Commentary on the Old Testament Volume 2-4, Biblical commentary 1 · 2 Kings · Chapter 8
CHAP. VIII.
HEre it is commemorated how Elishah foretold to the Shunamite, of whom see, Chap. 4. a famine of seven yeares, warning her therefore to depart out of the land. For it is not to be conceived, that he now foretold it after the siege of Samaria, seeing not long after this it ended, and she returned home againe, as is here she wed. The foretelling of this then was about the time of his raising her son to life, seeing that within a while after a famine is said to have beene in those parts, Chap. 4. 38. Wherefore by Iunius it is rendered, Elishah had spoken to the woman, Junius.&c. But to what yeare of Ioram to referre the beginning or ending of it, is uncertaine, But most probably it being begun before the Syrian army came and infested the countrey, it was continued and increased by their long lying there and taking away and destroying their corne and provision, till at last it grew most extreme. And here Martyr well noteth, that whereas the famine threatened by P. Martyr.Elijah was but three yeares and an halfe, this was twice as long; so that judgements being removed, and sinne still continuing, they are aggravated and sent againe Note. in a much more grievous manner. But see the thankfulnesse of Elishah to her, that had beene hospitable to him. He not onelyonly obteined a sonne for her, and restored it to life, but thinking that he could never doe enough for her, who had shewed such kindnesse to him, he giveth her in particular warning of, the danger to Note. come, that she might provide for her selfe elsewhere. And such ought to be our thankfulnesse to our benefactors, and will be, if we be the servants of God as Elishah was, in way of recompence to doe them all the good that we can. But why did he not rather advertise her husband, who was the head? Answ. It is most probable, that she was now a widow, for her husband is said long before to have been an old man: or he being now aged and decayed committed all his worldly businesse to her mannaging being religious and discreet. And she went and dwelt in the land of the Philistines seven yeares. David Kimhi, to shew the great danger, David Kimhi.that she and hers escaped by departing out the land of Israel aggravateth the miseries of the famished in Israel in those yeares beyond all credit, as if the first yeare all their provision being spent, they had the second yeare lived upon the slender fruits, which the first yeare brought forth, and the third yeare upon the creatures, which were cleane, the fourth upon the uncleane, as asses, horses, camels, &c. the sift upon creeping things, the sixt upon the flesh of their children, and the seventh upon the flesh of their owne armes, as Tostatus recites, and confutes it. Yet Martyr saith, that some thinke this to have been the famine of which Ioel speaketh, Chap. 11. which if it were it was most grievous. By her removing into Palestine it seemeth, that other countreyes about were not punished at this time with famine also. It was a particular judgement upon this land for the wickednes thereof, and whether Iudah were thus also afflicted or no is uncertain; yet it seemeth, that it was, because other wise she would probably have removed thither rather, unlesse the state of that countrey was such, as that they had there no more but what might suffice themselves. The countrey of Palestine and Egypt are noted to have beene very fruitfull, yea at the times, when Canaan laboured with famine in the dayes of Abraham and Isaac, who like wise in the case of necessity removed thither, and therefore this womans going thither to sojourne ought not to be called in question, how she could, being godly, goe to live in an idolatrous countrey, for Elishah also went and lived in Syria, vers. 7. and then the King of Syria sent unto him in his sicknesse, and if Elijah also went and lived in Sarepta, and Moses many yeares in Midian, for necessity hath no law, as the Proverbe is.
She being returned at the end of seven yeares, came to desire justice of the King, V. 3, 4.and to have her house and land restored unto her, which it seemeth, were taken away and possessed by some other in her absence, and this the King both granteth and that restitution should be made of all the fruits of her ground since the time of her departing; which she weth, that even in this time of the famine the land of Israel was not altogether unfruitfull, as neither when that sore famine was in Iacobs time, Gen. 43. for he sent to Ioseph then some of the fruits of the land, vers. 11. viz. honey, nuts and almonds, &c. The man, whom he appointed to see this done, was an eunuch; for such attended much upon Kings in those dayes, and specially upon Queenes, as we may see in the history of Iezzabel, 2 King. 9. 32. and of Ahashnerosh in the booke of Hester. Yet it may be noted, that the custome of making, and of keeping eunuchs came from the heathen, neither did any godly King ever keepe any: but this is the first, as I remember, of the Kings of Israel, that are said to have had one.
Now it is noted, that at the time of her crying to the King, he was talking with Gehazi, and asking him of the miracles of Elishah his Master. From whence some gather, as was noted before, that this history is misplaced, and ought to come in before the healing of Naaman, Chap. 5. because after that Gehazi was a leper, he was separated from the company of other men, and so the King could not have this communication with him. But it is answered, that lepers were not so separated, but that others might come and talke with them, and therefore this argument is too weake to prove any thing. Moreover, it being at the end of seven yeares of famine that Ioram had this talke with Gehazi and he being smitten most probably at the beginning of it with the leprosie, it cannot be, that they had this communication together, before he was a leper. Lastly, Iorams inquiry seemeth to have been made, when Elishah now growing towards his end had done working of miracles, and was absent in Syria, as Martyr noteth, because he would have him tell of all the P. Martyr.great things, that Elishah had done, as speaking of one, that had even now finished his course.
After this Elishah went to Damascus, and Benhadad being sick, it was told him, &c.] Martyr yieldeth two reasons why Elishah went thither, 1 that he might declare V. 7.unto Hazael, that he should be King of Syria, which indeed, was long before given in charge to Elijah, and Elishah most probably by his direction given him before he was taken away now went to doe it; 2 to avoid the danger of the great famine, which still continued. And herein Sallianus also agreeth, making it the sixt yeare of the famine, when he went thither. The first of which reasons I willingly embrace, but because it is said expresly to have been done after these things, that is, after the siege broken up and the great scarcity turned into plenty, I cannot think that the famine was any cause of his going thither. Whereas Sallianus saith, that howsoever there was plenty in Samaria, yet the countrey might still labour with want: I answer, Elishah dwelt in Samaria, and therefore he had not need to have departed out of the kingdome, although there were scarcity still in other parts, but how it can be, that other parts were in want now, I cannot see; Samaria the chiefest city of the kingdome being so full, that from thence they might be supplied in all other places. If it be demanded, how Elishah fulfilled that, which was given in charge to Elijah, seeing he was bidden to annoint Hazael King; it may be, that he did, although it be not mentioned: for in Chronico Hebraeorum, it is said, that he Chron. Heb.annointed him. If not, his declaring to him, that he should be King, was, as an annointing of him to this office.
Touching the sicknesse of Benhadad at this time, Iosephus saith, that it came by Josephus.extream sorrow for his hoasts late shamefull flight, when none pursued them to his so great dammage, and ignominy. He also thereby conceived that God was against him, and so he should never prosper in any of his undertakings, which aggravated his griefe without measure. Touching the prophets going into an enemies country, so lately foiled by his meanes, and before maligned for discovering his consultations to the king of Israel, it is to be understood, that he was directed thither by God, and therefore feared no danger, there were more with him then against him, as was shewed him at Dothan. And for the Syrians, their hearts could not but be wonne towards him by his kindnesse shewed them in Samaria in delivering them from the danger of death, the king also being now sick and needing his help, it was no time to offer him any discourtesie, but gladly to receive him, being a man whom he knew to be so gracious with the highest Majesty, and of whose power he had experience in his servant Naaman.
Benhadad being certified of the prophets coming to Damascus, sent Haziel to V. 8, 9.him with a present of all the goood things of Damascus, the load of 40 camels to enquire of him, whether he should not recover his health again, meaning doubtlesse by this great kingly gift to win his favor so far as to pray for him. Whereby we may see in what honour and estimation Elishah was even amongst the Syrians. The king presumed not to send for him, for king Ahaziah doing so for Elijah, had his messengers destroyed by fire; yea 3 kings before humbled themselves in their streight to come unto him, being warned most probably by that example, and now the king of Syria sendeth a most honourable Embassadour to him, calling himselfe his son, thy sonne Benhadad. By all the good things of Damascus understand some of all, and the very best. But whether the prophet took this present or no, is uncertain; and most conjecture, that he did not, because he refused Naamans, and if wee receive that Septuagint translation called Complutensis & Regia. Hazael stood before him and set the gifts to him, untill hee was ashamed] he did certainly refuse it.
Hazael having done his message, Elisha answered, tell him, in living thou shalt V. 9.live, yet the Lord hath shewed me, that dying, he shall dye. Hebr. it is in the text, foreign say unto him, in living, thou shalt not live, and the Lord hath shewed me, &c. but in the V. 10. Junius.margin it is foreign to him, and so it runneth in all expositions except in that of Iunius, who hath it, say not, in living, thou shalt live] giving this for the meaning, although this disease be not unto death, yet thou shalt not recover out of it, but certainly dye. But whereas foreign in the margine is taken in, and foreign in the text left out, take wee them in both, and the sense will be plain. The king sends to enquire, whether he he should recover, Elishah answereth, say to him no; indeed thou mightest live, notwithstanding this sicknesse, but by some other meanes, thou shalt dye, and not recover; or leaving foreign in the margine out, say no, thou shalt live, &c. David Kimhi saith, that the prophet in his answer respected two divers things, and therefore his Kimhi.words are divers, first respecting the disease, he said that he should live, because he should not dye of that. 2. Respecting the evill means, that he should use to make him away, he said, that he should dye, speaking the one to be delivered by way of answer to his enquiry, and the other to prevent the calling in question of the truth of his prophesie, which otherwise might have been questioned, when the king died so soon after.
But others, which Martyr most approveth, say that the imperative is put for the P. Martyrfuture tense, as in many other places; particularly, Gen. 20. 7. and Prov. 3. 4. Say, that is, thou shalt say, or maist say, if thou wilt, unto him, thou shalt live, for I both know, that he shall not dye of this sicknesse, and that thou wouldst willingly speak pleasing things unto him, but the Lord hath shewed me, that before he recovereth, he shall certainly dye by some other meanes. Other expositions of some, which he also mentioneth, are not worth the naming, as that he would not have the truth plainly told him, least being strucken therewith, he should presently dye, and so the prophet be endangered by his subjects for the great love that they bare unto him, or that he meant that he should live eternally, as being one that was converted to the true God, but this is both to presume upon that which is improbable, and to make him to equivocate, from which he abhorred. Of all these expositions I preferre that of Iunius, and so the prophet neither bad him, nor permitted him to speak otherwise, then as the event should prove, although as the same Iunius hath it, he no lesse truly reported his answer, v. 14. then he dealt faithfully with his master, when as he strangled him and stopt his breath the next day; and upon this Lyra finally Lyra.resteth, saying that the Prophet told him that he should not live, so that Hazael manifestly lyed in returning his answer.
And he set his countenance, and set it till he was ashamed, and the man of God wept] V. 11.thus it is in Hebr. being rendred word for word. How the Septuagint have it hath been shewed before, and in the Septuagint Franckfort, he set the gifts to him, till they were corrupted and he was ashamed. The vulgar Latin, He stood with him and was troubled even to the suffusion of his countenance. Iun. Quamvis contineret vultum suum & componeret dudum. flevit tandem vir dei. Here because it is not said, who did thus? although Iunius hath it expresly the man of God, and Tostatus and Vatablus expound it of him, some refer it to Hazael, as the Septuagint and Iosephus, and that I take it, more rightly, both because when it is spoken what the man of God did, he is expresly named, and something was spoken, wherewith Hazael might be affected, when he was told, that his master should surely dye, it being then happily in his minde, which he did soon put in practice; but he would now feign sorrow at the hearing of it, and set and offered him the gift howsoever, to expresse which another word is used after the first setting spoken of, and he continued thus to do, till he was ashamed; as thinking, that the man of God knew that he did it not seriously, but feignedly, having other things in his minde tending to treachery against his master, and cruelty against his brethren, the Israelites. Then Elishah wept forsomuch as he saw into the inhumane malice of his heart against the people of God. And Hazael in submisse words asking the reason, he said, that he should break down V. 13. Fulfilled 2 Kin. 10. 32.the strong holds of the children of Israel, slay their yong men with the sword, dash out the infants brains, and rip up women with childe. Of which when he thought strange, saying, am I a dog? he answered, the Lord hath shewed me, that thou shalt be king of Syria. And upon this it is likely, that he began to meditate the death of his master. If it be demanded, how Elishah may be justified in telling him thus, which was a way to set him on to practice this treason against his king? Martyr P. Martyr.saith well, that prophets must declare what God hath committed unto them, although the wicked turn it into an occasion of rebellion, as did Ieroboam before, that the word of God, which is to salvation to some, might turn to their just damnation. For that prophesying of such things, doth not necessarily put men on ambitiously to seek them, appeareth in the example of David, who being anointed King by Samuel, was yet most averse from practising any thing against king Saul. These words of Hazael, What, am I thy servant a dog? &c. are by some drawn to another sense, being read thus without any distinction, What am I thy servant a contemptible dog for power, that I should do these great things? and the Prophet answers accordingly, Thou shalt be King of Syria, and then thou shalt have power. This had bin probable 1 Sam. 24. 15.indeed, if he had said [a dead dog] as David sometime to Saul, but because it is the nature of a dog to rend and tear without respect, it is better to take it as spoken in regard of savage cruelty, as abhorring then there from, but he answered, that he should be King of Syria, and so he would change his minde, as many men do; according to that proverb, honores mutant mores. Lyra joyneth both Lyra.these expositions together, I am not so potent that I can, or so cruell that I would do thus. And indeed this was such horrible cruelty, that no heart could think upon it without relenting, and therefore Elishah fore-seeing it by the spirit, could not but weep, as Ieremiah afterwards for the miseries of his people present, and Christ for their miseries, which he foresaw should come.
Hazael returning to his master told him, that he should live, but the next day he V. 14, 15.took a thick cloth, and having dipped it in water spread it upon his face, and he died This, saith Martyr some expound, he did as done in good will to cool him, being P. Martyr.extreamly hot with a feaver, but whilest the cloth was too hard pressed, his breath was stopped: but it is comonly & best taken for a voluntary act under a colour of cooling, to hasten his end. And he being his great friend, could not so much as be suspected as guilty of his death, when he had done thus; because neither could the King cry out, neither did any scar appear upon his dead body afterwards. The cloth laid upon his face, is rendred by Pagninus, pa…um e pilis caprarum, or goats hair; by Iosephus, Pagninus. Josephus. Chald. Paraph.a wet net; the vulgar Latin hath it [stragulum] a blanket; the Chaldee paraphrast, aperimentum villosum; whatsoever it were, it was a treacherous part in him, neither did the prophesie of Elishah bear him out in so doing, because although he told him that he should be King, yet he told him not when, neither did he prescribe him such means to come to the kingdome. He was in shew an obedient servant and friend, but indeed did bear a treacherous minde against his master, for his kingdomes sake. As Martyr noteth it to be the case of many princes, which maketh Note. their estate miserable, their nearest friends and those, in whom they trust most proving their most dangerous enemies to their destruction; so Claudius Casar had his bane given him by his wife Agrippina in a poisoned bullet, that her some Nero might the sooner come to the Empire; and Livia, the wife of Octavius Augustus was his death, when hee lay grievously sick, that hee might not alter his will, whereby he had given the Empire to Tyberius, her sonne by another husband, and give it to a grandchild that he had then by his daughter. To conclude the history of Benhadad, Benjamin the Iew saith, that in Damascus there was a most rare building, which they said, was the pallace of king Benhadad, called Gumagh Dumes{que}, that is, the Mosche of Damascus, which had a wall of glasse built by art Magick, in which were so many holes, as there be dayes in the year, for the Sunne to shine into each day, so that hereby the day of the monethmonth and year might be known; within the houses were also bathes of gold and silver, and in them a great tub like a throne, of the same matter, in which two or three might sit and bath themselves. And Iosephus saith, that Benhadad and Hazael were worshipped by the Syrians as gods, because they so much enlarged the kingdom, and beautified the city with many Temples and other fair buildings.
To leave now again the history of the Kings of Israel, and to bring on that of the Kings of Iudah, v. 16. The fifth year of Ioram the sonne of Ahab and of Iehoshaphat, V. 16.Ioram the sonne of Iehoshaphat reigned, &c.] It is said before, 2 King. 1. 17. that Ioram began to reign over Israel, the second year of Ioram the sonne of Iehoshaphat, how then could he begin the fifth of Ioram of Israel, when as in his fifth year he had been seven years king, according to that Chronology? But I have been large already in reconciling this difference, upon 2 King. 1. 17. resting in fine upon this, that there by the second year of Ioram of Iudah, is meant the second year of his fathers making him his consort in the kingdome, here he having been a titular king together with his father 7. years, beginneth to have all the government cōmitted to him, the old king thenceforth medling no more with matter of government, but giving himself to prepare for his death, and therefore it is said, the fifth year of Ioram king of Israel, and of Iehoshaphat; that is, in his life-time, although he departed out of this life soon after. Here it is to be noted, that in the regiae Bibliae, both Latin and Greek, these words [and of Iehoshaphat king of Iudah] are wanting, and although they be in the Hebrew, and Chaldee, and Graec. Sixti, yet Tostatus rejecteth Tostatus. Vatablus.them as redundant, and Vatablus thinketh they are to be read with a parenthesis, and Iehosbaphat king of Iudah subintellige (was dead) but this is forced. Some to make the sense perfect understand these words, and the fifth of Iehoshaphat, although it were much more, saying, that here his time is counted from the time of his deliverance in the warre against the Syrians, 2 Chron. 20. but this is both an unheard of way of counting, and needlesse, seeing it may be sufficiently supplied with these words at large, in the dayes of Iehoshaphat. Martyr conjectureth, that when he went with Ahab to battle at Ramoth Gilead, he made Ioram his sonne King, and from that time a new account of his reign is to begin, it being now the fifth year, as of Ioram of Israel, therefore the fifth is onelyonly once named for them both, it being the fifth of Iehoshaphat reigning together with his sonne. And from this time of Iorams reigning alone, must his eight years be counted, that there may be an agreement with the time of his death, the 12. year of Ioram of Israel, vers. 25. when Ochoziah his sonne succeeded him, and yet neither will it agree so, unlesse the fifth year of Ioram of Israel be counted one, and his twelfth another of these eight parts of years being put for years, which is not unusuall.
2 Chron. 21. 1. Ioram is said to have reigned in Iehoshaphats stead after his death, not before, and v. 5. beginning at this time, he is said to have been 32. years old, when he began to reign, and to have reigned eight years. And if he began his reign whilest his father lived, how is it said, that he reigned in his stead he being dead? and if after his death he were but 32. and reigned eight years, how can it be that he was 32. his father yet living, and that he reigned no more then 8. years? Ans. Ioram is said at three severall times to have reigned, or to have been King. First, when his father made him King together with himself, of which that is to be understood, 2 King. 1. 17. Secondly, when waxing old, and desirous to disburthen himself of worldly employment, he comitted all the government of the kingdome to him, of which that 2 King. 8. 16. is to be understood, and happily vers. 3. of this chapter. Thirdly, when his father being dead he reigned as sole King, of which 2 King. 22. 51. and this 2 Chro. 21. 1. And from hence his years of reigning are to be reckoned, and of his age when he began, and this most probably was within the compasse of the same year, that his father committed all the government to him, as David had done before to his sonne Solomon, that seeing him in his full kingly authority before his death, and that which might satisfie his other six sonnes being at the same time conferred upon him, according to v. 3. there might be none occasion of contention amongst them, although it fell out otherwise, as is by and by shewed, v. 4. For the kingdome being delivered to Ioram, and great gifts of gold and silver, and pensions, and fenced cities in Iudah to his other six sonnes, wherein they might sit as 2 Ch. 21. 4.presidents, he most cruelly slew them all, being impatient of any honours conferred upon them, as derogatory to his royall dignity, soon after the death of his father; and also some Princes that he might have the whole power of collating their dignities upon whom he pleased.
In Tradit. Hebr. it is said, that he slew his brethren because they were godly, Tradit. Hebr.and insisted in the steps of their good father, from which he was most averse, as being wholly addicted to the wayes of the house of Ahab; and if so, most probably the …nces slain also were their speciall friends, and like affected to them for matter …eligion. And for this it seemeth to make, which followeth, v. 6. He walked in … wayes of the kings of Israel, &c. And it is not improbable, that he was put on this …ckednesse, as not thinking himselfe secure in the kingdom, whilest they lived, or … that might revenge their death, as he might fear, that they being slain, these Prin… would doe. But why are the Princes called [Princes of Israel] when as he reig… not over Isrel, but Iudah? Ans. by the same reason that Iehos. 6 sons are said Hebr. … be the sons of Iehosh. king of Israel, v. 2. The word Israel is not here put for the …gdom of the 10 tribes, but for the whole state of Iacobs children called Israel, and …s he is said to be king of Israel synechdochically, because he was king of part of Isra…, and accordingly these are called Princes of Israel, because of Iudah, a tribe of Israel; and that the chiefest and most principall. Lyra saith, that he slew his brethren, because Lyra.he feared least that he being cast out for his wickednesse, any of them should bee made king in his stead, and to get the goods and possessions which their father gave them, and some Princes, because they disliked his evill doings. But before he did these things, it is said, that he strengthened himselfe in his kingdom, that is, by gifts obliging many unto him, that he might the more securely thus tyrannize. And it is further added, that he walked in the wayes of the kings of Israel, as the house V. 6.of Ahab did, for hee had his daughter to wife. VntoUnto his cruelty like that of the Turks, laying the foundation of his kingdome in the shedding of his brothers blood, he added idolatry, or because he was an idolater he was thus cruell, this being a sinne for the most part unseparable from idolaters; for the devill, whom such serve, delights in blood, as being himselfe a murtherer from the beginning. And the primary cause of all this is noted to have been his unequall yoking in marriage with the daughter of Ahab, Athalia, as it appeareth, that her name was ch. 32. 2. But only she is there said to be the daughter of Amri, the father of Ahab; but she might be called daughter either of the one, or of the other if she were, the daughter of Ahab, seeing Grand-fathers doe commonly call their sonnes daughters, their daughters. And it may be conceived, that she was called first daughter of Ahab, then of Amri his father to denote the deep ingraffing of idolatrous precepts within her breast, as taking them from them both, who were Arch idolaters, and most unreclaimable. For I doe not like that way of reconciling this which Martyr mentioneth, that Amri P. Martyr.being her father, she was very young when he dyed, and so for her being brought up with Ahab her brother, she is said to be his daughter; for never yet was any woman said to be daughter to her brother for her education with him. By this marriage of Ioram with Athalia, Iehoshaphat is said to have contracted affinity with Ahab, 2 Chron. 18. 1. He was a wise and godly king indeed, but herein he did neither wisely nor godly. He thought to enjoy the more certain peace with the kings of Israel by this meanes, and hoped to draw them from idolatry to the true God, but it fell out clean contrary, his house was hereby perverted to idolatry, and consequently his race well nigh extinct; and for this cause happily he is not named (as making himself guilty hereby) with the blamelesse kings, David, Hezechiah, and Iosiah, who are said not to have sinned, that is, by idolatry, or being any way accessary to the promoting of it, Eccl. 49. 5. whereas he was, his house not onelyonly being by this means corrupted, but his kingdom. Let no Prince therefore in any politick respect marry so for fear of marring all, 2 Cor. 6. 16. But the Lord would not destroy the V. 7.house of David for the covenant, which he had made with him. 2 Kings 8. 19. Hee would not destroy Iudah for Davids sake, as he had promised him, to the same effect. Of this promise, see 2 Sam. 7. and it is said, that he might give him a light, and his children for ever.] By light kingly glory being meant, which maketh a family to shine, and this, howsoever it ended about the time of the coming of Shiloh, that is, of Christ, according to the prophesie of Iacob, Gen. 49. 10. in respect of a worldly kingdome, yet it shineth by the light of a spirituall reigning in Christ, who was of the seed of David now much more and so shall continue for ever and ever. And this is added, as implying, that for the wickednesse of Ioram he and his were worthy to be cut off, that none of that race might reigne any more; so much doth the Lord abominate idolaters and murderers, and so much is his wrath stirred up against them.
In his dayes Edom rebelled, and would not be subiect any more to Iudah, &c.] As V. 8.he had beene ever since Davids time, untill the end of Iehoshaphats reign, 1 King. 22. 48. 2 King. 3. 9. thus God began to lessen his dominion for his sinnes by cutting off Edom from him; and although he sought with all his might to recover it, and by setting upon them in the night slew many, yet Edom would no more be brought under, but they set up a King of their owne, and Lybna, a city of Iudah Josh. 15. Pellican. Lyra.also neare unto them fell away at the same time, and as some thinke came under the King of Edom, as joyning with the Edomites in their rebellion. And that his sinnes were the cause of this it appeares, for it is added, vers. 10. For he left the V. 10.Lord God of his fathers, and built high places in the cities of Iudah, and made Iudah to transgresse. The words, whereby Iorams expedition against the Edomites is set forth are somewhat obscure, therefore Ioram passed into Seir, a city in Edom, and not the mount Seir, because it is written with foreign whereas the mount is written with foreign and all his chariots with him. And when he had risen up in the night and smitten Edom, which had compassed him and the Princes of the chariots, the people fled to their tents. Pellican therefore expounds them thus. The army of Edom rising in the night smote the Princes of the chariots in Iorams army, and the people of Iudah with their King Ioram fled to their tents, leaving the worke undone, neither was it ever attempted any more, because Libnah, a noble city of Iudah and nigh unto Edom joyned with them also. But he confesseth, that the Hebrews expound it otherwise, and so to expound it is more agreeable to the Hebrew text, if it be not through the negligence of some corrupted, which far be it for us to imagine. The true sense is that given by Martyr, that Ioram with his chariots being come to Edom, the Edomites came and compassed about his army; but he arising in the night brake through their forces slaying many of them, and returning home again; and then they returned to their tents; this warre for the recovery of Edom being thus soone ended with out effect, after one skirmish onelyonly. And the prophesie of Isaac, Gen. 27. 42. that Esau should breake off his yoke was now fulfilled. And it was a just judgement of God against Ioram, that his defection from God should be punisht with the Edomites defection from his obedience, and his breaking of covenant with God with their breaking covenant with him. Lyra hath another exposition, which hee makes here viz. that Ioram had many Edomites with him, that were valiant men, and served him in his warres, whose revolt he now fearing arose up in the night and slew them.
But there were letters brought unto him from Elijah the prophet, saying, &c.] V. 12.Elijah being long before this received up into heaven, ch. 2. how could he now write unto Ioram, to reprove and threaten him for his wickednesse? Answ. I doe not thinke with the Hebrewes, that these letters were written by Elijah after his taking up, and miraculously presented to Ioram although Lyra holds the same. Nor with Pellican that they might be written and sent by him yet living, the relation hereof being misplaced: for Iehosaphat was dead, before that his sonne Ioram thus fell away from God, & that Elijah was taken out of this world, whilest Iehosaphat yet lived and ruled appeareth, 2 King. 3. where Elishah, who had not the spirit of working miracles, till after the rapture of his Master, is said to have supplied the armies miraculously with water for Iehoshaphats sake there present. I hold then P. Martyr.with them, that say, these letters then might be written before by Elijah, foreseeing by the spirit, that Ioram would doe so wickedly and left with Elishah to be sent unto him, when he should see his time; because Elishah his part, as it seemeth, was to helpe and to doe miraculously for the distressed, but not to threaten judgements, or severely to proceed against any, that part being assigned to Elijah his predecessour, and accordingly acted by him. And it is the more probable, that he committed this businesse to Elishah, because he certainly left another to him, which he was to doe after his death, viz. the declaring to Hazael, that he should be King of Syria. To yield to any sending of letters out of another world is to yield to that which is strange, yea contrary to the Sacred Scriptures, which deny all dealing in this kinde in the parable of Dives and Lazarus.
In these letters the idolatry of Ioram is upbraided unto him and his going after V. 13.the Kings of Israel, and not after Iehoshaphat and Asa; and he is threatened therefore and for killing his brethren better then himselfe, that God would strike him V. 14. V. 15.with a great stroak; him, his children, his wives and people, and all his substance; and that he should be stricken with a lothsome disease in his belly, untill his guts should come out. This threatening of him for killing his brethren seemeth to Lyra to be a good argument that this epistle was written after the rapture of Elijah, because they were slaine after and not before. But it must be remembred which hath beene already said, that Elijah wrote thus out of his propheticall spirit, whereby he foresaw this. Some thinke, that they were the letters of another Elijah and not of Elijah the Tishbite. The event proved this epistle a true prophesie, and it could not be long after the coming of it to his hands, for he lay two yeares after that he was smitten in his bowels, and his reigne was but of eight yeares. Most probably he was one yeare in making friends, that might stick to him; the second he adventured to slay his brethren, and some Princes; the third he built high places and forced men to idolatry; the fourth the Edomites and Lybnah rebelled and he went against them and returned doing nothing; the fift he being no whit moved hereby to repent had these letters sent unto him; and the sixt the Philistines and Arabians V. 16. V. 17. V. 18. V. 19.that were borderers upon the Ethiopians came and wasted Iudah, and tooke away all his substance, and his sonnes, and wives, onelyonly Iohahaz remained, who was the youngest: and lastly, in the seventh yeare at the beginning his most dolorous sicknesse began whereof he died most miserably; and unto all this was added moreover a dishonour in his buriall, the people made no burning for him, as they had done for his ancestours, neither did they bury him in the sepulchre of the Kings, but only V. 20.in the city of David in some common burying place, as thinking him unworthy and too base for his wickednesse to have that honour done to his dead corps so marked by Gods hand as most vile, whilest he lived. Of the rite of burning sweet odours to Kings departed, see before, 2 Chron. 16. 14. in the history of Asa his grandfather. Here is to be noted, that whereas vers. 17. the Arabians are said to have taken away his sonnes and wives, it is to be understood, by killing them: for Chap. 22. 1. they are said to have killed all his sonnes, but the youngest, and Iosephus saith, that they slew his wives also. A just judgement of God, that he, who so cruelly slew his brethren should have his sons slain; and he that took their goods which their father had given them, should have his substance taken all away, and come soone after himselfe to a more miserable end, then his children. VponUpon what occasion the Arabians came thus against Joram it is not said, but onelyonly that God stirred them up; yet it is most probable, that the Edomites instigated them hereunto, that the King of Iudah being by these meanes weakened, he might the lesse infest them for their revolting from his obedience. For that Ioram had an army abroad at that time to waste the Edomites, although he could not againe reduce them to his obedience, is intimated, Chap. 22. 1. where it is said, that the Arabian robbers slew the Kings sons, when they rushed into the tents.
Ioram being dead, the inhabitants of Ierusalem made Ahaziah his youngest son King in his stead, for all his elder sonnes were slain, 2 KIngs 8. 25, it is said only that 2 Chron. 22. 1.Ahaziah his youngest son reigned in his stead. But in both places the name is divers from that. 2 Chron. 21. 17. where his youngest is called Iehohaz, but the same man is also called▪ Azariah, 2 Chron. 22. 6. so that it seemeth he had 3 names, Ahaziah was of 4… yeares when he began to reign, 2 Kings 8. He was 22. and indeed how could he be more, seeing his father Ioram was but 40 when he dyed, for he was 32. when he began his reign, and reigned but 8 yeares as kings, and Chronicles doe both consent. Some Hebrewes say, that Chronicles reckon from the beginning of Amri, whose daughter Athalia is here said to be his mother, for so the years agree; Heb. Chron. c. 17Amri 6. Ahab 22. Ahaziah his sonne 2 Ioram his brother 12. But because this is too much forced, other Hebrewes say, that 20 yeares of his fathers reign are concealed, and that he is said ta have reigned 8 for 28. because that from the time of his troubles he made Ahaziah his son confort with him in the kingdome, and when he had reigned with his father 20 yeares he dyed, and then the men of Ierusalem confirmed the kingdome unto him anew, after which hee reigned but one yeare. And thus it is true, which is said, 2 Kings 8. He was 22 when hee began to reign, that is together with his father, and reigned one yeare only alone, and it is also true, which is here said, he was 42 when he began to reign alone. And this Martyr preferreth P. Martyr. Lyra. Hierou. Hebr. 1 Sam. 13. 1.as most probable, and Lyra following Ierom, and proving it by the like in Saul, unto whose reign only 2 yeares are counted, when as he reigned manifestly more, as hath bin shewed upon 1 Sam. 13. 1. even 18. but he is said to have reigned two, because he reigned well so long, & no longer. So Ioram is said to havereigned 8 years, because so long he reigned well, or innocently as Ierom saith, but then he slew his brethren, & from hence forward wickedly, his kingdom also declining 20 years, which cause that time is not reckoned to him, but to intimate so much time more of his reign, and that his son Ahaziah reigned all or part of it together with him, he is said to have bin 42 when he began to reign, lest going upon the number of 22. when he is said, 2 Kings 8. to have begun his reign, 20 whole years should be cut off from the Chronology, and so an errour be committed in reckoning the time by reason of the number there put, when as it is meant, that from the beginning of his reign with his father, he was 22. and then all the time that his father lived after this being passed over in silence, he is said to have reigned one year, that is, alone. And this is held by most, Vatablus, Tostatus, Azorius, Gordon, &c. And this is certeinly the best way of clearing this doubt. Whereas it is objected, so Ioram must not have begunne his Vatablus. Azor. Gordon. Sa.reign at 32, but at 12. or else to have lived not 40, as is commonly counted, but 60. it may be granted that he lived so long, seeing it is not set down, how long he lived.
But whereas Ierom is brought affirming Ioram to have lived but 40. and Iosephus likewise, and all the time both of Ioram the father, and Ahaziah the son, is included within the reign of Ioram of Israel, and the time of his reign was but twelve years, 2 King. 8. 16. 25. I must needs confesse, that I cannot see what may be answered. Wherefore some have found out another way, saying, that a transposition is to be made of the words thus. When Ahaziah began to reign, his mothers name was Athaliah the daughter of Amri, he was of 42. years, that is, Amri, or so many years passed from the time of his beginning to reign, till now, as hath been before accounted. But seeing there is no warrant thus to transpose the years, which are plainly spoken of one, as meant of another, a king of another kingdome, who was also dead long before, this is not to be admitted. Nothing then remaineth to be said, but that this place hath been erroneously copied out, and ought to be corrected by 2 King. 8. as in the Septuagint translation it is, where it is said, as 2 King. 8. so 2 Chron. 22. Achaziah was 22. years old when he began to reign. And yet this is no disparagement to the holy Scripture, seeing some translation is right, and the text 2 King. 8. and pregnant reason is a sufficient ground to evince the truth. Whereas the time of Ahaziah his beginning to reign, is set forth not onelyonly by his age, but 2 King. 8. 25. by the twelfth year of Ioram king of Israel, but ch. 9. 29. by his eleventh year. Martyr saith, that the twelfth was so little begun, that it is not spoken P. Martyr.of in the second place, but the eleventh, which was then complete. But if the twelfth were begun, it could not be said in the eleventh with any colour of truth. Lyra Lyra.therefore and others better, he began to reign alone, his father being dead, in the twelfth year; but that we might know, that when his father lay languishing of his last sicknesse, and grew by reason thereof unfit to govern, that the kingdome was not without a governour, for he made his sonne king together with him, a year before his death, that is inserted of his beginning to reign in the 11. of Ioram of Israel. Neither can any reason otherwise be conceived why after his death mention should be again made of his beginning to reign in a divers year, ch. 9. 29. but to intimate some what before omitted, viz. that besides the one year of his reign before spoken of, he reigned another whilest his father lived, as was the manner of divers other kings, and of Ioram his father, who reigned together with Iehoshaphat his father, as hath been already shewed, upon 2 King. 8. 16.
Ahaziah being made King, was as wicked as his father for matter of idolatry, for V. 3, 4.he followed Ahab, as his mother enforced him, and they of the house of Ahab, are said to have been his counsellers, thus to bring him to destruction, and he is said to have walked in their counsels. 2 King. 8. 27. all this is comprised in fewer words; He walked in the wayes of Ahabs house, and did that which was evill before the Lord, for he was the son in law of Ahab. His mother provided him a wife of Ahabs house, and thus he was so strongly carried on, as if he had been enforced to that wickednesse, partly by his mothers command, and partly by his wives importunity. Thus idolatry brought in by marrying with idolaters, was so rooted, that it could not be rooted out without rooting up the corrupted stock, for a warning to all generations to come, to take heed of such unequall yoking.
How destruction came from hence unto him, the next words declare, vers. 5. V. 5, 6.He went with Ioram king of Israel to warre against Hazael at Ramoth Gilead, where Ioram was wounded by the Syrians, and and so returned to Iezreel to be healed, then Ahaziah followed to visite him. And this is noted to have been by the will V. 7, 8. V. 9.of God against Ahaziah: For Iehu coming at the same time against Ioram, he went out with him, and so his brethren upon whom Iehu first lighted being slain, he was found out and slain also. This briefly here run over, the purpose of the writer of the Chronicles, being to prosecute onelyonly the history of the kings of Iudah fully, is with all the circumstances set forth, 2 King. 9. Iosephus saith, that Iorams army Josephus.was still at Ramoth Gilead under Iehu as Generall, and that Ahaziah coming to visit him, left his forces there also. Which came to passe by a singular providence, that Iehu with the lesse opposition, might execute the judgements of God upon them both together, as he did 2 King. 9. The space between Ramoth Gilead and Iezreel, was 24. miles according to H. Bunt.Patriarks travels.