Commentary on the Old Testament Volume 2-4, Biblical commentary 1 · 1 Kings · Chapter 15
CHAP. XV.
AMongst other things touching the acts of Rehoboam it is particularly mentioned in the Chapter before going v. 30. And the warre between Ieroboam and Rehoboam all their dayes.] And this chapter v. 6. it is said, There was war between Rehoboam and Ieroboam all the dayes of their lives. Although at the first dividing of the kingdom God restrained Rehoboam from war, whilest he served him, not suffering so great an evill to rage in that kingdome, yet when he and his kingdome were corrupted also with idolatry, he suffered warres to begin again, and to go on without ceasing, one seeking to recover his tribes lost, and the other to hold them. it being thus verified, which was spoken by the prophet Esa. 57. There is no peace to the wicked, saith my God. Having gone from God, he went from them, leaving them to teare and to destroy one anothers kingdom without end, which may alwayes bee expected in any kingdome or state, to bee the issue of wickednesse.
In the 18 yeare of Ieroboam began Abijam to reign over Iudah. He reigned three V. 1.yeares in Ierusalem, and his mothers name was Maachah the daughter of Absalem, and he walked in all the sinnes of his father, &c.] 2 Chron. 13. 2. His mothers name was Michaiah the daughter of Vriel of Gibeah. But 2 Chron. 12. 20. shee is named 2 Chron. 13. 2.Maachah the daughter of Absalom. To reconcile this difference some say, that Maachah was Absaloms daughters daughter, for his only daughter was Thamar, neither Pellican. Ioseph. antiq. lib. 8. c. 3.is it unusuall in holy Scripture to call the grand-child the daughter. Vriel then of Gibeah a Benjamite, to whom Thamar, Absaloms daughter was married, was father to Maachah and Absalom her Grand-father, for which shee is here called the daughter of Vriel, there of Absalom. But Ierom and Lyra and Tostatus say, that by Absalom is not meant Davids sonne; but some other, because he was of Gibeah, Hieronym. Lyra. Tostatus.Absalom of Ierusalem, or Hebron, or Bethlehem; to approve which they say that it is not Absalom in the Hebrew, but Abessalom; and to make that name and Vriel to agree, that either the same man was of two names, or else Abessalom was the Grand-father, and Vriel the Father. But who so shall look into the Hebrew text, shall find no difference between this name and Absalom, and although no marriages ought to have been made out of the tribe, yet who can think that any scruple was made of this, by such as sinned so fouly against other more weighty commandments of God? Wherefore I conclude, that most probably, Maachah or Michaiah, was Absaloms Grand-child, and properly the daughter of Vriel, who was the some of Absaloms daughter; for which cause she is the daughter: as Obed, who came of Ruth, a sonne borne to Naomi, her mother. Now his mothers name is set down in making way to relate of his wickednesse, because she happily being a grosse idolatresse was the chiefe cause thereof; of her idolatry, see 2 Chron. 15, 16.
But because v. 10. Abijam saith, The Lord our God is ours, neither doe we forsake him, &c. A doubt ariseth, how that agreeth with this, telling of his sinnes, 2 Chron. 13.wherein he followed Rehoboam? Ans. Either he spake so in dissimulation, according Sallianus.to some, or rather when he went forth to this battell, he was godly; it being the first entrance upon his kingdome: but being puft up by this great victory, after pride all other wickednesse followed in him, especially having a mother to put him on herein. For if he had spoken dissemblingly, he should not certainly have found such help from God. And because he continued in the way of piety so short a time, that is passed over, as not worth the naming; and his great wickednesse only is mentioned, yet Martyr thinketh that he was wicked at the first, but being in danger by Ieroboams great Army, repented; and sought unto God, as his Father being chastifed by the King of Egypt, had done. But Pellican that hee was wicked even now, only the worship of God was by him externally maintained, and magnified; where with because God was well pleased, it being of his owne ordaining, hee now took part with him. And for this the time of his reigne V. 2. V. 3.was made short, for it was only 3 yeares. v. 3. His heart was not perfect like Davids, yet for Davids sake the Lord gave him a light in Ierusalem, because David did that which was right, &c Of the like commendation given to David, see before, 1 Kings 14. 8. onelyonly here is excepted the matter touching Vriah; not as Martyr saith, because this was his only sin, but because so foul, that whatsoever he P. Martyr.did amisse before or after it, was nothing in comparison of it.
There was warre between Rehoboam and Ieroboam, all their dayes.] This may seem V. 6.to be set down there out of place, but the writer of this history did it, that wee might take speciall notice, that warres were not only begun when Kings were left of God for their wickednesse, but continued without end in the fathers time, who never turned, and then v. 7. in the sonnes time, betwixt whom yet, and Ieroboam it is only said, that there was warre, viz. one great battell described more largely, V. 7.2 Chron. 13. 2, 3. wherein Abijam obtained a famous victory, neither was he any more molested, which seemeth to favour the exposition of Martyr before going, that Abijam was wicked at the first; and hereby Ieroboam was emboldened to raise such forces against him, but hee being in danger, turned and besought the Lord for aid and so prevailed, but his heart being not right, after this hee was not suffered to continue long, but dyed at the end of 3 yeares. Touching this battest, Josephus. P. M. Zonaras in annal. Lyra, &c.it is uncertain whether of them provoked the other, but almost all men conjecture, that Ieroboam took the opportunity of Rehoboams death, and first provoked unto it in the beginning of Abijams reign, when he was scarce setled in his kingdome, and but young and unexpert in martiall matters. Yet if we consider his reign only of 3 yeares, and his sonne Asa left behind him then fit for government, hee cannot be thought to have been so young: and because Abijams entring the battell is first spoken of, and the number of his men, and the place where the battell was 2 Chro. 13. 3. V. 4.fought, was in Ephraim, which was within the kingdome of Ieroboam, it is most probable, that Abijam was first in armes, thinking to recover that part of the kingdome again, which his father had lost; and to this doth best agree the tenour of his speech, which was to move them to forsake Ieroboam, as a rebell against the house of David, and a perverter of religion, and now to return to the obedience of that house, set up of God to rule and reign for ever. Wherefore Sethus Calvis. saith, that Abijam rashly offering warre to Ieroboam, yet obtained the victory, when he Sethus Calvis.called upon God. He began then, as his father by force to seek to recover the kingdome taken from his house, but by more wise perswasions added. But did not he know that God had given Ieroboam that part, and taken it from the house of David? Ans. Doubtlesse he did, but whether for Rehoboams time only, or for ever he knew not; or to how long time this punishment of Solomons idolatry should be extended. Certain it is, that he favoured his proceedings by giving him the victory miraculously, he having in his army but 400000. but Ieroboam 800000. For although men going out to warre, sometimes unjustly are suffered to prevaile, yet never are they extraordinarily assisted, as Abijam was; And the reason may easily be conceived, viz. the incorrigible wickednes of Ieroboam, and of the men of Israel here mentioned, whereas Abijam maintained the true worship and service of God, and both he and the men of Iudah called upon God, and put their trust in him only. To shew therefore how wel pleasing to God this is, & contrariwise how displeasing to forsake Note. God & to serve images, he wrought thus miraculously for them, although he favoured them not in seeking contrary to his decree, to bring all Israel again to the house of David; so that after this great victory Abijam could not yet prevaile for that, but only took some cities of Israel, that kingdome remaining to Ieroboam still. The place from whence Abijam spake before the battell began, was mount Semeraim, so placing himselfe doubtlesse, that he might be heard by a great part of Ieroboams army, as sometime Iotham the sonne of Gedeon went up to a mount to speak likewise Iudg. 9. 7. V. 5.to the Shechemites. The occasion that he made beginneth first with Davids and his sons right to the kingdom over all Israel, for ever; for he saith that God gave to them by a covenant of salt, that is, either confirming it by sacrifice, in which alwayes there was salt, or because salt keepeth flesh from corrupting; it is thus spoken to shew that this covenant should never be altered, thus this phrase is used also 2 Sam. 7. 14. V. 6, 7.before, Numb. 18, 19. And for Ieroboam hee saith, that hee was but a servant that rebelled against his Lord, and gathering vain fellowes to him, he prevailed against Rehoboam, as a timerous and unexpert man only, that thus he might move their minds if he could possibly without warre to leave Ieroboam againe, intimating by this speech that the fault was only in his father, that Ieroboam, thus prevailed; but now another man being made King, who had more courage, the case would be altered. And because it was commonly knowne against this, that God set up Ieroboam, and Rehoboam lost not those tribes under him for want of courage, for hee gathered a great army to bring back the kingdome to himselfe, only God restreined him from fighting; he added, that Ieroboam was to them the authour of idolatry, and of casting off Gods Priests, and making others in their stead, even of the basest V. 8, 9.condition; so that they had whilst they followed him, God for their enemy, and therefore if they trusted in their great multitudes, they should certainly be deceived, because there is no strength against God.
In the kingdome of Iudah contrariwise he sheweth, that there were lawfull priests and sacrificing, and lights burning, and shew-bread, &c. Neither had they V. 16.forsaken God, because although there was idolatry there also, yet none was compelled to it, but all men were left free to repair to the service done in the temple, according to the law of Moses. Whereas he speaketh of the golden candlestick, it is per ennalagen numeri, one being put for more, according to some, yet others think, there was but one left, the rest being taken away haply by the king of Egypt. In concluding, he disswades them therefore from fighting against God, threatning that if they did, Lyranus. Tostatus. V. 12.they should not prosper, as indeed it fell out. For whilest he spake thus, although Ieroboam closely divided his army, causing one part to wheel about and to come upon their backs, and the other to set upon them before, thinking by his great multitudes thus to confound and overcome them, yet the priests sounding with trumpets and the men of Iudah crying to the Lord for help, gave them the overthrow, killing V. 13, 14, 15, 16, 17.500000. of them, such a slaughter as no history almost relates the like in any age, as Iosephus also noteth, and therefore the version of his history made by Ruffinus is false, wherein it is 50000. Then Abijah and the men of Iudah pursued Ierohoams men, and took from him three cities, with their daughters, that is, the villages belonging V. 18, 19, 20.to them, viz. Bethel, Ieshana, and Hephraim, then Ieroboam died being smitten by the Lord, so Tostatus and some others understand it. Pellican speaking Pellican.of the number slain, calleth it an incredible number, saying, that a certain number is put for an uncertain, the meaning being, that more then half the army perished, but I see no reason, why the precise number should be called in question, seeing the Lord at the sounding of the silver trumpets, according to his ordinance, gave such courage to Iudah, and strook such fear into Israel, that one of them was able now to chase an hundred, for the heart being surprized with fear, the outward members, saith the Philosophers, languish and are without strength. Touching him that is said now to be smitten; Lyra will not have Ieroboam understood, but Lyra.Abijah, who according to some, having taken Bethel where a golden calf was, became by this meanes an idolater, for which God smote him, that he died. The V. 20.words are, Neither could Ieroboam prevail any more in the dayes of Abijah, and the Lord smote him that he died, where the word [him] may be referred to either, but to Ieroboam it seemeth, that it cannot be referred, because he lived still, when Abijah was dead, for Asa is said to have begun to reign in the 20. year of his reign, 1 King. 15. 9. and he fulfilled 22. before that he died. And because it is immediately here subjoyned touching Abijah, that he was confirmed and maried 14 wives, and begat 22 sonnes, v. 21. it is as improbable, that it is spoken of him, and yet because Abijahs death is presently spoken of, v. 22. and Ieroboams living & reigning after that 2. yeares, I hold with Lyra, that it is to be understood of Abijah turning wicked and idolatrous after this victory, as was touched before. That which followeth of him, v. 21. being meant of his posterity, & whereas it is said, he married, &c. it is best read by Iunius in the preterpluperfecttense, he had maried, this being spoken by way of recapitulation. And to this exposition consenteth Diony. Hugo, & Iosephus, & Hebr. major Chron. alledging yet another reason, viz. because when he had taken Bethel, he destroyed not the golden calf. Abijah after this victory turning wicked is smitten, that he died in a short time; whose acts are said to be written in the book of the Chron. of the kings of Iudah, as Rehoboams before, 1 Kin. 14. 29. but 1 King. 15. 8.2 Chr. 13. 22. in the book of the Prophet Iddo; of both which enough 1 Kin. 14. 19.
To returne again to the history of the Kings. Abijah being dead, Asa his sonne V. 9, 10.began to reign, anno 20. of Ieroboam, and he reigned 41. yeares, and did that which was right in the sight of the Lord, his mothers name was Maacha, &c. The same history is also set forth, 2 Chron. 14. 1, 2. where it is supplied which is here wanting, 2 Chonr. 14. 1, 2, 3.the land had rest 10. yeares. And in describing his righteousnesse it is said, that he beat down the altars of strange Gods, and their high places, and brake their images, and cut down their groves, saying to the Iews, that they should require the Lord, he built also cities of defence, &c. v. 6, 7. And his armies are said to be 30000. of Iudah, and 280000. of Benjamin. v. 8. And when Zerach the Ethiopian came against him with 1000000. he called upon the Lord and so overcame them, &c. v. 9, 10, 11, 12. Here it is onelyonly said v. 12. he took the masculine harlots out of the land, and removed their dung-hill gods, of which see before ch. 14. 24. There also is shewed, what encouragement he had by Hazariah, a prophet, 2 Chron. 15. 1, 2. unto v. 16.and how he then proceeded yet more to purge the land from idolatry, and to offer sacrifices abundantly, making a covenant together with his people to seek the Lord, and this was done anno 15. of his reign. Maacah said here to be his mother was his grandmother, as may he gathered by that which went before, as she being called the daughter of Absalom was his grandchilde, wherefore Iunius rendreth it, Junius. Pellican.his grandmothers name was Maacha. And she is mentioned, saith Pellican, for the greater commendation of Asa, who although he came of so wicked a strain, yet feared God, and would not by her be corrupted, as his father had been, which his goodnesse was rewarded with rest and quietnesse of 10. yeares, which was a blessing remarkable in those times, because not enjoyed either by his father or grandfather, for there were alwayes warre between them and Ieroboam. Whereas he is said to have beaten down the altars and high places of idols, but 2 Chron. 15. 17. and 1 King. 15. 14. the high places are said to have remained still in his time, I understand it with Lyra of those high places, upon which they sacrificed Lyra.to the Lord, according to the manner of old, before that the Ark had a setled abode in the temple, and not of any high places made to idols, for all such he beat down, except that built by Solomon upon mount Olivet, which Iosiah afterwards destroyed, as Martyr noteth, of which see 2 King. 23. 15. And these, although 2 King. 23. 15.the temple was now the onelyonly place, to which all their sacrifices were to be brought, he tolerated to avoid a greater evill, viz. their sacrificing to idols upon such places, from which he saw, that they could not be kept, unlesse these had been permitted unto them. But whereas Lyra illustrates this by a simile, saying, as whores are now tolerated, that all places might not confusedly be filled with whoredomes, such a toleration is intolerable, for to sacrifice to God upon high places, although it were an errour, yet it was no spirituall whoredom, but such, as that it was upon speciall occasion sometimes done by holy prophets, as by Elijah upon mount Carmel. Wherefore this is no justification of his holy father, the Pope, tolerating stews in Rome and taking rents therefore. And indeed Asa his tolerating of some high places was a blemish to him, and to such other godly kings after him, as did the like: for the utter overthrow of all high places in the dayes of Hezekiah is commended afterwards, ch. 31. 1. For those that sinned after the manner of the Sodomites, males with males committing filthinesse; whereas he 1 King. 15. 12.is said v. 12. to have taken them out of the land, it is to be understood by putting them to death, as the phrase is used touching Rechab and Baanah two 2 Chro. 14. 6, 7.traitours, who slew Ishbosheth, 2 Sam. 4. 11. The cities of defence which he built in this time of peace are not thought to be new, but such as were cities of defence before in Rehoboams time, but because they were by warres ruinated, they were now rebuilt and strengthened.
His armies are here also mentioned, because the Ethiopian King came to warre V. 8, 9.against him, that we may understand with what forces he went against him. Not that immediately after the expiration of ten yeares the king of Ethiopia with so mighty forces invaded his land: for his thankesgiving and offering sacrifices for this, was anno 15. of his reign, 2 Chron. 15. 10. the third monethmonth, whereby is intimated, that the king of Ethiopia was not the first enemy, that made warre upon him, when he had enjoyed peace so long, but some time in the 14. of his reign he came against Iudah. And before that, most probably, Baashah king of Israel, both because he is said to have lived in peace from the beginning of his reign onelyonly ten yeares together, therefore there must needs be some to disturb it before Zerach the Ethiopian king, and because 2 Chron. 15. 8. it is spoken of the cities, which Asa took in Ephraim, which was part of the kingdome of Baashah, and this could not be without war, and 1 King. 15. 16. it is said, that warre was between Asa and Baashah all their dayes, therefore not anno 36. onelyonly of his reign, 2 Chron. 16. 1. but sundry times before, viz. between his tenth and fifteenth year, the cause happily being, for that Baashah would seek to recover the cities, which Ierohoam lost from the kingdome of Israel to Abijah, but in steed of recovering he added more losse to the former. Whereas Baashah came against Asa anno 36. of his reign, 2 Chron. 16. when as Baashah his time extended onelyonly to anno 27. see the solution after.
Touching the king of Ethiopia it is said, when Zerach the Ethiopian came against them with 1000000. men, and 300. chariots, and came to Mareshah, Asa went out against V. 9, 10.them with his armies, &c.] These Ethiopians came from beyond Egypt and Lybia in Africa, as appears 2. Chron. 16. 8. where the Lyblans are said to have come with them, and therfore they were not of the Ethiopians in Arabia in Asia, … some think. Zerach reigned over Ethiopia and Lybia, where he reigneth at this day, who is called Presbyter Iohn a mighty Emperour, and being a warlike prince, he took this long journy (with this huge hoste) of 1200. miles, thinking to subdue the kingdome of Iudah. The cause of their coming so far against this kingdome is not set H. B. P…t. trav.down, but most probably the successe which the King of Egypt had in coming against it in Rehoboams time, getting so much treasure there with such facility, induced him to this attempt, hoping to have the like successe. But God turned it out of his mercy to such as fear him, the clean contrary way, he lost by this expedition both great treasures, and many of his mens lives. For Asa prayed, and the Ethiopians were terrified, as before Israel had been in Abijah his time, and fled before V. 12, 13, 14.they joyned battle, and were pursued unto Gerar in the countrey of the Philistims, Patriarcks travels. Josh. 15. 44.which from Mareshah is distant 22. miles, and Mareshah being a city in the tribe of Iudah from Ierusalem 16. miles, and scituated upon the borders of Iudah and Dan, according to St. Ierom. Yea so many of them are said to have saln before the Lord and his army, that is, the army of his people of Iudah (although some understand the heavenly hoste) that this losse could no more be repaired, and the men of Iudah carried away much prey, and smote all the inhabitants of the cities about Gerar, which some say, were Ethiopians, but that is improbable, seeing H. B.Ethiopia was so many hundreth miles off: others therefore better say, that they were Philistims, who took part with the Ethiopians against Iudah.
Touching the prophesying of Azariah for his encouragement after this v. 1. 2 Chr. 15. 1, 2, 3.Then the spirit of God came upon Azariah, the son of Oded, who went out to meet Asa and said, &c.] It is a tradition of the Hebrews, saith Ierom, that this Oded, otherwise called Adon, whose sonne Azariah is said to be, was the prophet sent formerly to Ieroboam, to threaten him for his idolatry at Bethel. [He went out] that is, as Iosephus hath it, a little before the kings returning to Ierusalem, when he with his army and spoiles was now come near, he went out of the city to meet him, and then spake by the spirit unto them, … followeth, the Lord hath been with V. 2.you, whilest you were with him, and if ye will seek unto him, he will be nigh unto you, but if ye leave him, he will leave you. And many dayes Israel without the true God, without a priest teaching, and without law. And he shall turn in affliction, coming 3.to him to the Lord, &c. and shall seek him, and he shall be found of them. And in those 4.dayes no peace to him, that goeth out and in, for great vexations upon all the inhabitants 5.of those lands. And nation strikes at nation, and city at city, because God vexeth them with every affliction. Thus it is in the Hebrew text word for word, 6.and because, here is no verb in the beginning of this prophesie to shew the time, it is divensly understood by divers, as Lyra sheweth. For our Expositours, saith he, understand Lyra.it generally of the time to come, when the people were to be caried away captive into Babylon, and therefore the vulgar Latin supplieth a verb thus. Israel shall be many days without the true God, and Priest, &c. for then many turned to idols, and all ceased to sacrifice to God, because they could not come to the proper place of sacrificing, neither had they a priest executing his office, nor the law, the books whereof were burnt. But then Israel turned to the Lord, and was delivered from this captivity by Cyrus king of the Persians, who gave them leave to return into their own countrey and to build the Temple again, yet even in that time there was no peace, because the enemies of Israel did many years seek to hinder them in their buildings, as is shewed in Nehemiah, and nation fought against nation, both then and much more in the dayes of Titus and Vespasian, when the vexations of Israel grew to the greatest height. But Hebrew Expositours understand all of the times past in the dayes of Rehoboam and Abijam, for then they fell from God to idolatry, and so regarded little the priest or the law. But in the dayes of Asa they sought the Lord, especially being in a strait by the coming of the Ethiopian king, and he holp them, but in the dayes past, viz. of Rehoboam, and Abijam, after there was a beginning to decline to idolatry, there was no peace, because Ieroboam was alwayes making warre upon them, till that great overthrow given him by Abijam, and Sheshack also the king of Egypt came against them. And thus this was verified, nation fought against nation, &c.] And this is followed by Iunius, and Pellican Junius. Pellican.generally understandeth it either of that, which happened unto them then, or in the time of the judges, when they fell from God to idolatry, neglecting his priests and law, they had no peace, but were greatly oppressed, so that they could not go or come safe any where, yet when being afflicted they cried unto the Lord he delivered them, but sinning again, their troubles were renewed, all which was spoken to shew, that God had now in like manner proceeded with Iudah, hearing and helping them in their strait, but if they should again forsake him, the times would be full of calamity as they were before. And to this also Martyr seemeth to assent, P. Martyr. Ioseph. Antiq. l. 8. c. 6.because he speaketh of these things as past and not to come. But Iosephus contrariwise, having shewed, how the prophet encouraged Asa and his people, addeth, that if they should fall from their religion, he said, that the time should come, wherein there should neither be a true prophet found amongst the people, nor a priest righteous, and that th…n their cities should be overthrown, and their nation dispersed into all countryes, &c. Tostatus also expounds it of the time to come. And Ierom saith, the Hebrews affirm this to have been fulfilled 52. years after the Hieron. de tradit. Hebr.destruction of the temple, in which neither bird did flee, nor beast passe through Ierusalem, and Israel was without hope, and all nations in trouble. And Sallianus argueth against the former exposition, both because the latter part of the prophesie is in the future tense, and because they were not without priests sacrificing to the Lord in the dayes of Abijam, as appeareth 2 Chron. 13. 10, 11. and most probably in the dayes of his father Rehoboam, the service of God was maintained at the temple, as in Solomons dayes, although idolatries also then abounded in the land. Lastly, it had been no prophesie, if onelyonly things past had been commemorated, and so no more then any other man could have said. Wherefore I think, that the most common and ancient exposition, referring it to future times, as propheticall, is to be preferred, according to Iosephus, although it be against our translation, which rendreth it in the preterperfect tense.
When Asa heard these words, &c▪ he strengthened himself and took away other abominable gods out of all the land of Iudah, &c.] ch. 14. 3. 4. he is said to have done V. 8.this in the beginning of his reign in Iudah, but now if there were any idols set up again since in that land, and the idols in Benjamin and the cities of Ephraim, which he had subdued, they were all destroyed, so did the prophesie aforegoing comfort and encourage him to put down whatsoever he knew to be an abomination to God, all fear of other princes about, that favoured such idols, being cast away.
And he repaired the altar of the Lord] the vulgar Latin [he dedicated the altar] but the word signifieth to renew, or repair, neither is it probable, when so godly a king had reigned thus long a time (for it was now his 15. year) that the altar for burnt offerings (for that must be here understood) was still to be dedicated, but it being decayed, might have need now of repair, especially so great sacrifices being ready to be offered thereupon in way of thankfulnesse for so great a victory, and spoyles obtained, as is shewed v. 11. even so great, as that the like had not V. 11.been offered since Solomons time. Tostatus following the vulgar Latin [dedicated] will have no renovation meant here, but onelyonly a dedication-like feast, and sacrificing, for which onelyonly he is said to have dedicated it: but it is plainly said to have been renewed, and therefore that conjecture is vain.
And he gathered together all Iudah and Beniamin, &c. And they being gathered together the third monethmonth, the fifteenth year of Asa his reigne, offered sacrifices, &c. V. 9, 10.This time was most probably at the feast of Whitsontide or Pentecost, because that was in the third monethmonth alwaies, seeing it was seven weeks after the passeover, which was celebrated the first monethmonth the fourteenth day, from which to the third day of the third monethmonth are seven weeks. And then they entered into a covenant V. 13.to seek the Lord, that is, to serve him, and him onelyonly, all idolatry being had in abomination, and whatsoever man or woman would not thus seek the Lord, but practice idolatry, should be put to death, according to the law, Deut. 17. And all this was done in way of thankfulnesse for the preceding victory. But the Vulg: hath it: Et intravit ex mor, ad corroborandum foedus: whereas in the Hebrew it is onelyonly, they went into a covenat: so that it is not necessary to grant, that it was a customary thing to sweare this covenant, as some from that translation gather, but rather it may be held to have beene a fact extraordinary, to which they were stirred up in zeale after so extraordinary a favour done unto them. And this they are said, to have done from their hearts with great expressions of joy by their lowd acclamations, congratulating mutually their unanimous consents to so pious a vow. And this their piety went not without a blessing, for they had rest from their enemies round about, and such a vow was now held necessary, because so great idolatries V. 15.had been lately committed in Abijams time, and Rehoboams and Solomons also, and now in Israel idolatry infected all places. And yet it is to be noted against our neighbours, the covenanters of Scotland, that they went not to this covenant without their King, but being by him assembled, and lead herein as by their head, neither in the time of any other King, of Moses or Ioshuah, was any solemne covenant publiquely entered into, but the king or the Iudge for the time being was the first and the chiefe in this act.
Moreover he put down Maacah his mother from being Queen, because she had V. 16. 1 King. 15. 30.made an idol with a grove, &.] 1 King. 15. 13. How Maacha is said to be his mother see before, 1 King. 15. 9 10. The word commonly rendered Queen, or Augusta, is in Hebrew, Domina, Lady, or Mistresse, it being meant as Iunius hath it, Junius.from having any imperiall power, as the Kings mother. But Lyra following the Vulgar Latine, upon 1 King. 15. ne esset princeps in sacris Priapi et in Luco tius, quam Lyra.consecraverat: and here, ex angusto deposuit imperio, he put her down from her streight Empire, saith, that Maacah made a grove and an idol called Priapus there, which was worshipped, and over this worship she was, but when King Asa took it away, she was put down from this her streight Empire, so called because it was over so little a place. And touching Priapus he saith, 1 Reg. 15. that he was a certain young man of Hellespont, who for the extraordinary greatnesse of his privy members was reverenced as a god, and an image was set up unto him, and worshipped, and at such festivals, as were kept in the honour of him, adulteries and whoredoms were committed in the grove where this idol stood and a den adjoyning, where they might be more secret; and as another saith, a matron, that was chief amongst the women then assembled did put a crown upon this abominable August. de civit. l. 7. c. 21.idol, which office this wicked woman Maacah had hitherto most probably executed. Thus Lyra. But it is to be understood, that in Hebrew there is no difference between 1 Kings 15. and 2 Chron. 15. in the relation of this, in both places there being no more said, but that he put her down from being Lady or Mistresse, the other words being added by the interpreter for further explication. And accordingly Pellican saith, he deposed her from the mistriship, which she had usurped in Pellican.the worshipping of idols, and the execrable superstition which she had erected together with the grove & filthy idol, which the Hebrews cognominate from trembling and amazement, because it was not worshipped, but by men stupid and mad: for they call it foreign. horrendum. Ierome, saith Martyr, turneth it Priapum, P. Martyr.who according to Diodorus, was called Osiris and was sometime a mighty King in Egypt, but by his brother Typhon conspiring against him by the aid of many Giants, slain and cut in pieces, every one taking unto him a part of his body, but all refusing to have his privy member cast that into the river Nilus. Isis his wife after this by the help of Hercules overcame Typhon and those giants, and taking from them her husbands parts she honourably buried them, and because his privy member could not be had, she made an image thereof and caused divine honour to be given thereunto. And this obscene idolatry spread afterwards into divers other countreys, and into Iudah, where he thinketh, that Maacah was a principle about it, but will not have her putting down from this principality here meant, but in the kingdome, where the Kings mother used to have great authority. Thus Martyr and some of ours say; but because I cannot finde, that the Kings mother had ever any such authority, I rather subscribe to antiquity, that her being put down in her magestery about this idol only is meant here. Some, saith Martyr also, will have Pan meant by this idol, because he struck terrour into his worshippers, according to the signification of the word here used, whence the phrase came, a panicall fear. 2 Chro. 15. 17. 1 King. 15. 14.The high places indeed were not removed out of Israel, but the heart of Asa was upright all his dayes. How this is to be understood see before, 1 King. 15. 9, 10. And so his heart being upright all his days, I understand it with Martyr, not that he never fell into sin, but that he maintained the worship of the true God onelyonly, and opposed idolatry to the end, although he fell otherwise and was punished therefore, as is afterward shewed. Lyra saith, his heart was perfect, till he fell, as is shewed, Lyra.chap. 16. which was the greatest part of his time, but how the greatest part can be understood by all his dayes, I see not.
And he brought into the house of the Lord the things which his father had dedicacated, V. 18.&c.] This is not to be understood, as if he did it not till the 15 yeare of his reign, after which it is here set down; for it cannot be thought, that being so godly a King, he would deferre so long the rendring unto God the things of God. But happily he now brought in of the spoyles that he had taken from the Ethiopians, and dedicated in way of thankfulnesse, after the repairing of the house, and the things dedicated by his father, he brought in before, but both are spoken of together without regard of the time for brevities sake: and in like manner it may be thought, that although the destruction of Maacha her idolatry be not mentioned till now, yet he did it sooner, even in the beginning of his reign, seeing no godly King would so long permit so great an abomination so near unto him.
Touching the things dedicated by his father Abijah, it seemeth that although he were a wicked King, yet there was sometime some goodnesse in him, wherein he dedicated to God, as was touched upon 1 Kings 15. 2.
For there was no warre untill the 35 year of the reign of Asa.] The vulgar latine V. 19.not till the 30 year by a manifest errour, as Lyra noteth, for ch. 16. 1. it followeth. And in the 36 year, &c. But considering that Baashah is said to bee the King that made warre upon him, and he began his reign the third year of Asa, and reigned only 24. that is, to the 27th. of Asa; how could he be said in his 36 yeare to have Lyra.come against him? Ans. Lyra, whom Vatablus and Genebrard follow, saith, that Lyra.when Baasha is said to have begun to reign the third year of Asa, it is meant the third year of his reign after the great victory obtained against the Ethiopians, from which time he began to be more potent then before by farre; and so the third is indeed the thirteenth year from the beginning of his reign. And to make this the more probable, he proveth it by the like in the history of Nebuchadnezzar, Dan. 2. who is said to have done thus and thus the second year of his reign, whereas indeed it was the 25. but the second of his Monarchyall nations being now subdued unto him.
Adricomius in his Chronology, Melchior Canus, Cajetan, Iohannes Lucius, and Adricomius. Melch. Canus. Chron. Heb. Junius.Annius say, that this place is corrupted by the fault of the writer, 35 being put for 25. But the Hebrew Chronicle which Iunius followeth, saith, that by the 35 year of Asa his reign, is meant the year of that kingdome, over which he reigned, since the division of Iudah from Israel; for Rehoboam reigned seventeen, Abijam three, unto which, if 16 in Asa his time be added, we come to 36. Thus also Pellican; against every of those, something may be objected. Against the first, the victory over the Ethiopians was after the 13 year of his reign, and if it be granted, that the 3 be put for the 13, all the accounts of the times hereafter, will be uncertain. Against the second, admit an errour in the writing especially all copies consenting, the authority of the holy scripture is hereby weakned, and it is contrary to that saying, Not one jot or title of the law shall faile. Against the third it is expressely said in the thirty sixt yeare of the reign of Asa: and afterwards in the 39 he fell sick, and ch. 16. 13. he died Anno 41 after he began to reign. Amongst these yet, I preferre the first, only whereas Lyra understandeth by the third year, the thirteenth, I would rather understand the seventeenth, which was truly the third after the Ethiopian victory, when he returned to Ierusalem and reigned in greater glory, and th…n the 36 year will be but the 22. from the beginning of his reign so reckoned, but indeed the 36. and so the yeares of account remain certain, notwithstanding for the kings of Iudah, but for the kings of Israel, an interregnum must be granted, before Baashah; of 14 yeares; Martyr seeing these difficulties saith, that the account must begin when Asa his reign began to be troubled with warre, viz. after the tenth yeare, and when Baasha began to reign over all Israel, which he did but in part. Wherefore there was warre between Asa and Baashah king of Israel all their 2 King. 15. 16. Pellican.dayes.] This as Pellican hath it, is to be understood only, as long as Baashah lived, after that he began to warre against Asa, Anno 36. of the kingdome of Iudah, over which Asa reigned; and this was the sixteenth of Asa, the thirteenth of Baashah, and continued eleven yeares; but according to the former account five yeares. And whereas it is said, wherefore there was warre, it is to be understood because Asa was zealous in beating down idolatry, and prospered, & hereby many more were drawn to him out of Israel; 2 Chr. 15. 9. Baasha to stop their passage built Ramah, and fought against him. Now after this in generall, a particular relation followeth, v. 17, 18. V. 17, 18. 2 Chron. 16. 1.&c. How Baashah began his warre; but more fully, 2 Chron. 16. 1. In the 36 year of the reign of Asa, Baashah the king of Israel came up against Iudah and built Ramah, that none might goe in or out to Asa. This Ramah belonged to Benjamin, and Ioseph. Antiq. l. 8. c. 6.as Iosephus saith, was taken by Baashah first, and then he fortified it, that from thence he might annoy the rest of Asa his kingdom; and lastly saith hee, Baashah did set upon Ramah, no ignoble city, and took it, being 40 furlongs from Ierusalem: and it being taken, he fortified, that he might make it the seat of the warre, from whence his souldiers might wast with their excursions the kingdome of Asa. And by this means he kept the inhabitants thereof, that they could not go out to Asa, and the rest of Asa his subjects, that they could have no passage; that, or else none of all the kingdome of Iudah could goe in or out in safety, such advantage had he against them by reason of this fortification. Asa being thus streightned, did not put his trust in God, as formerly hee had done, nor in this confidence goe out with his army against him, as he should have done; and so he should have been sure to prosper: as in warring against the Aethiopians. But being afraid, he basely beggeth help of Benhadad the king of Syria, an idolater, and our enemy to the true religion; V. 2.sending unto him all the gold and silver in the Lords house, and in the kings, to make him break his league with Baashah, and to come and help him by invading Baashah his dominions. Shishack the king of Egypt had come once before and taken away these treasures in Rehoboams time, but since that Abijah had a great victory over Israel, and without doubt great spoyles, whereof hee dedicated much to the Lords house, and with part filled his own coffers. And afterwards Asa obtained a notable victory over the Ethiopians, and then enriched both with the spoyles much more, but now all this is sent away to Benhadad. And herein Asa sinned divers wayes. 1. In that hee fell from his faith, and confidence in God. 2. Robbed his house of the pretious things thereof, when no necessity urged him unto it. 3. Sought help of an idolatour. 4. Was an occasion of Benhadads truce-breaking with Baashah, which was doubtlesse confirmed by oath, which is sacred and inviolable amongst all nations. If the question be whether a league with an idololatrous king be lawfull, I answer with Martyr, some league for peace-sake, which P. Martyr.we must seek as much as in us lyeth, with all men may be made, as between Iacob and Laban, the Venetians and the Turks, the Polonians and Tartars; but a league to help and to fight one for and together with another, is altogether unlawfull; for when Iehosaphat did so, he was reproved; and it is written, be not unequally yoaked 2 Cor. 6. 16.with Infidels, separate your selves and come from amongst them. The king of Syria is easily moved by gifts contrary to his league with Baashah to goe against Isreal, V. 3, 4. Tostatus.and smiteth divers cities, whereby hee was forced to retire from Ramah. But Tostatus thinketh that there was some colour of reason so to doe, seeing a… Asa said by his Embassadours unto him, there was a league also between Asa and Benhadad; wherefore seeing Baashah so unjustly molested him, he might; aid Asa against him. But both being his confederates, he ought not certainly to goe from his oath to either of them.
Baashah being thus caused to retire from Ramah, king Asa soon assembled all V. 6.Iudah, and carryed away the materials from Ramah, both stone and timber, and built, that is, repayred and fortified therewith, Gibeah and Mizpha, two other cities in the confines of his kingdome for the more strengthening thereof against future incursions. But Hanani the seer came then unto him and said, Because thou hast V. 7. Of Hanani, see ch. 19. 1. 1 Kings 16. 1. Lyra.trusted to the king of Syria and not to the Lord, therefore are his forces escaped out of thy hand.] That is, according to Lyra and others, whereas if thou hadst trusted in God, and gone to warre against Baasha thou shouldest have prevailed, yea although the king of Syria his forces had joyned with him, and so both their armies should have been subdued by thee, to the greater safety of thy kingdome for along time. But now they are out of that danger, and remain strong to annoy thee hereafter, as is further intimated v. 9.
Then he put him in minde of his victory against the Ethiopians, when he trusted V. 8. V. 6.in God, and told him, that he had done foolishly, as he did indeed to empty his treasures to hire one to help him; who did bear such a mercenary minde, that he would be for him that should give him the greatest guifts, and therefore if afterwards the king of Israel did wage him with greater guifts, he would most probably do as much for him. If it be demanded, may not a king, then, who feareth God, if greater forces then his come against him, seek help of another king, but put his trust in God onelyonly for ayd? Admit, that the other king who cometh against him, supposing his cause to be just putteth his trust in God also, will he be assistant to them both? This question is moved by Tostatus, because by the prophets Iosephus.speech it is intimated, that Asa should have trusted in God, as he had formerly done, and not have sought the help of another, and answered thus obscurely, God doth for the most part leave to common prudence those things, which he hath decreed to do by the comming between of secondary causes, but sometime pecularly shew, that he will effect something altogether by them, and then there is no place for humane prudence, but a certain trust in him is required, which was the ease of Asa. His meaning, as I take it, is, that now it could not be so, as is put in the question, for Asa onelyonly had a sure ground of confidence; his former successe and a promise from the man of God; but Baashah not, when there is no such ground, and both parties trust in God, they may on both sides use such means as humane prudence doth dictate, but he, who to his trust in God hath indeed a just cause, shall by his assistance most probably prevail. In reproving Asa, the prophet concludeth thus, The eyes of the Lord run through the whole earth, that he may be firm to them that trust in him, thou hast done foolishly, and for this, warres shall new rise against thee. Whereby he intimateth the sicklenesse of the king of Syria, in whom he now trusted, and that in way of revenge, warres should be made against him by Baashah continually, of which although nothing be spoken particularly, yet it is said, there was warre between Asa and Baashah all their dayes.
Then Asa was wroth with the Seer and committed him to prison, and he oppressed V. 10. Junius.certain of the people at that time] Junius hath it, in carcerem cippi, he set him in the stocks, he took it so heinously, that he had so much disgraced him. Because he was angry with him for this matter, the vulgar Latin, for the Lord was very angry for this matter, and slew very many of the people. That is, saith Lyra, because the Lyra.people did many of them haply agree with the king against the prophet, the Lord therefore slew them in the wars, which he caused to be raised against them. But in the Hebrew it is plainly said, Asa oppressed of the people. And it is meant as plainly that he, and not the Lord was wroth for the speech of the prophet, insomuch that when some godly affected spake against this his tyranny, he committed them also. Wherefore I marvail, that Pellican should also apply it to the Lord almost as Lyra Pellican.doth, but he was deceived by the vulgar Latin, and for want of looking into the Hebrew text.
But behold the matters of Asa first and last are written in the booke of Iudah, &c.] of which see before, ch. 9. 29. 1 Kings 15. 23.V. 11.
But Asa was diseased in his feet the thirty ninth yeare of his reigne, &c.] Vengeance slept not long after his sin, Anno, 36. he hired Benhadad against Baashah, V. 12.and it is most probable, that in carrying away the materials from Ramah to Gibeah, and Mizpha, and building those cities, he spent a year or two, and then the Prophet came to reprove him most probably in the 38 year, and he was punished sutably to his sin in his feet with most tormenting pangs, as he had set the Prophet by his feet in the stocks. And to shew that this sin went not alone, it is added, that he sought not the Lord, but trusted to the Physitians, that we by his example might be warned both to flye all sin, because if we commit one, as a link of a chain it drawes in more after it, and in time of sicknesse, first and chiefly to seek to God, and Physitians only, as a means under him of recovering our health. But Asa seemeth to be taxed for seeking to Physitians, because this disease was sent by God as a punishment, and therefore he ought in this case to have sought to him only, and not naturall meanes; which now could doe him no good.
Then Asa slept with his fathers the forty one year after he began to reign, &c.] V. 13.His torments continued, and he was never healed of them to his death, because be took not the right way; but being dead, he was buried like a noble king, in a sumptuous sepulcher prepared by himselfe, and filled with sweet odours, which they Lyra.burned to make a sweet perfume; whereby as Lyra saith, the stink of the dead body was taken away.
And this is reckoned by Pellican as another sinne of Asa, his vanity in being so Pellican.profuse about his dead body, after the manner of the heathen, and not of the holy Patriarcks who were before him. And he noteth, that when any cost is spoken of about dead bodies, there is nothing in any place said of any cost bestowed for prayers to be said for the soule, whereby it is evident, that they believed not a purgatory, but that the soule went immediately to the place where it must abide for ever, either of weale or woe. This last of his is good, but in reckoning this, as another sin in Asa, I cannot subscribe unto him. For the laying of a dead body in a fit sepulcher is every where spoken of as an honour; and likewise the burning of sweet odours, that they in whom the fragrant smell of vertue was in their life time, might be kept from stinking, when they were dead, as having still a sweet savour amongst the living, by their good name left behind them. And for the custome to doe thus to the dead bodies of kings worthy, see in the history of Ierem, ch. 21. 19. of whom it is said, that because he was wicked, the people made no burning at his funerals, according to the manner of his ancestours. And for the Patriarks, although we read not of any burning of sweet odours about them when they were dead, yet Iacob was embalmed, and sweet oyntments were prepared, and spices for the body of Christ being dead, which sheweth that it was a custome amongst the faithfull, till that time, to bestow this kind of cost upon their dead: and it seemeth by our Lord to be approved, when he rebuked Iudas for finding fault with her, that bestowed aboxe of very pretious ointment upon him, and praised her, saying, she anointed him to the buriall, and that this should be spoken of to her praise wheresoever the Gospel should be preached.
Asa being dead and buried, Iehoshaphat his sonne began his reign. 25. But Nadab 1 Kings 15. 24.the sonne of Ieroboam reigned over Israel the 2. year of Asa king of Iudah, and reigned two years.] The history of the kings of Israel being hitherto intermitted from ch. 14. 20. is now entred upon again and continued unto ch. 22. 41. during the reign of 6. kings, Nadab, Baashah, Elah, Zimri, Omri, and Ahab, and then the history of the kings of Iudah followeth again according to their time. Touching Nadab the sonne of Ieroboam, he was also wicked, as his father had been, and V. 25, 26, 27.therefore was soon cut off by Gods just judgement, and then the rest of Ahabs house by Baashah, as had been before threatned; and he is said to have smitten him in Gibbethon of the Philistims, as he and all Israel were besieging it. This Gibbethon, saith Martyr, was scituated in the tribe of Dan, and possessed by Israel in the dayes of David and Solomon, but for the sinnes of the people it came into the hands P. Martyr.of the Philistims, and so is said to bee of the Philistims, but now Nadab sought to recover it to Israel again. Pellican saith, it was within the inhetance Pellican.of Iudah, but most probably possessed by the Philistims, as also some other cities in some other tribes. But Iunius proveth it to be within the inheritance of Junius.the tribe of Dan, Iosh. 19. 44. and H. B. saith, that it was a city of the Levites not H. B. Patriarks travels.farre from Ekron of the Philistims, scituated in the tribe of Dan, 16. miles from Ierusalem, and 36. from Thirza, from whence Nadab went.
Baashah one of his captains ambitions of the kingdome, conspired against him V. 28.near this city and slew him, and reigned in his stead; wherein although there was a divine providence for the punishment of Ierobooms wicked family, yet he sinned by murther and ambition, as Martyr noteth, and proved no better afterwards, but worse when he was king. Yet he was made an instrument to execute Gods judgement V. 29, 30.upon Ieroboams house, by cutting them all off. Whereas ch. 16. 2. the Lord said unto him by his prophet, I made thee captain over my people. His usurping of the kingdome is not hereby justified, God made him king because he suffered him to come to the kingdome, but approved not the way, whereby, seeing he gave him to calling to it, and streightly forbiddeth murther, especially of kings, to whom every soul should be subject. If it be demanded, but did not God know, whē he threatned Ieroboam, that Baasha should be the instrument to cut off his posterity, & if he meant that he should shed all this bloud, & in so doing he did but his wil, how can sin be laid to his charge? Ans. God knew, that thus it should be done long before it came to passe, but his fore-knowing of a thing to be done, and decreeing it in judgement is no justification of the doer, if he doth it without particular warrant from him against his generall lawes, seeking himself and not the accomplishing of Gods decree. This Baashah is here called the sonne of Ahiah of the tribe of Issachar, but by Iosephus; one of his domestick friends Basanes the sonne of Machelus, who slew him by treachery, and he was the first king murtherer, that hitherto we read of, thus opening the way to this foul sinne, and therefore it was in him most detestable, and he after ward had his reward accordingly, being first suffered to fall into other grosse sinnes, as we read ch. 16. Nadab the sonne of Ieroboam being thus murdered, it is most likely, that his dead body was exposed to the devouring of the dogs, as had been formerly threatned to Ieroboams posterity, and therefore we reade of no buriall thereof.