learning, And indeed if we may take an estimate of the man, from the little that is there delivered of him, he was a godly, honest, and very learned man, and spake as much in the Cause as might be expected, or was needful before farther opposition was made to the truth he did defend. Of all books of him concerning whom we speak, this his disputation de Jesu Christo Servatore is written with the greatest strength, Subtiltye, and Plausibility; neither is any p. 24thing sayd afterwards by himselfe, or the rest of his followers, that is not comprized in it: of this book he was wont afterwards to (nnAudivimus ex iis qui familiaritèr ipso sunt usi, cum significasse, sicut tum …actabatur, excellens sibi si contingeret adversarius, qui librum de Jesu Christo servatore adoriretur, tum demum se totum hoc Argumentum ab origi ne explicaturum; Crclli: Praesat Respon. ad Grot. pag. 12.) boast, as Crellius informes us, and to say, that if he might have some excellent Adversary to deale withall upon the point, he then would shew what could farther be spoken of the subject.

This book at it's first comming out, was confuted by Gregorius Zarnovecius, (as Socinus testifies in his Epistle to Vajodita) in the Polonian language, which was afterwards translated into latine by Conradus Huberus, and printed at Franeker, An. 1618. Also by one Otho Casmannus: and thirdly at large by Sibrandus Lubbertus Anno 1611: who together with his refutation, printed the whole book it's selfe: I hope to no disadvantage of the truth, though a late Apostate to Rome, whom we called here Hugh Cressey; but is lately commenced B. Serenus Cressey, a Priest of the order of Benedict, and who would have been even a Carthusian, such high honour did the man aime at) tels us, that some of his Schollars procured him to doe it, that so they might get the book it's selfe in their hands: But the book will speak for it's selfe with (o) Exomologesis of Hugh Paulin de Cressey, &c.indifferent Readers, & for it's clearness it is extolled by (ppPost luculentas Sibrandi Luberti commentationes adversū Socinum editas Vos. resp. ad judicium Ravensp.) Vossius: Generally all that have since written of that subject, in Theses, Commonplaces, Lectures, Comments, professed Controversies, have made that book the ground of their procedure.

One is not to be omitted, which is in the hands of all those who enquire into these things, or think that they are concerned in the knowledge of them: this is Grotius, his Defensio fidei catholicae De satisfactione Christi, adversus Faustum Socinum Senensem: Immediatly upon the coming out of that book, Animadversions were put forth against it, by Harmannus Ravenspergerus, approved (as it seemes) by (qqIn cosdem exercuit stylum ut Socinianismi suspicionem amo liretur Hugo Grotius, sed praevaricantem aliquoties vellicat in censura, Ravenspergerus. Pri deaux lecti: de justificatione) our Doctour Prideaux.

The truth is, those Animadversions of Ravenspergerus are many of them slight, and in sundry things he was mistaken, whereby his endeavours were easily eluded by the learned (rrVossii respon. ad judicium Ravensperger.) Vossius, in his Vindication of Grotius against him: not that the dissertation of Grotius is free from being lyable to many, & just exceptions, partly in things wherein he was mistaken, partly wherin he failed in what he undertook; (whereby many young Students are deluded, as ere long may be manifested) but that his Antagonist had not well layed his Action, nor did pursue it with any skill.

However the Interpretations of Scripture, given therein by that p. 25learned man, will rise up in judgment against many of the Annotations, which in his after-comments on the scripture hee hath divulged. His booke was at length answered by Crellius, the successor of Valentinus Smalcius in the schoole and society of Racovia; after which Grotius lived above 20 yeares, and never attempted any reply. Hereupon it has beene generally concluded, that the man was wrought over to drinke in that, which hee had before Praesentissimum ecclesiae venenum.published to be the most destructive poyson of the church; the beliefe whereof was exceedingly encreased and cherished by an Epistle of his to Crellius, who had subtilly managed the man, according to his desire of honour, and regard, and by his Annotations of which wee shall have cause to speake afterwards. That booke of Crellius has since beene at large confuted by (ss)Triumphus Crucis Autore Aud: Essen.) Essenius, and enervated by a learned and ingenuous Author in his specimen refutationis Crellii de… Satisfactione Christi; published about the same time, with the well deserving labour of Essenius, in the yeare 1648.

Most of the Arguments and sophismes of Socinus about this businesse are refuted, and dissolved by David Paraeus, in his comment on the Romans, not mentioning the name of him, whose objections they were.

About the yeare 1608 Michael Gitichius gathered together the summe of what is argumentative in that booke of Socinus, against the satisfaction of Christ, which was answered by (ttde gravissima Quaestione utrum Christus pro peccatis nostris justitiae divinae satisfecerit necne? scholastica disputatio.) Ludovicus Lucius professor then at Amburgh, and the reply of Gitichius confuted, and removed out of the way by the same hand. In that briefe rescript of Lucius, there is a cleare attempt to the enervating of the whole booke of Socinus, and that with good successe by way of a Logicall and Scholasticall procedure. Only I cannot but professe my Sorrow, that having in his first answer laid that solid foundation of the necessity of the satisfaction of Christ from the eternall nature, and justice of God, whereby it is absolutely impossible, that upon the consideration and supposition of sinne committed, it should be pardoned without a due compensation; In his rejoynder to the reply of Gitichius, hee closes with a commonly knowne expression of Augustine. (uuGitichio itaque de absolutâ dei potentiâ seu po…estate (de qua nulia nobis dubitatio) inaniter blateranti, elegantissimis Augustini verhis respondeo, Omnia Deus potuit si voluisset &c. Lucius ad Gitich: p. 110.) That God could, if hee would, have delivered us without satisfaction; but he would not. So casting downe the most stable and unmoveable Pillar of that Doctrine, which hee so dextrously built up, in spight of its Adversaries.

p. 26I dare boldly acquaint the younger students in these weighty points of the Religion of Jesus Christ, that the Truth of this one particular, concerning the eternall Justice of God, indespensably requiring the punishment of sinne, being well established, (For which end they have not only the consent, but the Arguments of almost all who have handled these controversies with skill and successe,) will securely carry them them through all the sophismes of the Adversaries, and cut all the knotts, which with so much subtilty they endeavour to tye, and cast upon the doctrine of the satisfaction of Christ, as I have in part (wwDiatrib: de justit… Divin: Vind.) else where demonstrated; From this booke did also Smalcius take the whole of what hee has delivered about the death of Christ in his Racovian Catechisme, not adding any thing at all of his owne; which Catechisme as it was heretofore confuted by Fredericke Bauldwinus, by order of the Ʋniversity of Wittenburgh, and is by severall parcells by many removed out of the way, especially by Altingius, and Maccovius, so of late it is wholy answered by (xxReligio Sociniana refutata.) Nicholaus Arnoldus, now Professor at Franeker, which comeing lately to my hands prevented me… from proceeding to a just orderly Refutation of the whole, as I was intended to do, Although I hope the reader will not find any thing of importance therein omitted.

To close the story of this booke of Socinus, and the progresse it hath made in the world; This I dare assure them, who are lesse exercised in these studies, that though the whole of the Treatise have at first view a very plausible pretence and appearance, yet there is a line of sophistry running through it, which being once discovered, (as indeed it may be easily felt) with the help of some few principles, the whole fabricke of it will fall to the ground, and appeare as weake and contemptible a peice, as any we have to deale withall in that warfare, which is to be undertaken for the Truths of the Gospell. This also I cannot omit, as to the rise of this Abomination of denying the satisfaction of Christ; that as it seemes to have been first invented by the Pelagians, so in after Ages, it was vented by Petrus Abailardus, professor of Philosophy at Paris; of whom Bernard, who wrote against him, saith; Habemus in Francia novum de vetere magistro Theologum, qui ab ineunte aetate suâ in arte lusit dialecticâ, & nunc in scripturis sanctis insanit. And in his (yyBernard: Epist: 190.) Epistle (which is to Pope Innocent,) about him, he strongly confutes his imaginations about this very businesse, p. 27whereupon he was condemned in a (zzBaron: ad Ann: 1140.) Councell at Rome, held by the same Innocent.

This part of our faith, being of so great weight and importance, the great basis and foundation of the Church, you will find it at large insisted on, and vindicated, in the ensueing Treatise.

The (aaAliam interim cū Francisco Puccio ineunte. an: 1578. Tiguri confecit.) Author of the life of Socinus tels us (as hee himselfe also gives in the information) that whilest he abode about Switzerland, at Basill, and Tiguri, he had a dispute with Puccius, which also is since published; this was before his going into Poland, in the yeare. 1578.

The story of this Puccius, because it may be of some use, as Vita Fausti Socin:to the present estate of the minds of many in the things of God, I shall briefly give from Socinus himselfe; (Epist. 3. ad Math: Radec:) and that as a tremendous example of the righteous judgment of God, giving up a person of a light unstable spirit to fearfull delusions, with a desperate issue. Originally he was a (b) ex nobili admodum familiá, quae etiam tres Cardinales habuit, natus. mercaturâ relicta se totum sacrarum literarum studio tradidit.merchant, of a good and noble family: but leaving his profession, he betooke himselfe to study, and for his advantage therein came hither to (ccquod ut cōmodius facere posset in Angliam se contulit, ibique in Oxoniensi Gymnasio aliquandiu se exercuit. &c.) Oxford. After he had stayed here untill he began to vent some paradoxes in Religion, about the yeare. 1565. (being not able here to prevaile with any to close with him) he went to Basill; where there was a dispute betweene him, and Socinus before mentioned; in the issue whereof, they both profesed, that they could agree in nothing in Religion, but, that there was a God that made the world. At Basill he maintained universall Redemption, and a naturall faith, as they then termed it: or an innate power of believing without the efficacy of the grace of God; for which he was compeld thence to depart; which doing he returned againe into England; where, upon the same account he was cast into prison for a season; thence being released, he went into Holland; from whence by letters he challenged Socinus to dispute, and went 1000 miles (viz: to Cracovia in Poland) afterward, to make it good. After some disputes there, (both parties condescending to them on very ridiculous conditions,) Socinus seeming to prevaile, by having most friends among the judges, as the other professed, he stayed there a while, and wrote a booke, which he stiled the shut bible, and of Elias: wherein he laboured to deny all ordinances, ministry, and preaching, untill Elias should come and restore all things. His reason was taken from the defection p. 28and Apostacy of the church, wherein (said he) all truth and Order was lost, the state of the church being not againe to be recovered, unlesse some with Apostolicall Authority, and power of working miracles were immediatly sent of God for that purpose. How farre this perswasion hath prevailed with some in our daies, wee all know and lament. Puccius at length begins to fancy, that he shall himselfe be imployed in this great Restauration, that is to be made of the church by immediate mission from God. Whilest he was in Expectation of his call hereunto, there comes two English men into Poland: men pretending discourse with Angels and Revelations from God; one of them was the chiefe at Revelations (their names I cannot learne) the other gave out what he received, in his daiely converse with Angels, and words he heard from God about the destruction of all the present frame of the worship of God: To these men Puccius joyned himselfe, and followed them to Prague in Bohemia, though his friends dealt with him to the contrary, assuring him, that one of his companions was a Mountebanke, and the other a Magitian; but being full of his former perswasions, of the ceasing of all Ordinances and institutions, with the necessity of their Restitution by immediate Revelation from God, having got companions fit to harden him in his folly and presumption, he scorned all advise and away he went to Prague: no sooner came he thither, but his Prophet had a Revelation by an Angel, that Puccius must become Papist; his cheating companion having never beene otherwise. Accordingly he turnes Papist, beggs pardon publickly for his deserting the Romane church, is reconciled by a Priest: in whose society after he had a while continued, and laboured to pervert others to the same superstition with himselfe, he dyed a desperate magitian. Have none in our daies beene led in the like maze? hath not Sathan led some in the same circle, setting out from superstition to profanenesse, passing through some zeale and earnestnesse in Religion, rising to a contempt of ministry and ordinances, with an expectation of Revelations, and communion with Angels? And how many have againe sunke downe into Popery, Atheisme, and horrible abominations, is knowne to all in this nation, who thinke it their duty to enquire into the things of God. I have given this instance, only to manifest that the old enemy of our salvation is not playing any new game of deceit and Temptation, but such as he hath succesfully p. 29acted in former generations. Let not us be ignorant of his deceits.

By the way a little further to take in the consideration of men like minded with him, last mention'd. Of those who denyed all Ordinances, and maintained such an utter losse, and defection of all Church State, and Order, that it was impossible it should be restored without new Apostles, evidencing their ministry by miracles, this was commonly the issue; that being pressed with this, that there was nothing needful to constitute a Church of Christ, but that there were a company of men believing in Jesus Christ, receiving the word of God, and taking it for their Rule; They denyed that indeed now there was, or could be any faith in Jesus Christ, the Ministers that should beget it being utterly ceased: and therefore it was advisable for men to serve God, to live justly, and honestly, according to the dicates of the law of nature, and to omit all thoughts of Christ, beyond an expectation of his sending Persons hereafter, to acquaint the World againe with his worship.

That this was the judgment of (ttEpist ad Radec. 3. pag. 87. 119.) Math: Radecius his honoured friend, Socinus informes us: though he mollifies his expression, (pag. 123.) ascribing it to others: Whether many in our daies are not insensibly fallen into the same Abominations a little time will discover. The maine of the plea of the men of this perswasion in those dayes, was taken from the Example of the Israelites under that Idolatrous Apostacy, wherein they were engaged by Jeroboam. In the dayes of Elijah there were (said they) 7000 who joyned not with the residue in their false worship and Idolatry; but yet they never went about to gather, constitute, and set up a new Church, or Churches; but remained in their scattered condition, keeping themselves as they could from the Abominations of their brethren: not considering that there is not the same Reason of the Judaical, and Christian Churches: in that the carrying on of the worship of God among them, was annex'd to one Tribe, yea to one Family in that Tribe chiefly, tyed to one certain place, no publicke instituted worship, such as was to be the bond of communion for the Church, being acceptable, that was not performed by those Persons, in that place. So that it was utterly impossible for the godly in Israel then, or the ten Tribes to set up a new Church state, seeing they neither had the Persons, nor were possessed of the place, without which no such constitution was acceptable to God: as being p. 30not of his appointment. Under the Gospel it is not so; neither as to the one, or other. All places being now alike, and all Persons who are inabled thereunto, having liberty to preach the Word, in the Order by Christ appointed, the erecting of Churches, and the celebration of ordinances, is recoverable according to the mind of God, out of the greatest defection imaginable, whil'st unto any Persons there is a continuance of the Word and Spirit.

But to proceed with Socinus. Blandrata having got a great interest in the King of Poland, and Prince of Transylvania, as hath been declared, and making it his businesse to promote the Antitrinitarians, of what sort soever, being in Transilvania, where the men of his own Abomination were exceedingly divided about the Invocation and Adoration of Jesus Christ, Franciscus David carrying all before him, in an opposition thereunto, (of which whole business I shall give a farther account afterwards) he sends for (ddMultum illa tempestate turbarum dederat Transilvanicis Ecclesiis Francisci Davidis & reliquorum de honore acpotestate Christi opinio; cui malo remedium quaerens Georgius Blandrata Socinū Basiliae evocavit (Anno 1578) Ut praecipuum factionis ducem Franciscum Davidem, à tam turpi & pornicioso errore abstrahe. ret…vita Faust. Socin.) Socinus, who was known to them, and from his dealing with Puccius began to be famed for a Disputant, to come to him into Transilvania, to dispute with, and confute Franciscus David, in the end of the year 1578. where what successe his dispute had, in the imprisonment and death of David, shall be afterwards related.

Being now fallen upon this controversy, which fell out before Faustus his going into Poland, before I proceed to his worke and business there, I shall give a brief account of this businesse which I have now mentioned, and on which occasion he was sent for by Blandrata into Poland: referring the most considerable disputes he had about that difference to that place in the ensuing Treatise, where I shall treat of the Invocation and Worship of Christ.

After way was once made in the minds of men, for the further work of Sathan, by denying the Deity of our blessed Lord Jesus: very many quickly grew to have more contemptible thoughts of him, then those seemed to be willing they should, from whose principles they professed (and indeed righteously) that their meane esteeme of him did arise. Hence Franciscus David, Georgius Enjedinus, Christianus Franken, and sundry others, denyed that Christ was to be Worshipped, with Religious worshipo, or that he might be Invocated, and called upon. Against these Socinus indeed contended with all his might, professing that he would not account such as Christians, who would not allow that Christ p. 31might be Invocated; and was to be worshipped: which that he was to be, he proved by undenyable Testimonies of Scripture. But yet when himselfe came to answer their Arguments, whereby they endeavoured to prove, that a meere man (such as on both sides they acknowledged Christ to be) might not be worshiped with religious worship, or divine Adoration, the man with all his craft, and subtilties was intangled, utterly confounded, silenced, slaine with his owne weapons, and triumphed over, as I shall afterwards manifest, in the account which I shall give of the disputation between him and Christianus Franken about this business. God in his righteous judgment so ordering things, that he who would not imbrace the truth, which he ought to have received, should not be able to maintaine and defend that Truth which he did receive: For having what in him lay'd, digg'd up the only foundation of the Religious worship and Adoration of Christ, he was altogether unable to keep the building upright: Nor did this fall out for want of ability in the man, no man under heaven being able on his false Hypothesis, to maintaine the worship of Christ, but (as was said) meerely by the just hand of God, giving him up to be punished by his own errours and darknesse.

Being hardened in the contempt of Christ by the successe they had against Socinus and his followers, with whom they conversed and disputed, some of the men, before mentioned, stayed not with him at the affirming of him to be a meere man, nor yet where they began, building on that supposition, that he was not to be worshipped, but proceeded yet farther, & affirmed, that he was indeed a good man, and sent of God, but yet he spake not by the spirit of prophesy, but so, as that whatever was spoken by him, and written by his Apostles, was to be examined by Moses and the Prophets, whereto if it did not agree, it was to be rejected: which was the summe of the (eeHomo ille Jes. Nazareus qui Christus appellatur, non per spiritum propheticum, sed per Spiritum Sauctum locutus est; id est, quam vis à Deo legatus fuerit, non tamen quaecun{que} verba ex ipsius Dei ore provenisse censenda sunt: 2 Hinc fit ut illius & Apostolorum ejus verba, ad Mosaicae legis & aliorum propheticorum oraculorum norman expendenda sint, & siquid contrarium vel diver sum ab his in illis, eperitur, aut reperiri videtur, id aut rejiciendum, aut certe ita interpretandum fit, ut cum Mofis & Prophetarum doctrina consentiat quae sola morum & divini cultus regula est.) First and second Theses of Franciscus David, in opposition to which (ffTheses quibus Francisci Davidis sententia de Christi munere explicatur una cum antithelibus Ecclesiae à Socino conscriptis, & illustrissimo Translvaniae Principi Christophero Barthoraeo oblatis.) Socinus gave in his judgment in certaine p. 32Antitheses to Christopher Barthoraeus, Prince of Transylvania; who had then cast David into prison for his blasphemy.

To give a little account by the way, of the end of this man, with his contempt of the Lord Jesus.

In (ggCertum est illum in ipso initio mensis Junii carceri inclusum fuisse, & vixisse us{que} ad mensem Novembris, nisi vchementer fallor, quo ex…inctus, est Socin. ad Wick. cap. 2. pag. 44.) the yeare 1579 in the beginning of the monethmonth of June, he was cast into prison by the Prince of Transylvania, and lived until the end of November: That he was cast into prison by the instigation of Socinus himselfe and Blandrata, the Testimonies are beyond exception; for this is not only recorded by Bellarmine and others of the Papists, to whose Assertions concerning any Adversary with whom they have to doe, I confess much credit is not to be given, but by others also of unquestionable Authority. (hhIllud vero notandum, quod procurantibus Georgio Blandrata & Fausto Socino, in Transylvania exulibus, Franciscus David morti traditus fuit. Adrian. Regen. Histo. Eccles. Slavonica lib. 1. pag. 90.) This indeed (iiQuod si Wickus intelligit damnandi verbo nostros ministros censuisse illum aliquâ paena afficiendum, aut vult fallere, aut egregie fallitur: nam certum est, in judicio illo, cum minister quidam Calvinianus Christophero Principi, qui toti actioni inter fuit, & praefuit, satis longa pratione per suafisset, ui talem hominem è medio tolleret, minitans iram. Dei nisi id fecisset, ministros nostros proprius ad ipsum principem accedentes, reverenter illi supplicasse, ut miseri hominis misereri vellet, & clementem & benignum se erga illum p…aebere. Socin ad Wiekum: cap. 2. pag. 47.) Socinus denies, and would willingly impose the Odium of it upon others: but the truth is, considering the keenesse and wrath of the man's spirit, and the (kkImo plusquam haereticum eum (Ecclesiae nostrae) judicaverunt, nam talem hominem indignum Christiano nomine esse dixerunt; quippe qui Christo invocationis cultum proisus detrabendo, & cum curam Ecclesiae gerere negando, simul reipsâ negaret eum esse Christum, idemudi supra.) thoughts he had of this miserable wretch, it is more then probable, that he was instrumental towards his death. The like Apologie does (llExemplum deni{que} affert nostrorum (Thes. 108.) quomodose gesserint in Transylvania, in negotio Francisci Davidis: quomodo semetipsos in actu illo inter se reos agant vafriciae, crudclitatis sanguinariae, proditionis, &c. Smalcius. Refuta. Thes. de Hypocrit, disput. 9. pag. 298.) Smalcius make in his answer to Franzius about the carriage of the Samosatenians in that business of Franciscus David, where they accused one another of Craft, Treachery, bloody cruelty, treason. Being cast into prison the miserable creature fell into a (mmDe Phrenesi ista in quam incederit, aliquid sane auditum est, non tantum, biduo ante mortem sed pluribus diebus. Socin. ubi supra.) Phrenetical distemper through the revenging hand of God upon him, as Socinus confesseth himselfe. (nnEcce qui me comitem itineris expectam. Flor. Remund lib. 4. cap. 12.) In this miserable condition the Divel (saith the Historian) appeared unto him; whereupon he cryed out, behold who expect me their Companion in my journey: whether really, or in his vexed distempered p. 33imagination, disordered by his despaiting mind, I determine not: but most certaine it is, that in that condition he expired: not (ooManifeste in co sunt decepti, qui hoc An. 1580, accidisse sc…ibunt, cum certissimum sit ea facta fuisse uno anno ante, hoc est, Anno 1579: Socinus: ad Weik. pag. 44.) in the year 1580, as Bellarmine, Weike, Raemundus, and some of ours from them, informe us, but one year sooner, as he assures us who best knew. And the consideration of this man's desperate Apostacy and his Companions, might be one cause that about this time, sundry of the Antitrinitarians were converted; amongst whom was (ppDuces hujus agminis Anabaptistici, & Antitrinitarii erant Gregorius Paulus, Daniel Bielenscius, & alii, quorum tandem aliqui phanatico preposito relicto, ad Ecelesiam Evangelicam redicrunt: ut Daniel Bielenscius, qui Cracoviae omnium suorum erorum publice paenitentiam egit, ibidem{que} Ecclesiae Dei commode praefuit: Adria…. Regenvol. Histor. Eeclesiae Slavonicae. lib. 1. pag. 90.) Daniel Bielenscius a man afterwards of good esteem.

But neither yet did Sathan stoppe here; but improved the Advantage given him by these men, to the utter denying of Jesus Christ: For unto the principle of Christ's being not God, adding another of, the same nature, that the prophesies of the old Testament were all concerning temporal things, some amongst them at length concluded, that there was no promise of any such person as Jesus Christ in the whole Old Testament. That the Messiah or King promised, was only a King promised to the Jewes, that they should have after the captivity, in case they did not offend, but walke with God. (qqIta Argumentor, quoties regnum Davidi usque in seculum promissum est, tale necesse fuit, ut posteri ejus, in quibus haec promissio impleri debebat, haberent: sed regnum mundanum Davidi usque in seculum promissum est, ergo regnum mun lanum posteri Davidis ut haberent necesse est: & per consequens, Rex ille, quem Prophetae ex hac promissione post captivitatem Babylonicam regnaturum promiserunt, perinde ut caeteri posteri Davidis, mundanum regnum debuit habere. Quod quia Jesus ille non habuit, non enim regnavit ut David, & posteri ejus, sed dicitur habere caeleste regnum, quod est diversum à mundano regno, ergo Jesus ille non est Rex, quem Prophetae promiserunt. Mariin. Scidelius Epist. 1. ad Socinum.) The kingdome (say they) promised in the Old Testament, is a Kingdome of this world only: but the Kingdome which you assert to belong to Jesus of Nazereth, was a kingdome not of this world, an heavenly Kingdome, and so consequently not promised of God, nor from God: and therefore with him they would not have ought to doe. This was the Argument of Martin Seidelius, in his Epistle to Socinus and his companions.

What advantage is given to the like blasphemous imaginations with this, by such Judaizing Annotations on the Old Testament as those of Grotius, time will evidence. Now because this man's Creed is such, as is not to be paraleled; perhaps some may be contented to take it in his own words, which are as followeth.

p. 34Caeterum ut scitais cujus sim religionis, quamvis id scripto meo quod habetis, ostenderim, tamen hic breviter repetam. Et primum quidem doctrina de Messia, sou rege illo promisso, ad meam religionem nihil pertinet: nam Rex ille tantum Judaeis promissus erat, sicut & bona illa Canaan. Sic etiam circumcisio sacrificia, & reliquae ceremonia Mosis ad me non pertinent, sed tantum populo Judaico promissa, data, & mandata sunt. Neque ista fuerunt cultus Dei apud Judaeos, sed inserviebant cultui divino, & ad cultum divinum deducebant Judaeos. Verus autem cultus Dei quem meam religionem appello, est Decalogus: qui est aeterna, & immutabilis voluntas Dei; qui Decalogus ideo ad me pertinet, quia etiam mihi à Deo datus est, non quidem per vocem sonantem de coelo, sicut populo Judaico, at per creationem infita est menti meae; quia autem insitus Decalogus, per corruptionem naturae humanae, & pravis consuetudinibus, aliquâ ex parte obscuratus est, ideo ad illustrandum eum, adhibeo vocalem decalogum, qui vocalis decalogus, ideo etiam ad me, & ad omnes popules pertinet, quia cum insito nobis decalogo consentit, imò idem ille decalogus est. Haec est mea sententia de Messia, sen rege illo promisso, & haec est mea religio, quam coram vobis ingenué profiteor: Martin. Serdelius Olaviensis Silesius.

To this issue did Sathan drive the Socinian principles, in this man and sundry others. Even a full and peremptory denyal of the Lord that bought them: In answering this man, it fell out with Socinus much as it did with him in his disputation with Franken, about the adoration, and Invocation of Jesus Christ; for granting Franken that Christ was but a mere man, he could no way evade his inference thence, that he was not to be Invocated: So granting Serdelius, that the promises of the Old Testament were all temporal: He could not maintaine against him, that Jesus Christ whose Kingdome is heavenly, was the King and Messias therein promised: For (rrNam quod dicimus, si Deus mundanum regem mundanum{que} regnum promisit, caelestem autom regem, caeleste regnum reipsa praestitit plus cum praestitisse quam promiserit, rectè omnino dicimus, nam qui plus praestat quam promisit, suis promissis non modo non fle tisse sed ea etiam cumulate praestitisse est agnoscendus. Socin. Epist. ad Serdclium pa. 20.) Faustus hath nothing to reply, but that God gives more then he promised, of which no man ought to complaine; not observing that the Question being not about the faithfulnesse of God in his promises, but about the thing promised, he gave away the whole Cause, and yeelded that Christ was not indeed the King and Messiah promised in the Old Testament.

Of an alike opinion to this of Serdelius, was he of whom we spake before, Franciscus David: who as to the Kingdome of Christ, delivered himselfe to this purpose. That he was appointed p. 35to be a King of the Jewes, and that God sent him into the world to receive his kingdome, which was to be earthly and civil, as the Kingdomes of other Kings: but the Jewes rejected him, and slew him, contrary to the purpose of God, who therefore took him from them, and placed him in a quiet place, where he is not at all concerned in any of the things of the Church, but is there in God's designe a King, and he will one day send him againe to Hierusalem, there to take upon him a Kingdome, and to rule as the Kings of this World doe, or have done (Thes. Francisci David. de adorat. Jes. Christi.)

The reminding of these Abominations, gives occasion by the way to complaine of the carnal Apprehensions of a Kingdome of Christ, which too many amongst our selves have filled their thoughts and Expectations withal. For my part, I am perswaded that before the End of the World, the Lord Jesus by his Word, and Spirit, will multiply the seed of Abraham as the starres of heaven, bringing into one fold the remnant of Israel, and the multitude of the Gentiles, and that his Church shall have peace after he hath judged & broken the stubborne Adversaries thereof, and laid the Kingdomes of the nations in an useful subserviency to his interest in this world: And that himselfe will raigne most gloriously, by a Spirit of Light, Truth, Love, and holinesse in the middest of them. But that he hath a Kingdome of another nature and kind to set up in the World, then that heavenly Kingdome which he hath peculiarly exercised ever since he was exalted, and made a Ruler and a Saviour, that he should set up a dominion over men, as men, and Rule either himselfe present, or by his Substitutes, as in a Kingdome of this World, which is a Kingdome neither of Grace, nor Glory: I know it cannot be asserted, without either the denyal of his Kingdome for the present, or that he is, or hitherto hath been a King, which was the blasphemy of Franciscus David before mentioned; or the affirming that he hath, or is to have upon the promise of God two Kingdomes of several sorts, of which in the whole Word of God there is not the least Tittle.

To returne; about the end of the year 1579. Faustus Socinus left (ssAnno 1515. jam quad…agenarius migravit in Poloniam. vita Faust. Socin.) Transilvania, and went into Poland, which he chose for the stage whereon to act his designe. In what Estate and condition the Persons in Poland, and Lithuania were, who had fallen off from the Faith of the Holy Trinity, was before declared

p. 36True (ttExtat apud me ipsius Blandratae Epistola, non tamen scripta fine Theseo (Statorio) si Blandratam be ne novi, in qua Gregorium Paulum à Tritheismo ad Samosateni dogma revocare nititur. Incidit enim Blandrata in Transylvaniam rediens in quendam Franciscum David, paulo magis, quam superiores illi ut aiunt providum: Beza Epist. 8. 1.) it is, that before the coming of Socinus, Blandrata by the helpe of Franciscus David had brought over many of them from Sabellianisme and Tritheisme, and Arianisme unto Samosatenianisme, and a full plaine denial of the Deity of Christ.

But yet, with that Pelagian Doctrine, that Socinus came furnisht withal unto them, they were utterly unacquainted; and were at no small difference many of them about the Deity. The condition of the first man to be mortal, and obnoxious to death, that there was no original sinne, that Christ was not an High Priest on the earth, that he made no satisfaction for sinne, that we are not justified by his righteousnesse, but our own, that the wicked shall be utterly consumed & annihilated at the last day, with the rest of his opinions, which afterwards he divulged, they were utterly Strangers unto: as is evident from the contests he had about these things with some of them in their Synods, and by writing, especially with Niemojevius one of the cheif Patrons of their Sect.

1. He joyned himselfe to none of their Societies, because being devided amongst themselves, he knew that by adhering to any one professedly, he should engage all the rest against him. That which he pretended most to favour, and for whose sake he underwent some contests, was the assembly at Racovia, which at first was collected by Gregorius Paulus, as hath been declared.

From these his pretence of abstaining, was, their rigid injunction of all to be rebaptized, that entered into their fellowship, and communion. But he who made it his designe to gather the scattered Antitrinitarians into a body, and a consistency in a Religion among themselves, saw plainly, that the rigid insisting upon Anabaptisme, which was the first principle of some of them, would certainly keep them at an unreconcileable distance. Wherefore he fals upon an opinion much better suited to his designe, and maintained, that baptisme was only instituted for the initiation of them, who from any other false Religion were turned to the Religion of Christ; but that it belonged not to Christian Societies, or to them that were borne of Christian parents, and had never been of any other profession or Religion, though they might use it, if they pleased, as an indifferent thing. And therefore he refused to joyne himselfe with the Racovians, unless upon this Principle, that they p. 37would desist for the reme to come, from requiring any to be baptized that should joyne with them; In a short time he devided that meeting by this opinion, and at length utterly dissolved them, as to their old principles they first consented into; and built the remainder of them by the hand of Valentinus Smalcius into his owne mould and frame.

The Author (uuEcclesiis Polonicis, quae solum patrem domini Jesu summum Deum agnoscunt, publicè adjungi ambivit, sed satis acerbe at{que} diu repulsam passus est, quâ tamen ignominiâ minime accensus, vir, non tam indole quam a…imi instituto, ad patientiam composirus, nulla unquam alienati animi vestigia dedit: vita Faust: Socin:) of his life, sets it forth, as a great tryall of his prudence, prety, and patience that he was repulsed from the society at Racovia, and that with ignominy: when the truth is, he absolutely refused to joyne with them, unlesse they would at once renounce their owne principles, and subscribe to his, which is as hard a condition as can be put upon any perfectly conquered enemy. This himselfe delivers at large on sundry occasions, especially insisting on and debating that businesse in his Epistles to Simon Ronembergius, and to Sophia Siemichovia. On this score did he write his disputation de baptismo aquae, with the vindication of it from the animadversions of A: D. whom I suppose to be Andreus Dudithius, and of M: C. endevouring with all his strength to prove that baptisme is not an ordinance appointed for the use of Christians, or their Children, but only such as were converted from Paganisme, or Mahumedisme: and this he did in the yeare 1580, two yeares after his coming into Poland, as he declares by the date of the disputation from Cracovia at the close thereof And in this perswasion he was so fixed, and laid such weight upon it, that after he had once before broken the assembly at Racovia, in his old daies he encourages (wwNam quod niihi objicis me communionem cum fratribus, & Christi fidelibus spernore, nec curare ut cum ipsis caenam dominiceleb…em, respondce, me postquam in Polniam veni, nihil antiquius habuisse, quam ut me quam maxime fratribus conjungerem, licet invenissem illos in non parvis religionis nostrae capitibus, à me diversum se…tire; quemadmodum mul…i bodie que sentiunt: quod si nihilominus aquae baptismum un à cum illis non accipio hoc prae…crea sit, quia id bonâ conscientià facere nequeo, nisi publicè ante proiesso me non quod censeam baptismum aquae mihi meique similibus, ullo modo necessarium esse, &c. Epist: ad Sophiam Sicmichoviam, faeminam nobilem. Epistol: 11. ad Valentinum Smalcium Ann: 1604.) Valentinus Smalcius, then their teacher, to breake them againe, because some of them tenaciously held their opinon; and for those, who as Smalcius inform'd him would thereupon fall off to the Reformed Churches, he bids them go, and a good riddance of them. By this meanes (I say) he utterly broke up; and devided, and dissolved the meeting at Racovia, which was collected upon the principles before mentioned, that p. 38there remained none abiding to their first engagement, but a few old women, as (xxDico secessionem Racoviensium ac delirium, esse ab ecclesia ratione sejungendum, nisi velis, conciliabulaquae{que} amentium anicularū partes ecclesiae Christianae aut ecclesoam appell are: Men: squarcialup. Epist. ad. Faustum Socinunt. pag. 8. Squarcialupia …, and as himselfe confesses in his answer for them to (yyHuc accedit, quod Racovieuses isti sive caetus Racovensis, quem tu petis at{que} eppugnas, vel non amplius extat, vel ita hodie mutatus est, & in atiam quodammodo formam versus, ut aguosci non queat: Socin: praefat: ad Palaeolog.) Palaeologus. By this course of behaviour, the man had these two Advantages: 1. he kept faire with all parties amongst them, and provoked not any by joyning with them, with whom they could not agree; so that all parties looked on him as their owne, and were ready to make him the umpire of all their differences, by which he had no small advantage of working them all to his owne principles.

Secondly, he was lesse exposed to the fary of the Papists, which he greatly feared, (loving well the things of this world) then he would have been; had he joyned himselfe to any visible church profession. And indeed his privacy of living, was a great means of his security.

Secondly, His second great Advantage was, that he was a schollar, and was able to defend and countenance them, against their opposers; the most of them being miserably weake and unlearned; One of their best defensatives, before his joyning with thē, was a clamor against Logicke and learning, as himselfe confesseth, in some of his Epistles; now this is not only evident by experience, but the nature of the thing it selfe makes it manifest, that so it will be; whereas men of low and weake Abilityes, fall by persuasions into Religion, as they generally at first prevaile by clamours, and all sorts of reproaches cast on learning, and learned men, yet if God in his providence at any time, to heighten the temptation, suffer any person of Learning and Ability to fall in amongst, and with them, he is presently their Head and Ruler without controule; some Testimony hereof our owne daies have afforded: and I wish we may not have more Examples given us. Now how farre he prevailed himselfe of this Advantage, the Consideration of them, with whom he had to do, of the esteeme they had of his Abilityes, and the serivce he did them thereby, will acquaints us.

For the leaders of them, they were for the most part unlearned; and so unable to defend their opinions in any measure against a skilfull adversary. (zzPetro Stoto io operam omnem suan fucandis barbarissimi scriptosis Blan dratae commentis novante. Beza.) Blandrata their great patron was not able to expresse himselfe in latine, but by the helpe of Stationius, who had some learning, but no judgment, and therefore upon his difference with Franciscus David in Transylvania, he was forced to send for Socinus out of Helvetia, to manage the disputation with p. 39him. And what kind of Cattle those were, with whom he had to do at Cracovia, as well as Racovia, is manifest from the Epistle of Simon Ronembergius, one of the leaders, and Elders of that which they called their church, which is printed with Socinus his answer unto it. I do not know that ever in my life I saw, for matter & forme, sense and language, any thing so simple. and foolish, so ridiculously senslesse, and incoherent, unless it were one or two in our owne daies: which, with this, deserve an eminent place inter epistolas obscuronum virorum; And therefore Socinus justly feared, that his party would have the worst in disputes, as he acknowledges it befell (aaDolerem equidem mirum in modum fi disputatio ista sio habita fuisset, ut adversarii affirmant: suspicor tamen nihilomanus, quatenus disputationem ab ipsis editam percurrendo, animad vertere acconsequi conjectura potui, Licinii antagonistam arte disputandi & ipso superiorem esse, & id in istâ ipsâ disputatione facilè plerisque constitisse. nam etsi (ni fallor) Licinius noster neutiquam in ea Haerest est, in quâ non pauci ex nostris sunt, non esse christiano homini dandam operam dialecticaes Epist: Balverovecium pag. 358.) Licinius in his Conference with Smiglecius at Novograde and could not believe (bbVoidovius Ostorodi comes ea ad me scribit, quae vix mihi permittunt ut exitum disputationis illius eum faisse credam, quem ipse Ostorodus ad me, scripsit: Epist. ad Valent. Smalcium quarta p. 522.) Ostrodus that he had such successe as he boasted in Germany with Fabritius; and tels us himselfe a story of (ccQuod totum fere pondus illius disputationis, adversus cos qui Christum adhuc ignorare dici possunt, sustinueris vohementer, tibi gratulor, nihi mihi novum fait, ex narratione ista â percipere, pastores i…los Lithuanicos de ejusmodi ignoratione minime liberos deprehesos suisse Epist. 6. ad Smalcium) some Pastors of their churches in Lithuania, who were so ignorant and simple; that they knew not that Christ was to be worshipped: What a facile thing it was, for a man of his parts, abilities, and learning, to obtaine a kingdome amongst such as these, is easily guessed. (ddMe imitari noli, qui nescio quo malo genio ductore, cum jam divinae veritatis fontes degustassem, ita sum abreptus, ut majorem & potiorem juventutis mea pa tem, inanibus quibusdam aliis studiis, imo inertiae atque otio dederim, quod cum mecum ipse reputo, reputo autem saepissime, tanto dolore afficior, ut me vivere quodam modo pigeat: Epist: ad Smal: pag. 513.)He complaines indeed of his owne lost time, in his young daies, by the instigation of the Divell, and sayes that it made him weary of his life to thinke of it, when he had once set up his thoughts in seeking honour and glory, by being the head and master of a sect, as Ignatius the father of the Jefuits did, (with whom as to this purpose he is compared all along by the Gentleman that wrote his life,) yet it is evident, that his Learning and Abilities were such, as easily promoted him to the dictatorship among them with whom he had to do.

It may then be easily imagined what kind of esteeme such men as those would have of so great an ornament and glory of their Religion, who at least was with them in that, wherein they dissented from the rest of Christians.

p. 40Not only after his death, when they set him forth as the most incomparable man of his time, but in his owne life, and to himselfe, as I know not what excellent person: (eeAd te quod attinet, animo es tu quidem ad omnem doctrinae rationem, ac veritatis investigationem nato, magna rerum sophisticarum cognitio, orator summus, & theologus insignis, linguas tenes maxime latinā, ut possis cum praecipuis totius Europae ingeniis certare. Marcel: Squarialup. Epistad. Faustum Socin:) that he had a mind suited for the investigation of truth, was a Philosopher, an excellent oratour, an eminent divine, that for the latine tongue especially he might contend with any of the great wits of Europe, they told him to his face; Such thoughts had they generally of him: it is then no wonder they gave themselves up to his guidance. Hence Smalcius wrote unto him, to consult about the propriety of the latine tongue, and in his answer to him he excuses (ffAliud interim in latiná linguâ erratum, gravius quam istud sit, à me est commissum, quod scilicet relativo reciproco ubi nullus erat locus usus sum. Epist: 4. ad Valentinum Smalcium pag. 521.) it, as a great crime, that he had used a reciprocall relative where there was no occasion for it.

And to make it more evident how they depended on him, on this account of his abilitie for instructions, when he had told Ostorodus an Answer to an Objection of the Papists, the man having afterwards forgot it, (ggMemini te mihi hujus rei solutionem cum esses Racoviae afferre, sed quae mod est tarditas, vel potius stupiditas, non bene illius recordor. Ostorod. Epist. ad Faustum Secinum pag. 456.) sends to him againe, to have his lesson over once more, that he might remember it.

And therefore as if he had been to deale with School-boyes, he would tell his chiefe (hhTibi significo me ni fallor invenisse viam quomodo verum esse possit, quod Christus Planc liberè & citra omnem necessitatem Deo perfectissimè obedirit, & tamen necessarium omnino fuerit ut sic obediret; quaenam ista via sit, nisi eam ipse per te (ut plane spero) inveneris, postea tibi aperiam: volo enim prius tuum hoc in…re & Statorii ingenium experiri, tametsi vereor ne jam eam illi indicaverim, Epist. ad Ostorodum 4. pag. 472.) companions, that he had found out, and discovered such, or such a thing in Religion, but would not tell them untill they had tryed themselves, and therefore was afraid least he should, through unawares, have told it to any of them: upon one of which adventures Ostorodus (iiDe quaestione tibi propofitâ non bene conjecisti, nec quam affers solutionem ea probari ullo modo potest. Epist. 6, ad. Ostorod. pag. 473.) making bold to give in his conception, he does little better then tell him he is a blockhead. Being in this repute amongst them, and exercising such a dominion in poynt of Abilities and learning, to prevaile the more upon them, he was perpetually ready to undertake their quarrels, which themselves were not able with any colour to maintaine. Hence most of his bookes were written, and his Disputations engaged in, upon the desire of one Assemby, Synod, or Company of them or other, as I could easily manifest by particular instances; and by this meanes got he no small Advantage to insinuate his own principles. For whereas the men greedily looked after, and p. 41freely entertained the things, which were professedly written in their defence; He alwaies wrought in together therewith something of his owne peculiar heresy, that poyson might be taken downe with that which was most pleasing. Some of the wisest of them indeed as Niemojevius, discover'd the fraud; who upon his answer to Andraeus Volanus, commending what he had written against the Diety of Christ, which they imployed him in (kkPerlecto scripto tuo contra Volanum animadverti argumenta ejus satis accurate à te refutota, locaque scripturae pleraque examinata, ac elucidata, verum non sine maerore (uoquid gravius addam) incidi inter legendum in quoddam paraloxon, scripturae sacrae contrarium ac planè horrendū, dum Christum in morte suâ sive in cruce, sacrificium obtulissè pernegas, miror quid tibi in mentem venerit, ut tam confidenter (nè quid aliud dicam) contra manifesta sacrae scripturae testimonia pugnare, contrariamque sententiam tueri non timeas Epist. 1. Joh. Niemojev: ad Faust. Socin. pag. 196.) fals foul upon him, for his delivering in the same Treatise, that Christ was not a Preist whilest he was upon the earth; which one abominable figment lyes at the bottome of his whole Doctrine of the justification of a sinner. The case is the same about his judgment concerning the invocation of Christ, which was, that we might do it, but it was not necessary from any precept or otherwise that so we should do.

And this was nine yeares after his coming into Poland, as appeares from the date of that Epistle; so long was he in getting his opinions to be entertained among his friends. But though this man were a little wary, and held out some opposition with him, yet multitudes of them were taken with this snare, and freely dranke downe the poyson they loathed, being tempered with that which they had a better liking to. But this being discovered he let the rest of them know, that though he was (llRogavit me dominus Schomanus, dominus Simon Ronembergius & alii ut ad paraenesin Andreae Volani responderem, volui ut si quid in hac responsione vobis minus rectè dictum videretur, non bona conscientiâ tantum, sedjure etiam, eam semper ejurare possetis; Epist. ad Martin: Barovicium. p. 336.) entreated to write that booke by the Racovians, and did it in their name, yet because he had published some what of his owne private opinions therein, they might if they pleased deny, yea and for sweare that they were not written by their Appoyntment.

And this was with respect to his doctrine about the satisfaction of Christ, which as he saies he heard they were coming over unto. And it is evident from what he writes else where to Belcerovicius that he begged this employment of writing against Volanus; it being agreed by them, that he should write nothing but by publike consent, because of the novelties which he broached every day. By this readinesse to appeare and write in their defence and so commending his writing to them on that account, it is incredible how he got ground upon them, and wonne them over daily to the residue of his Abominations, which they had not received.

4 To these adde as another Advantage to winne upon that p. 42people, the course he fixed on, in reference to others, which was to owne as his, and of his party, of the Church, all persons what ever, that on any pretence what ever opposed the doctrine of the Trinity, and forsooke the reformed Church: Hence he dealt with men as his brethren, friends, and companions; who scarcely retained any thing of Christians, some nothing at all: as Martine Seidelius, who denyed Christ: which Philip Buccel, who denyed all difference of good and evill in the actions of men; with Erasmus Johannes, an Arian, with Mathias Radecius, who denyed that any could believe in Christ, without new Apostles; indeed with all, or any sorts of men what ever, that would but joyne with him, or did consent unto the opposition of the Diety of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was the principall worke which he engaged in.

5 Unto these, and the like Advantages, the man added all the Arts and subtilties, all the diligence and industry, that was any way tending to his End; some of his Artifices and insinuations indeed were Admirable; though to them who now review them in cold blood, without recalling to mind the then state of things, they may seeme of another complexion. (mmSpero fore, ut si quid illum mecum sentire vetet intellexero facile viam inveniam eū in meam sententiam pertrahendi, Epist. secunda ad Beverovicium.)

By these, and the like meanes, thugh he once despaired of ever getting his opinions received amongst them, as he professeth, yet in the long continuance of 24 yeares (so long he lived in Poland) with the help of Valentinus Smalcius, Volkelius and some few others, who wholly fell in with him, he at length brought them all into subjection to himselfe, and got all his opinions inthroned, and his practise taken almost for a Rule. So that whereas in former daies they accused him for a (nnAliqui fratrum putant congerendis pecuniis me nunc prorsus intentum esse. Epist. ad Eliam Arcistrium pag. 407. vide epistolam ad Christoph. Morstinum. pag. 503, 504, 505.) covetous wretch, one that did nothing but give his mind to scrape up money, and were professedly offended with his putting money to usury; for his full justification, Ostorodus and Voidovius in the close of the compendium of their Religion which they brought into Holland, professe that their (ooNon simpliciter usuram damnant: modo aequitatis & charitatis regula non violetur. Compend. Religionius Ostorod. & Voidovii.) churches did not condemne usury, so that it were exercised with moderation, and without oppression.

I thought to have added a further account in particular, of the mans craft and subtilty, of his severall waies for the instilling of his principles and opinions, of his personall Temper, wrath, and Anger, and multiplying of words in disputes, of the Foyles he received in sundry disputations with men of his owne Antitrinitarian infidelity, of his ayme at Glory and renowne, expressed by the p. 43Polonian gentleman, who wrote his life, his losses and troubles which were not many, with all which and the like concernments of the man, and his businesse in that Generation, by the perusall of all that he hath wrote, and of much that hath been wirrten against him, with what is extant of the conferences, and disputations, Synods, and Assemblies of those daies, I have some little acquaintance: but being not convinc'd of much usefulnesse in my so doing. I shall willingly spare my labour. Thus much was necessary, that we might know the men and their conversation, who have caused so much trouble to the Christian world; in which worke, having the assistance of that Atheisme & those corrupted principles, which are in the hearts of all by nature, without the infinite rich mercy of God sparing a sinfull world as to this judgment, for his elects sake, they will undoubtedly proceed.

Leaving him then in the possession of his conquest, Tritheits, Sabellians, Arians, Eunomians, with the followers of Francis David, being all lost and sunke, and Socinians standing up in the roome of them all, looking a little uon what ensued; I shall draw from the consideration of the persons to their doctrines, at first proposed.

After the death of Socinus, his cause was strongly carryed on by those whom in his life he had formed to his owne mind and judgment. Among whom Valentinus Smalcius, Hyeronmyus Moscorvius, Johannes Volkelius, Cristopherus Ostorodus, were the chiefe; To Smalcius he wrote eleven Epistles that are extant: professing his great Expectations of him, extolling his learning and prudence. He afterwards wrote the Racovian Catechisme, compiling it out of Socinus his workes; many answers and replies to, and with Smiglecius the Jesuite, and Franzius the Lutheran: a booke of the divinity of Christ, with sundry others, and was a kind of Professor among them at Racovia. The writings of the rest of them are also extant. To him succeeded Crellius a man of more learning and modesty then Smalcius, and of great industry for the defence of his heresy; his defence of Socinus against Grotius, his treatise de causis mortis Christi, de effectu SS. his comments, and Ethickes, declare his Abilities & industry in his way. After him arose Jonas Schlictingius a man no whit behind any of the rest for learning and diligence, as in his comments and disputations against Meisnerus, is evident. As the report is, he was burned p. 44by the procurement of the Jesuites some 4 yeare agoe that they might be sure to have the blood of all sorts of men found upon them; what Advantage they have obteined thereby, time will shew. I know that Generation of men retort upon us, the death of Servetus at Geneva; but the case was far different. Schlictingius lived in his owne country and convers'd with men of his owne persuasion, who in a succession had been so, before he was borne. Servetus came out of Spaine, on purpose to disturbe and seduce them who knew nothing of his Abominations. Schlitingius disputed his haeresy without reproaching or blaspheming God willingly, under pretence of denying the way and worship of his Adversaries. Servetus stufft all his discouses with horrid blasphemies. Beza tels us, that he called the Trinity, tricipitem Cerberum, and wrote that Moses was a ridiculous impostour: Beza: Epist. 1. And there are passages cited out of his booke of the Trinity (which I have not seene) that seeme to have as much of the Devill in them, as any thing that ever yet was written or spoken by any of the sonnes of men. If, faith he, Christ be the sonne of God, debuissent ergo dicere, quod Deus habebat uxorem quandam spiritualem, vel quod solus ipse masculosfaemineus aut Hermaphroditus, simul erat pater & mater, nam ratio vocabuli non patitur, ut quis dicatur sine matre pater: and; si logos filius erat, natus ex patre sine matre; dic mihi quomodo peperit eum, per ventrem an per latus.

To this height of Atheisme and blasphemy had Sathan wrought up the spirit of the man. So that I must say, he is the only person in the world, that I ever read or heard of, that ever died upon the account of Religion, in reference to whom the zeale of them that put him to death may be acquitted. But of these things, God will judge: Socinus saies he died calling on Christ; those that were present say, the quite contrary; and that in horrour he roared out misericordia to the magistrates, but nothing else: But Arcana Deo.

Of these men last named, their writings and indeavours for the propagation of their opinion, others having written already, I shall forbear. Some of note amongst them have publickly recanted and renounced their Haeresy, as Vogelius, and Peuschelius who retuctadions are answered by Smalcius. Neither shall I adde much as to their present condition. They have as yet many p. 45Churches in Poland and Transilvania: & have their Superintendents after the manner of Germany Regenv: (ppDenique Socinistae recensendi mihi veniunt quiâ Fausto Socino, per Poloniam & Transilvaniam virus suum disserminante, tum nomen tum doctrinam sumpsere; At{que} hi soli, extructis Farnesianis, anabaptistis & Francisci Davidis sectatoribus supersunt; homines ad fallacias & sophismata facti. Histor. Eccles. Slavon. lib. 1. pag. 90.) tells us, that all the others are sunk and lost, only the Socinians remaine. The Arians Sabellians David Georgians with the followers of Franciscus David being all gone over to the confession of Socinus; which make me somewhat wonder at that of Johannes Laetus who affirmes that about the year 1619 in a convention of the States in Poland, those who denied that Christ ought to be invocated, (which were the followers of Frances David Christianus Franken, and Palaelogus) pleaded that the Liberty that was granted to Antitrinitarians, was intended for them, and not for the Socinians. And the truth is, they had footing in Poland before ever the name of Socinus was there known, though he afterwards (qqPalaeologus praecipuus fuit ex Antesignanis illorum qui Christum nec invocandum, nec adorandum esse hodie affirmant & interim tamen se Christianos esse impudenter profitentur, quo vix quid quam scelestius in Religione nostrâ depravandâ excogitari posse existimo. Socin. Ad. Wick. Res. ad cap. 4. cap. 2. pag. 4 2. insults upon them, and sayes that they most impudently will have themselves called Christians when they are not so.

But what numbers they are, in those parts of the world, how the poyson is drunk in by thousands, in the Papacy, by what Advantages it hath, and continues to insinuate it's selfe into multitudes living in the outward profession of the Reformed Churches, what progresse it makes, and what ground it gets in our native countrey every day, I had rather bewaile, then relate. This I am compel'd to say, that unless the Lord in his infinite mercy lay an awe upon the hearts of men, to keep them in some Captivity to the Simplicity and Mystery of the Gospel, who now strive every day to exceed one another in novel opinions, and Philosophical apprehensions of the things of God, I cannot but fear that this soule destroying Abomination, will one day break in as a flood upon us.

I shall only adde something of the occasions and Advantages that these men took, and had, for the renewing and propagation of their Heresy, and draw to a close of this discourse.

Not to speak of the General and more remote causes of these and and all other soul destroying Errours, or the darknesse, pride, corruption, and wilfulnesse of men, the craft, subtilty, envy, and malice of Sathan, the just revenging hand of God, giving men up to a spirit p. 46of delusion, that they might believe lyes, because they delighted not in the Truth, I shall only remarke one considerable occasion, or stumbling block at which they fell, and drank in the poyson, and one considerable Advantage that they had for the propagation of what they had so fallen into.

Their great stumbling block I look upon to be the horrible corruption & abuse of the doctrine of the Trinity in the writings of the Schoolmen, and the practise of the devotionists among the Papists. With what desperate boldness, Atheistical curiosity, wretched inquiries, and babling, the School men have polluted the doctrine of the Trinity, and gone off from the simplicity of the Gospel in this great mystery, is so notoriously known, that I shall not need to trouble you with instances for the confirmation of the Observation. This, the men spoken of, (being the most, if not all of them brought up in the Papacy) stumbled at. They saw the doctrine concerning that God whom they were to worship rendered unintelligible, curious, intricate, involved in termes and expressions, not only barbarous in themselves, and not used in the Scripture, but insignificant, Horrid, and remote from the Reason of men; which after some strugling set them at liberty from under the bondage of those notions; And when they should have gone to the Law and Testimony for their information, Sathan turned them aside to their own Reasonings, and Imaginations, where they stumbled and fell. And yet of the formes and expressions of their School-men are the Papists soe Zealous, as that whoever departs from them in any Kind is presently an Antitrinitarian Heriticke. The dealings of Bellarmine, Genebrard, Possevine and others, with Calvin, are known: One instance may be taken of their ingenuity. Bellarmine in his book de Christo, layes it to the charge of Bullinger, that in his book de Scripturae & Ecclesiae authoritate, he wrote, that there were three Persons in the Deity, non statu, sed gradu, non subsistentiâ, sed Formâ, non potestate sed specie differentes; on which he exclaimes, that the Arians themselves never spake more wickedly: and yet these are the very words of Tertullian against Praxeas, which I confess are warily to be interpreted. But by this their measuring of Truth by the Formes received by Tradition from their fathers, neglecting and forsaking the simplicity of the Gospel, that many stumbled and fell is most evident:

p. 47(rrNotatu vero dignissimum est hisce novis Arianis ad apostasi am seu Arianismum occasionem fuisse, doctrinam Calvinistarum, id quod ipsi Ariani haud obscure professi sunt. Recitabo hujus rei exemplum memorabile de Adamo Neusero ante pauios annos Ecclesiae Heidelbergensis al S. S. primario pastore nobilissimo Sacramentario. Hic ex Zvinglianismo per Arianismum ad Mahometismum usque, cū aliis non paucis Calvinistis Constantinopolin circumcisionem judaicam recipiens & veritatem agnitam abnegans progressus est. Hic Adamus sequentia verba dedit Constantinopol. D. Getlachio Anno 1574. nullus nostro tempore mihi notus factus est Arianus qui non antea fuerit Calvinista. Servetus &c. igitur qui sihi timet ne incidat in Arianismum, caveat Calvinismum.) Schluffelburgins in his wonted respect and favour unto the Calvinists, tell us, that from them and their doctrine was the occasion administred unto this new Abomination: Also that never any turned Arian, but he was first a Calvinist, which he seemes to make good by a letter of Adam Neuserus, who as he saith from a Sacramentarian turned Arian; and afterward a Mahumetan, and was circumcised at Constantinople. This man (fayes he) in a letter from Constantinople to Doctour Gerlachius, tells him, that none turned Arians but those that were Calvinists first: and therefore he that would take heed of Arianisme, had best beware of Calvinisme. I am very unwilling to call any man's credit into question, who relates a matter of fact, unlesse undeniable Evidence enforce me, because it cannot be done without an imputation of the foulest crime: I shall therefore but take leave to aske

1. What Credit is to be given to the Testimony of this man who upon Conradus his owne report, was circumcised, turned Mahumetan and had wholly renounced the Truth which he once professed. For my part, I should expect from such a person, nothing but what was maliciously contriv'd for the prejudice of the truth; & therefore suppose he might raise this on purpose, to strengthen and harden the Lutherans against the Calvinists whom he hated most, because that they professed the truth which he had renounced, and that true knowledge of Christ and his will, which now he hated: and this lye of his, he looked on as an expedient for the hardening of the Lutherans in their Errour, and helping them with a stone to cast at the Calvinists.

2. Out of what kindesse was it that man bare to Gerlachius, and his companions, that he gives them this courteous Admonition to beware of Calvinisme. Is it any honour to Gerlachius, Conradus himselfe, or any other Lutheran, that an Apostate, an abjurer of Christian Religion loved them better then he did the Calvinists? what person this Adam Neuserus was, and what the end of him was, we have an account given by Maresius from a manuscript History of Altingius. From Heidleberge, being suspected of a conspiracy with one Sylvanus, who for it was put to death, he fled into Poland, thence to Constantinople; where he turned Mahumetan p. 48and was circumcised; and after a while fell into such miserable horror and despaire, that with dreadful yellings and clamours, he dyed; so that the Turkes themselves confess, that they never heard of a more horrid, detestable, and tragical end of any man; whereupon they commonly called him, Satan Ogli, or the son of the Divel: and so much good may it doe Conradus, which his witnesse.

3. But what Occasion I pray does Calvinisme give to Arianisme, that the One should be taken heed of, if we intend to avoid the other: What offence doth it give to men enquiring after the Truth to make them stumble on their Abominations? What Doctrine doth it maintaine that should prepare them for it? but no man is bound to burden himselfe with more then he can carry, & therefore all such enquiries Schlusselburgius took no notice of.

The truth is, many of the persons usually instanced in, as Apostates from Calvinisme to Arianisme, were such, as leaving Italy and other parts of the Popes Dominion, came to shelter themselves, where they expected liberty, and opportunity of venting their abomination among the reformed Churches, and joyned themselves with them in outward profession: most of them as afterwards appeared, being throughly infected with the errours against the Trinity, and about the Godhead, before they left the Papacy where they stumbled and fell.

2. In the practise of the Church (as it is called) wherein they were bred, they nextly saw the horrible Idolatry that was countenanced in abominable Pictures of the Trinity, and the worship yeelded to them, which strengthened and fortified their minds against such gross Conceptions of the nature of God, as by those pictures were exhibited.

Hence when they had left the Papacy, and set up their opposition to the Blessed Trinity, in all their bookes they still made mention of those Idols and Pictures, speaking of them as the God of those that worshipped the Trinity; this instance makes up a good part of their book de fall â & verâ cognitione unius Dei, Patris, Filii, & Spiritûs Sancti, written in the name of the Ministers of the Churches in Sarmatia, and Transilvania: book full of reproach and blasphemies: but this I say was annother occasion of stumbling to those miserable Wretches: they knew that thoughts the men of their communication had of God, by the Pictures made of him, and the p. 57worship they yielded to them. They knew, how abhorrent to the very principles of Reason it was, that God should be such, as by them represented; and therefore set themselves at liberty (or rather gave up themselves to the service of Sathan) to find out another God whom they might worship.

Neither are they a little confirmed to this day in their errours by sundry principles, which under the Roman Apostacy got footing in the minds of men professing the name of Jesus Christ: particularly they sheltered themselves from the sword of the word of God, evidencing the Deity of Christ, by Ascribing to him divine Adoration, by the sheild of the Papists doctrine, that those who are not God by nature may be adored, worshipped, and invocated.

Now that to this day the Papists continue in the same Idolatry (to touch that by the way) I shall give you for your Refreshment a coppy of verses or two, whose Poetry does much outgoe the old.

O crux spes unica

Auge piis constantiā

Hoc passionis tempore

Reis{que} dona veniam.

And whose blasphemy comes not at all short of it: The first is of Clarus Bonarsius the Jesuite. lib. 3. Amphitriat. Honor. lib. 3. cap. ult. ad divam Hallensem & puerum Jesum, as followeth;

Haereo lac inter meditans, inter{que} cruorem

Inter delicias uberis & lateris.

Et dico (si fortè oculos super ubera tendo)

Diva parens mammae guadia posco tuae.

Sed dico, (si deinde oculos in vulnera verto)

O Jesu lateris gaudia'malo tui.

Rem scio; prensabo si fas erit ubera dextrae

Laeva prensabo vulnera si dabitur.

Lac matris miscere volo cum sanguine nati,

Non possem antidoto nobiliore frui.

Vunera restituant turpem ulceribus mendicum

Testa cui saniem radere sola potest.

Ʋbera reficient Ismaëlem sitientem

Quem Sara non patitur, quem neq nutrit Agar.

Ista mihi ad pestem, procul & procul expungendam

Ista mihi ad long as evalitura febres,

Ira vomis flammas, sumatq libidinis Aetna

Suffocare queo sanguine, lacte quoo.

p. 58Livor inexpleta rubigine saevit in artus

Detergere queo lacte, cruore queo:

Vanus honos me perpetua prurigine tentat

Exsaturare queo sanguine, lacte queo.

Ergo parens & nate, meis advertite votis

Lac peto, depereo sanguinem, utrum{que} volo.

O sitio tamen! ô vocem sitis intercludit.

Nate cruore sitim comprime lacte parens.

Dic matri, meus hic frater sitio, optima mater,

Vis è fonte tuo promere, de{que} meo.

Dic nato, tuus hic frater mi mellee fili

Captivus monstrat vincula, lytron habes.

Ergo Redemptorem monstra te jure vocari

Nobilior reliquis si tibi sanguis inest.

Tu{que} parens monstra, matrem te jure vocari

Ʋbera si reliquis divitiora geris.

O quando lactabor ab ubere, vulnere pascar?Hoc tantum dicam, cum nuper Bellarmini disputationum primum tomum evolverem, supra modum me miratum fuisse, quod ad finem fere singularum controversiarum homo alioqui acutus ac sagax ea verba aut scuraverit aut permiserit adscribi: Laus Deo Virgini{que} Matri: quibus verbis manifestè Virgini Mariae divinus cultus, aut ex aequo cum ipso Deo, aut certe secundum Deum exhibetur. Socin. ad Weik cap. 1. pag. 22.

Deliciis{que} fruar, mamma latus{que} tuis

The other is of Franciscus de Mendoza in viridario utrius{que} eruditionis lib. 2. prob. 2. as ensueth,

Ʋbera me matris, nati me vulnera pascunt

Scilicet haec animi sunt medicina mei,

Nam mihi dum Lachrymas amor elicit ubera sugo

Rideat ut dulci maestus amore dolor.

At me pertentant dum gaudia, vulnera lambo

Ʋt me laeta pio mista dolore juvent.

Vulnera sic nati, sic ubera sugo parentis

Securae ut variae sint mihi forte vices.

Quis fine lacte precor, vel quis sine sanguine vivat?

Lacte tuo genetrix, sanguine nate tuo.

Sit lac pro Ambrosia, suavi pro nectare sanguis

Sic me perpetuum vulnus & uber alit.

And this their Idolatry is objected to them by Socinus, who marvels at the impudence of Bellarmine closing his bones of Controversies (as is the manner of the men of that society) with laus Deo, Virgini{que} matri Mariae: wherein as he sayes (and he saies it truely) divine honour with God, is ascribed to the blessed Virgin.

p. 59The Truth is, I see not any difference between that Dedication of himselfe and his worke, by Redemptus Baranzanus the Priest, in these words, Deo, virgini{que} matri, Sancto Paulo, Bruno, Alberto, Redempto, Francisco, Clarae, Joannae, Catharinae Senensi, divis{que} omnibus, quos peculiari cultu honorare desidero, omnis meus labor consecratus sit (Baranzan. Nov. Opin. Physic. Diglad.) and that of the Athenians by the advise of Epimenides foreign both of them being suitable to the Counsel of Pythagoras

foreign

foreign

foreign

Let them be sure to worship all sorts that they may not misse. And by these meanes, amongst others, hath an occasion of stumbling and hardening been given to these poore soules.

2 As to the propagation of their conceptions, they had the Advantage, not only of an unsetled time, as to the civil government of the nations of the world; most Kingdomes, and Commonweales in Europe undergoing in that Age considerable mutations and changes, (a season wherein commonly the Envious man hath taken opportunity to sow his tares) but also men being set at Liberty from the bondage under which they were kept in the Papacy, and from making the Tradition of their Fathers the Rule of their worship and walkings, were found indeed to have upon abiding grounds, no principles of Religion at all; and therefore were earnest in the Enquiry after something that they might fix upon. What to avoid they knew, but what to close withal, they knew not. And therefore it is no wonder, if among so many (I may say) millions of Persons, as in those dayes there were, that fell off from the Papacy, some thousands perhaps (much more Scores) might in their Enquirings, from an extreme of superstition, run into another of almost Atheisme. Such was the estate of things and men in those dayes, wherein Socianianisme, or the opposition to Christ of this latter edition, set forth in the world; Among the many that were convinced of the Abominations of Popery, before they were well fixed in the Truth, some were deceived by the cunning sleight of some few men, that lay in waite to deceive. What event p. 60and issue and alike state and condition of things and Persons, hath gone forth unto, in the places and days wherein we live, is known to all: And that the Saints of God may be warned by these things, is this addresse to them. To what hath been spoken, I had thought for a close of this discourse, to have given an account of the learning that these men profess, and the course of their studies, of their way of disputing, and the Advantages they have therein; to have instanced in some of their considerable sophismes, and subtile depravations of Scripture; as also to have given a specimen of distinctions and answers, which may be improved to the discovering and sleighting of their fallacies, in the most important heads of Religion: but being diverted by new and unexpected Avocations, I shall refer these, and other considerations, unto a Prodromus for the use of younger Students, who intend to look into these Controversies.

And these are the Persons with whom we have to deale; these their wayes and progresse in the world. I shall now briefly subjoyne some Advantages they have had, something of the way and method, wherein they have proceeded for the diffusing of their poyson, with some general preservatives against the infection, and draw to a close of this discourse.

1 At the first entrance upon their undertaking, some of them made no small Advantage in dealing with weak and unwary men, by crying out, that the termes of Trinity, Person, Essence, Hypostatical union, Communication of properties, and the like, were not found in the Scripture, and therefore were to be abandoned.

With the colour of this plea, they once prevailed so farre on the Churches in Transylvania, as that they resolved and determined, to abstaine from the use of those words: But they quickly perceived, that though the words were not of absolute necessity, to express the things themselves to the minds of Believers, yet they were so, to defend the Truth from the opposition and craft of Seducers: And at length recovered themselves by the advice of (ssNam ego quidem sic statuo, etsi non pendet aliundè rerum sacrarum veritas quam ab unico Dei verbo, & sedulò vitanda est nobis omnis foreign: Tamem sublato essentiae & hypostase…n discrimine (quibuscunque tandem verbis utaris) & abrogato foreign, vix ac ne vix quidem istorum blasphemorum fraudes detegi, & errores satis perspicue coargui posse. Nego quoque sublatis vocabulis naturae, proprietatis, hypostaticae unionis, foreign, posse Nestorii & Eutichei blasphemias commodè a quoquam refelli: quâ in re si forte hallucinor, hoc age, nobis demonstret qui potest, & nos illum coronabimus. Beza. Epist. 81.) Beza. p. 61Yea and (ttAis igitur adversus id quod à me affirmatum fuerat, in controversis dogmatibus probandis, aut improbandis, necesse esse literam adf…rre, & id qued asseritur manifestè demonstrare: id quod asscritur, manifestè demonstrari debere planè concedo; literam autem adferre necesse esse prorsus nego; me autem jure hos facere id opertè confirmat, quod quaedam dogmata in Christi ecclesiâ re…cptissima, non solum por expressam iiteram non prebantur, sed ipsam sibi contrariam habent. Exempli causâ, inter omnes fere Christiani nominis homines receptissimum est, Deum non habere aliqua mēbra corporis, ut aures, oculos, nares, brachia, pedes, manus, & tamen non niolo expresse & litera…ter (ut vocant) id scriptum in sacris libris non est: verum etiam conerarium omnino passim diserte scriptum extat: Fausti Socin: Frag: disput: de Ador: Christi cum Fran: David Cap. 10. pag 59.) Socinus himselfe doth not only grant, but prove, that in Generall this is not to be imposed on men, that the doctrine they assert is contained in scripture, in so many words, seeing it sufficeth that the thing it selfe pleaded for, be contained therein. To which purpose I desire the learned Reader to peruse his words, seeing he gives an instance of what he speaks, somewhat opposite to a grand notion of his disciple, with whom I have cheifly to do: yeal and the same (uuSimile quod affers de vocabulis essentiae, & persona…um à nobis repudiatis, quia in sanctis literis non inveniantur, non est admittendum, nemini cuim verè cordato persuadebitis id quod per ea vocabula adversarii significare voluerunt, idoirco repudiandum esse, quia ipsa vocabula scripta non inveniantur, imò quicunque ex nobis hac ratione sunt usi, suspectam apud nonnullos, alioquin ingenio, & eruditione praestantes viros, causam nostram reddidere: idem. ubi sup: pag. 62.) person rejects the plea of his companions, of the not express usage of the termes wherein the doctrine of the Trinity is delivered in the Scripture, as weake and frivolous. And this hath made me a little marvaile at the precipitate undigested conceptions of some, who in the mid'st of the flames of Socinianisme kindling upon us on every side, would (contrary to the wisdome and practice of all Antiquity, no one Assembly in the world excepted) tye us up to a forme of confession composed of the bare words of the scripture in the order wherein they are there placed. If we profess to beleive that Christ is God blessed for ever, and the Socinians tels us, true! but he is a God by office, not by nature; is it not lawfull for us to say, nay! but he is God of the same nature, substance, and essence with his father. If we shall say that Christ is God one with the father, and the Sabellians shall tell us, true! they are every way one, and in all respects; so that the whole Deity was incarn…te; is it not lawfull for us to tell them, that though he be one in nature and Essence with his father, yet he is distinct from him in person: and the like instances may be given for all the Expressions wherein the doctrine of the blessed Trinity is delivered; The Truth is, we have sufficient ground for these Expressions in the scripture, as to the words, and not only the things signified by them: the nature of God we have Gal. 4. 8. The person of the father, and the son distinct from it, Heb: 1. 3. The Essence of God Exod: 3. 14. Revel: 1. 4. The Trinity 1 Joh: 5. 7. The Deity, Col: 2. 9.

p. 622. Their whole business in all their bookes, and disputations is to take upon themselves the parts of Answerers, so cavilling and making exceptions, not caring at all what becomes of any thing in Religion, so they may with any colour avoide the Arguments wherewith they are pressed. Hence almost all their bookes, unless it be some few short Catechismes, and confessions, are only Answers and exceptions to other mens writings. Beside the fragments of a Catechisme or two, Socinus himselfe wrote very little but of this kind; so do the rest. How heavy & dull they are in asserting, may be seene in Volkelius his institutions: And here whilst they escape their Adversaries, they are desperately bold in their Interpretations of Scripture: Though for the most part it suffices, that what is urged against them, is not the sense of the place, though they themselves can assigne no sense at all to it. I could easily give instances in abundance to make good this observation concerning them, but I shall not mention what must necessarily be insisted on, in the ensuing discourse. Their Answers are: This may otherwise be expounded, it may otherwise be understood; the word may have another signification in another place.

3. Their greatest Triumphs which they set up in their owne conceits are, when by any wayes they possesse themselves of any usuall maxime, that passes currant amongst men, being applied to finite, limited, created things, or any acknowledged notion in philosophy, and apply it to the infinite uncreated essence of God. Then which course of proceeding nothing indeed can be more absurd, foolish, and contrary to sound Reason. That God and man, the Creator and creature, that which is absolutely infinite, and independent, and that which is finite, limited, and dependent, should be measured by the same rules, notions, and conceptions, unless it be by way of eminent Analogy, which will not further their designe at all, is most fond and sensless. And this one observation is sufficient to arme us against all their profound disputes about essence, personality, and the like.

4 Generally (as was said) in the pursuit of their designe, and carrying it on, they begin in exclaiming against the usuall words wherein the doctrines they oppose are taught and delivered. They are not scripture expressions, &c: for the things themselves, they do not oppose them; but they thinke them not so necessary as some suppose; having got some ground by this on the minds of men, great p. 63stress is immediatly laid on this, that a man may be saved though he believe not the Doctrine of the Trinity; the satisfaction of Christ &c. so that he live holily, & yeild obedience to the precepts of Christ; so that it is mere madness and folly to breake Love and Communion about such differences; By this engine I knew not long since a choice society of Christians, through the cunning flights of one lying in wait to deceive, disturbed, divided, broken, and in no small part of it infected. If they once get this Advantage, and have thereby weakned the love and valuation of the truth with any; they generally through the righteous judgment of God, giving up men of light and vaine spirits to the imaginations of their owne hearts, overthrow their faith, and lead them captive at their pleasure.

5. I thought to have insisted in particular, on their particular waies of insinuating their Abominations, of the baites they lay, the devices they have, their high pretences to Reason, and holiness in their lives, or honesty; as also to have evinced by undeniable evidences, that there are 1000s in the Papacy, and among the reformed Churches; that are wholy baptized into their vile opinions and infidelity, though for the love of their temporall enjoyments, which are better to them then their Religion, they profess it not.

As also how this persuasion of their's hath been the great doore whereby the flood of Atheisme which is broken in upon the world and which is almost professed by them, who would be accounted the wits of the times, is come in upon the nations: further, to have given generall answers, and distinctions applicable to the most, if not all of the considerable Arguments, and objections wherewith they impugne the truth. But referring all these to my Generall considerations for the study of Controversies in divinity; with some observations that may be preservatives against their poyson, I shall speedily acquit you from the trouble of this address. Give me leave then in the last place (though unfit and unworthy) to give some generall cautions to my fellow labourers & students in divinity, for the freeing our soules from being tainted with these Abominations, and I have done.

1. Hold fast the forme of wholsome words, & sound doctrine: know that there are other waies of peace and Accommodation with dissenters, then by letting go the least particle of Truth. When men should accommodate their owne hearts to love and peace, they must not double with their soules, and accommodate the truth of p. 64the Gospell to other mens imaginations; perhaps some will suggest great things of going a midle way in divinity between dissenters: but what is the issue for the most part of such proposals? after they have by their middle waies raised no lesse contention, then was before between the extreames (yea when things before were in some good measure allayed) the Accommodator's themselves, through an ambitious desire to make good, and defend their owne expedients, are insensibly carryed over to the party and extreame to whom they thought to make a condescension; and by endeavouring to blanch their opinions to make them seeme probable, they are ingaged to the defence of their consequences, before they are aware: Amiraldus (whom I looke upon as one of the greatest wits of these daies) will at present go a middle way between the Churches of France, and the Arminians; what hath been the issue? among the Churches, divisions, tumult, disorder; among the professors and ministers, revilings, evill surmisings; to the whole body of the people, scandals and offences; and in respect of himselfe, evidence of daily approaching nearer to the Arminian party, untill as one of them saith of him, he is not farre from (their) kingdome of heaven; but is this all? nay but Grotius, Episcopius, (wwQuotquot hactenus Theologica tractarunt, id sibi negotii crediderunt so lum dari, ut quā sive sors illis obtulerat, sive judicio amplexi erant sententiam, totis illam viribus tuerentur; …arcellaeus p…ae fat: ad opera Episcep.) Curcaellaeus &c. (quanta nomina) with others, must go a middle way to accommodate with the Socinians, and all that will not follow are rigid men, that by any meanes will defend the opinions they are fallen upon. The same plea is made by others for Accommodation with the papists, and still moderation, the midle way, condescension are cryed up. I can freely say, that I know not that man in England, who is willing to goe further in forbearance, Love, and Communion with all that feare God, and hold the foundation, then I am; but that this is to be done upon other grounds, principles, and waies, by other meanes, and expedients, then by a condescention from the exactness of the least apex of Gospell truth, or by an Accommodation of doctrines by loose and generall termes, I have else where sufficiently declared. Let no man deceive you with vaine pretences: hold fast the truth as it is in Jesus, part not with one Jota, and contend for it, when called thereunto.

2. Take heed of the snare of Sathan in affecting Eminency by singularity. It is good to strive to excell, and to go before one another in knowledge and in light, as in holiness and obedience. To do this in the road, is difficult. Ahimaaz had not outrun Cushi, but p. 65that he tooke a by path. Many finding it impossible to emerge unto ny consideration, by walking in the beaten path of truth, (all parts of Divinity, all waies of handling it, being carryed already to such an height and excellency, that to make any considerable improvement requires great pains, study, and an insight into all kind of learning,) and yet not able to conquer the itch of being accounted foreign, turne aside into by waies; and turne the eyes of all men to them, by scambling over hedge and ditch, when the sober traveller is not at all regarded.

The Roman Historian giving an account of the degeneracy of Eloquence, after it once came to its height in the time of Cicero, fixeth on this as the most probable Reason. difficile in perfecto mora est; naturaliterque quod procedere non potest, recedit; & ut ad consequendos quos priores ducimus accedimus: Ita ubi praeteriri, aut aequari eos posse desperamus, studium cum spesegnescit, & quod assequi non potest, sequi desinit; & velut occupatam relinquens materiam, quaerit novam: praeteritoq eo in quo eminere non possumus, aliquid in quo nitamur conquaerimus; sequitúrque ut frequens ac mobilis transitus maximum perfecti operis impedimentum sit. Paterc: Hist: Rom: lib:

1. I wish some such things may not be said of the doctrine of the reformed Churches. It was not long since raised to a great height of purity in its selfe, and perspicuity in the way of its delivery; but (xxforeign: Hipocrat: Aphoris: lib. 1. § 11.) athleticks constitutions are seldome permanent: men would not be content to walke after others, & finding they could nor excell what was done, they have given over to imitate it, or to do any thing in the like kind: and therefore neglecting that wherein they could not be eminent, they have taken a course to have some thing peculiar, wherein to put forth their endeavours. Let us then watch against this temptation, and know that a man may be higher then his brethren, and yet be but a Saul.

3. Let not any attempt dealing with these men, that is not in some good measure furnished with those kinds of literature, and those common Arts, wherein they excell: as first, the knowledge of the Tongues, wherein the scripture is written; namely the Hebrew and Greeke. He that is not in some measure acquainted with these, will scarcely make through worke in dealing with them. There is not a word, nor scarce a letter in a word, (if I may so speake) which they do not search, and toss up and downe; not an expression which they pursue not through the whole scripture, to see if any place p. 66will give countenance to the Interpretation of it, which they embrace. The curious use of the Greeke Articles, which as Scaliger cals them, are loquacissimae Gentis flabellum, is their great covert against the Arguments for the Deity of Christ: Their disputes about the Hebrew words, wherein the doctrine of the satisfaction of Christ is delivered in the Old Testament, the ensuing treatise will in part manifest. Unless a man can debate the use of words with them, in the scripture, and by instances from other approved Authors, it will be hard so to enclose or shut them up, but that they will make way to evade and escape. Press them with any Testimony of scripture, if to any one word of the Testimony, where on the sense of the whole in any measure depends, they can except, that in another place that word in the Originall hath another signification, and therefore it is not necessary that it should here signify as you urge it; unless you are able to debate the true meaning and import of the word with them, they suppose they have done enough to evade your Testimony. And no less (nextiy,) are the common arts of Logick and Rhetorick wherein they exercise themselves: Among all Socinus his workes, there is none more pernicious then the little Treatise he wrote about Sophismes, wherein he labours to give instances of all manner of sophistical Arguments, in those which are produced for the confirmation of the doctrine of the Blessed Trinity.

He that would reinforce those Arguments, and vindicate them from his exceptions, and the entanglements cast upon them, without some considerable acquaintance with the principles of Logick and Artificial Rules of Argumentation, will find himselfe at a losse: Besides, of all men in the world in their Argumentations they are most Sophistical: It is seldome that they urge any Reason, or give any exception, wherein they conclude not à particulari ad universale, or ab indefinito ad universale, exclusivè, or ab aliquo statu Christi ad omnem, or ab oeconomia Trinitatis ad Theologiam Deitatis, or ab usu vocis alicubi to ubiq. As, Christ is a man, therefore not God. He is the servant of the Father, therefore not of the same nature, and the like instances may be given in Abundance: From which kind of arguing he will hardly extricate himselfe, who is ignorant of the rudiments of Logick: The frequency of figurative expressions, which they make use of to their Advantage in the Scripture, requires the knowledge of Rhetorick also, in him that will deal with them, to any good purpose: A p. 67good Assistance (in the former of these especially) is given to Students, by Keslerus, in examine Logicae, Metaphysicae, & Physicae Photinianae: The pretended maximes also which they insist on from the Civil Law, in the business of the satisfaction of Christ, which are especially urged by Socinus, and Crellius in his defence against Grotius, will make him who shall engage with them, see it necessary in some measure to be acquainted with the principles of that faculty and Learning also.

With those who are destitute of these, the great spirit of Truth is an abundantly sufficiently preserver from all the cunning sleights of men that lye in waite to deceive. He can give them to believe and suffer for the truth: but that they should at any time look upon themselves as called to read the books, or dispute with the men of these Abominations, I can see no ground.

4. Alwaies beare in mind the gross figments that they seek to assert and establish in the Room of that, which they cunningly and subtilly oppose. Remember that the ayme of their Arguments against the Deity of Christ, and the blessed Trinity, is to set up two true Gods, the one so by nature, the other made so; the one God in his own Essence, the other a God from him by office: that was a man, is a spirit, and shall cease to be a God: And some farther account hereof you will meet with in the close of the ensuing Treatise.

5 Diligent, constant, serious reading, studying, meditating on the Scriptures, with the assistance and directions of all the Rules & Advantages for the right understanding of them, which by the Observation and diligence of many Worthies, we are furnished withal, accompanied with continual Attendance on the throne of Grace, for the presence of the spirit of truth with us, to lead us into all truth, and to encrease his annointing of us day by day, shining into our hearts to give us the knowlege of the glory of God, in the face of Jesus Christ, is, as for all other things in the course of our pilgrimage, and walking with God, so for our preservation against these abominations, and the enabling of us to discover their madnesse, and answer their objections, of indispensible necessity. Apollos who was mighty in the Scriptures, Acts. 18. 24. did mightily convince the gainesaying Jewes, vers. 28. neither in dealing with these men is there any better course in the world, then in a good order and method to multiply Testimonies against them, to the same p. 68purpose. For whereas they have shifts in readiness to every particular and hope to darken a single starre, when they are gathered into a constellation, they send out a glory and brightnesse which they cannot stand before. Being ingaged my selfe once in a publick dispute about the satisfaction of Christ, I took this course, in a clear and evident coherence producng very many Testimonies to the confirmation of it; which together gave such an Evidence to the Truth, that one who stood by, instantly affirmed, that there was enough spoken to stop the mouth of the Divel himselfe. And this course in the businesse of the Deity and Satisfaction of Christ, will certainly be triumphant. Let us then labour to have our senses abundantly exercised in the Word, that we may be able to discern between good and evill, and that not by studying the places themselves that are controverted, but by a diligent search into the whole mind and will of God, as revealed in the word, wherein the sense is given in to humble soules, with more life, power, evidence of truth, & is more effectual for the begetting of faith and love to the truth, then in a curious search after the Annotations of men upon particular places. And truely I must needs say, that I know not a more deplorable mistake in the studies of Divines, both Preachers and others, then their diversion from an immediate direct study of the Scriptures themselves, unto the studying of Commentatours, Criticks, Scholiasts, Annotatours, and the like helps, which God in his good providence making use of the Abilities, & sometimes the Ambition, and ends of men, hath furnished us withal: not that I condemne the use and study of them, which I wish men were more diligent in, but desire pardon if I mistake, and doe only surmise by the experience of my own folly for many yeares, that many which seriously study the things of God, doe yet rather make it their businesse to enquire after the sense of other men on the Scriptures; then to search studiously into them themselves.

6. That direction in this kind, which with me is instar omnium, is, for a diligent endeavour to have the power of the truths professed and contended for, abiding upon our hearts, that we may not contend for notions; but what we have a practical acquaintance with in our own soules. When the heart is cast indeed into the mould of the doctrine that the mind embraceth, when the Evidence and Necessity of the Truth abides in us, when not the sense of the words only is in our heads, but the sense of the things abides in our p. 69hearts: when we have Communion with God in the doctrine we contend for, then shall we be Garrisoned by the grace of God against all the Assaults of men. And without this, all our contending is as to our selves, of no value. What am I the better, if I can dispute that Christ is God, but have no sense or sweetnesse in my heart from hence, that he is a God in Covenant with my soule, what will it availe me to evince by Testimonies and Arguments, that he hath made satisfaction for sin, If through my unbelief the wrath of God abides on me, and I have no experience of my owne being made the Righteousnesse of God in him; If I find not in my standing before God, the excellency of having my sins imputed to him, and his righteousnesse imputed to me; will it be any Advantage to me in the issue, to professe, and dispute that God works the conversion of a sinner, by the irresistable grace of his spirit, If I was never acquainted experimentally with the deadnesse and utter impotency to good, that opposition to the law of God which is in my own soule by nature, with the efficacy of the exceeding greatnesse of the power of God in quickning, enlightning, and bringing forth the fruits of obedience in me. It is the power of Truth in the heart alone, that will make us cleave unto it indeed, in an hour of temptation. Let us then not think that we are any thing the better for our conviction of the Truths of the great doctrines of the Gospel, for which we contend with these men, unlesse we finde the power of the truths abiding in our own hearts, and have a continual experience of their necessity, and excellency, in our standing before God, and our Communion with him.

7 Doe not look upon these things, as things a far off, wherein you are little concerned: the evill is at the doore; there is not a Citty, a Towne, scarce a Village in England, wherein some of this poyson is not poured forth. Are not the doctrines of free will, Ʋniversal Redemption, Apostacy from Grace, Mutability of God, of denying the Resurrection of the dead, with all the foolish conceits of many about God and Christ in this nation, ready to gather to this head.

Let us not deceive our selves; Sathan is a crafty Enemy: He yet hovers up and downe in the lubricous vaine imaginations of a confus'd multitude, whose tongues are so divided that they understand not one the other. I dare boldly say, that if ever he settle to a stated opposition to the Gospel, it will be in Socinianisme. The p. 70Lord rebuke him, he is busyin, and by many, where little notice is taken of him: But of these things thus farre.

A particular account of the Cause and Reasons of my engagement in this business, with what I have aymed at in the ensuing discourse, you will find given in my Epistle to the University; so that the same things need not here also be delivered. The Confutation of Mr. Biddles, and Smalcius his Catechisme, commonly called the Racovian, with the Vindication of all the Texts of Scripture, giving Testimony to the Deity of Christ throughout the Old & New Testament, from the perverse Glosse & interpretations put upon them by Hugo Grotius, in his annotations on the Bible, with those also which concerne his satisfaction, and on the occasion hereof, the Confirmation of the most important Truths of the Scripture, about the Nature of God, the Person of Christ, and the Holy Ghost, the offices of Christ, &c: hath been in my designe. With what mind and intention, with what love to the Truth, with what dependance on God for his presence and assistance, with what earnestnesse of supplication to enjoy the fruit of the Promise of our dear Lord Jesus, to lead me into all Truth by his blessed Spirit, I have gone through this worke, the Lord knowes. I only know, that in every particular I have come short of my duty therein, that a review of my paths and paines, would yeeld me very little refreshment, but that I know in whom I have believed, and am perswaded, that even concerning this also, he will remember me for Good, and spare me according to the greatnesse of his mercy. And what ever becomes of this weak endeavour before the Lord, yet he hath made with me an everlasting Covenant, ordered in all things and sure: And this is all my salvation, and all my desire, although he make it not to grow: what is performed, is submitted humbly to the judgment of them to whom this adress is made. About the thoughts of others, or any such as by envy, interest, curiosity, or faction, may be swayed or byassed, I am not solicitous. If any benefit redound to the Saints of the most High, or any that belong to the purpose of God's love be advantaged, enlightened, or built up in their most holy faith in the least, by what is here delivered, I have my reward.