Vindication, Treatise · Document

Vindication · Treatise · Document

p. 20A brief Extract or Collection out of the Depoſitions of the Witneſses against Maſter LOVE.

The firſt Witneſſe was Captain Potter.

POtter ſware,Potter the firſt Witneſſe that came in againſt me. he brought ten pounds to my houſe, which he intended for Maſey and Titus, he laid it downe in my Parlour, 5. or 6. being preſent, but proved not that I ſaw him, or bid him lay the money down, or that I received it, I can truly ſay I did neither.

Potter ſware he did receive Letters, one from Bamfield, another from four Lords in Scotland, viz. Argile, Loudon, Lothian, and Bellcarris, and another from Mr. Bayly, on the ſuperſcription was a great L. but ſaid it was not to me, but he ſaid he ſhewed them me, and ſome others at my houſe, and when he came in he ſaid, Mr. Love, I have nues to ſhew you; in one of the Letters there was a motion for ten thouſand pound, but, ſaid he, we all diſliked that motion, diſſented from it, and reſolved to ſend a Nagative Anſwer, yea he might have ſaid, that I was the man that diſſwaded them from doing any thing in that buſineſſe.

Potter ſaid, An Anſwer to thoſe Letters was brought and left at his ſhop he ſaid he thought it came from me and Dr. Drake, but, God is my Witneſſe, I neither ſent, carried, nor left, Letter at his ſhop in all my life.

Alford ſaid,Alford the ſecond Witneſſe. William Drake held a Correſpondence with Scotland, but he knew no Miniſters that knew this.

He ſaid, That after he came from Callis he brought to William Drake a Narrative from Captaine Titus of all his proceedings at Ierſey, and how the Cavaleers abuſed him, and alſo brought a Copy of a Letter from the King, he ſaid, this was read at my houſe.

He ſaid, There was a Commiſſion and inſtructions read at my houſe, a little before the Treaty at Bredah, to Authoriſe the Lord Willoughby, Bunce, Maſſey, Titus, Graves, to uſe their intereſt in the King, and in the Scots, Commiſſioners to agree in their Treaty upon the terms of the Covenant.

I deſire you to take notice, that this was the only meeting I was at about an agree| ment between the King and the Scots, and at this meeting I did declare againſt the ſending this Commiſſion and inſtructions, as being an act of high preſumption, for private men to Commiſſionate, and an act of notorious falſhood to ſay this was in the names of the Presbyterian party, when none knew of it but thoſe preſent, but it ſeems it was ſent away by Alford without my knowledge or conſent; indeed Alford ſware, that I was preſent, but could not ſay that 4 directed in it, yea he contradicted himſelf, in ſaying at one time the Commiſſion and Inſtructions were agreed upon, and at another time, that they were read at my houſe but not agreed upon.

Alford ſaid, After Dunbar fight, that there was a Letter which was ſaid to come from Maſſey, relating how many were loſt, writ for Arms by the way of Holland, he ſpake alſo of his owne and Titus neceſſities, being ſtrangers in Scotland, he ſaid all waved the buſineſſe for Arms, but a propoſition was made for p. 21ſupplying thoſe Gentlemens neceſſities, without reference to armes, or any ſuch thing, the ſumme was either 200, or 300. l. He ſaid, that I did move for the contribution of money, but mentioned no ſumme, nor could he ſay the money was raiſed, I doe verily beleeve the ſumme promiſed to Maſſey and Titus was never gathered, nor ſent unto them from England.

Huntington ſaid,Huntington the 3d. Witneſs. That in the heginning of March, 1649. he was at my Houſe, where he heard a Commiſſion read by William Drake, written in Characters, to be ſent to the Lord Willoughby, Bunce, Maſſey, &c. and ſaid that I ſhould ſay, upon the hearing of it read, Come, come, let it goe, which in the preſence of God I declare, is notoriouſly falſe; yea another of the Witneſſes ſaid, that all the Company was againſt ſending it.

Bains could not teſtifie a word concerning me.

Adams ſaid,Baines the 4th. Witneſs. Major Adams the 5th. Witneſs. he could not ſay Mr. Love had a hand in Letters ſent to Scotland, or in Letters of ſending moderate Propoſitions to the King.

He ſaid, that when Alford returned from Callis, he brought with him a Narrative from Titus, and a Copy of a Letter from the King, but he could not ſwear the Letter was read at Mr. Love's houſe. The Narrative from Titus, was to give account how he was ill uſed by the Cavalier party.

He ſaid there was a motion about a Commiſſion and Inſtructions to be drawn up, and ſent, but by whom he could not ſay, he could not ſay it was agreed to be ſent, it was read in Mr. Love's ſtudy, and Mr. Love was there ſome part of the time.

He ſaid, the ſubſtance of the Inſtructions, was to uſe all Arguments they could to move the King to give the Scots ſatisfaction, to take the Covenant, but he could not ſay, that he heard Mr. Love ſay, Come, come, let it goe.

Adams being ask'd, whether was there not a Letter, ſent from Piercy for money to be ſent to the King, read at Mr. Love's houſe? he ſaid, no certainly; he ſaid he ſaw ſuch a Letter in Maſons hand.

He being asked, whether about Auguſt 1650. a Letter was not ſent from Maſſey to ſome here, that he had back friends in Scotland; complaining, he could not be promoted there, and whether was not this communicated at Mr Love's houſe? he anſwered, no certainly.

And being demanded, whether Mr. Love was not named to draw up a Letter to be ſent to Scotland? he ſaid, I was not named, but himſelfe was, and ſome others.

He ſaid, one Sterkes, whom be took to be a Scots Agent, met ſometimes at Mr. Love's houſe. I deſire you to take notice, that this Sterkes was no Scots Agent, he was not in Scotland for 12 years before, and he told me himſelf, that he was no Agent.

He ſaid, there were eight or ten meetings in Maſter Love's houſe, within two years.

He ſaid, when Maſſey's Letter was read Mr. Love was there, it did declare the poverty of his Condition.

Being asked, whether Mr. Love did not write down the ſummes that each would give to Maſſey, he ſaid, that I had a Pen in my hand, did write ſomething, but he knew not what I did write, but particular men did write their ſummes, but he could not ſay, that I writ either names or ſums.

He ſaid, at a meeting at my houſe, I being ſometimes preſent, there was a Letter p. 22read penned by Mr. Love and Dr. Drake, but being askt why he thought Mr. Love penned it, he ſaid, meerly becauſe of the language of it. This Letter was declared to be ſent to the Aſſembly of the Church of Scotland, and this was after Dunbar fight. This Letter was read in my houſe, it is true, but never written by me.

He mentions a Letter in the nature of a Declaration to be ſent to Scotland, penned either by Mr. Love or Dr. Drake, but I know nothing of this, I remember no ſuch thing, but afterwards he ſaid he had no ground to ſay Maſter Love penned it.

He ſaid, he conceived me to be a correſpondent, but could not ſay that I was ſo.

Iaquell ſaid,Mr. Jaquell the 6th. Witneſſe. that the Narrative Alford brought from Titus at Callis was read in my Houſe, but could not ſay that the Copy of the Kings Letter was read there. He ſaith, that I was not in the room when he came in, and that I went out oftentimes.

He ſaid, Potter received Letters from Bamfield, and the Marqueſſe of Argyle, and brought them to my houſe, and that Potter read the Letters, in one of the Letters there was a motion for five thouſand pounds, but it was refuſed by all, none liking of that buſineſſe.

He ſaid, it was thought convenient the Meſſenger ſhould have money, but could not ſay that I agreed to give him any.

Colonell Barton ſware nothing againſt me,Mr. B…rton the 7th, Witneſſe Captain Fa… the 8th. Witneſſe. but only that I was at a Faſt at his houſe, but could not tell whether I exerciſed there or no.

Captaine Far ſware, that at the ending of the Treaty at Ierſey, a Letter was ſent from Titus, to deſire ſombody to be ſent to Callis, to take an account of his Negotiations; ſaid, this Letter was read in my Study, and that I was preſent; and ſaid, it was agreed Alford ſhould go, being his Sonne was gone from him. I deſire the Reader to obſerve how Captaine Far forſwears himſelfe, and contradicts another mans teſtimony, for Alford ſware, he was never at my houſe till after he came from Callis, yet Far ſaith, he was there before; that he was deſired at my houſe to go to Callis, yet Alford ſwears he was never at my houſe till he returned from Callis.

Captaine Far ſaid, when Alford gave an account, at his returne from Callis, i… was at my houſe, but he could not ſay that I was preſent, but, he ſaid, I was abſent ſometimes.

He ſaid, at a meeting at my houſe, William Drake read papers under the name of Commiſſion and Inſtructions, they were read in the company, but they were not agreed upon, becauſe private perſons could not do ſuch a thing as give Commiſſion, &c.

He conceived the Commiſſion was in the name of the Presbyterian party, but could not ſay ſo; he ſaid William Drake undertook to draw up the Inſtructions, but he could not ſay they were drawn up, or ſent. He ſaid, that thoſe that were named Commiſſioners, they were to adviſe but not to treat in the behalf of the Presbyterian party.

After the fight at Dunbar, a Letter from Maſſey, to aſſiſt both with money and arms, was read, but he ſaid he came in late and did not hear it read; he could not ſay poſitively ſuch a Letter was read, but that I told him ſo, and that I told him we could not do it.

p. 23He ſaid, that I told him we had agreed to raiſe a ſumme of money for Maſſey and Titus, either 250 li. or 300 li. He ſaid that I asked him what he would do, ſo he brought five pound and laid it upon my Table when ſeverall perſons were in the room; and being askt whether I was in the room, he ſaid, yes, my Lord, but he could not ſay any els was, ſo he contradicted himſelf; before he ſaid ſeverall perſons were preſent, now, he ſaid, he could not tell that any els but my ſelf was in the room; yea, he could not ſay that I received it, or ſee him lay it downe, or bid him lay it downe; and further he ſaith, he doth but conceive that the money was for Maſſey or Titus.

He could not ſay that I was privy to the Negotiation with Titus, nor that I was preſent at the reading of the Copy of the Kings Letter, which Alford brought from Callis, nor that I was preſent whil'ſt that the Narrative was read.

He being askt, whether I did ſend Alford to Callis, or agree to the ſending of him? he anſwered that he thinks I did not.

He being askt, whether I gave my conſent to the ſending away of the Commiſſion? he anſwered, that he could not ſay that I was there when it was ſent away.

And being askt, whether I did not proteſt againſt it? he anſwered, that it was agreed by all that the Commiſſion ſhould not be ſent.

He being askt, whether he thought that I received the five pound he laid on my table? he anſwered no, but he thought another did receive it, and named who.

Thus you have an extract of all the eight Witneſſes have depoſed without extenſion or omiſſion of any materiall paſſage in any mans Teſtimony. I wiſh from my heart that all the Depoſitions, together with my Defence made in Court, were truly publiſhed by an impartiall hand, then I ſhould be confident the Reader would juſtifie me, though the High Court have condemned me. Being now upon the Teſtimony of the Witneſſes I crave leave to inſiſt a little larger upon it than I at firſt intended, that I may manifeſt the more clearly, the inſufficiency, falſneſſe, and contradictorineſſe thereof; what the Evangeliſt obſerves touching the accuſers of Chriſt, I may without vanity ſay of mine, that they did not agree among themſelves, one Witneſſe ſware one thing, and another ſware the quite contrary, yea they did not only contradict …ne another, but ſometimes contradict themſelves, as I have made appear more fully in my defence before the high Court. I did never ſee Witneſſes more confounded than they were▪ ſo that though their Teſtimony did condemne my perſon, yet I (nay themſelves) have condemned their owne Teſtimony; So that may I ſay, without vanity, that promiſe is made good, Iſa. 54. 17. Every tongue that ſhall riſe up in judgement againſt thee thou ſhalt condemn, this is the heritage of the ſervants of the Lord. To evidence this to the world, I ſhall give you a brief, and true relation, of ſundry remarkable paſſages concerning the Witneſſes, either before, or in, or after, the Tryall, which will, If not nullifie, yet invalidate and diſparage their, Teſtimony, in the thoughts of judicious and impartiall men. I ſhall begin with the firſt Witneſſe, which was Captaine Potter. I beſeech you take notice, concerning him, of theſe particulars. Firſt, If ever his teſtimony be publiſhed,Captain Potter the firſt Witneſs▪ he doth rather juſtifie than accuſe me, he faſtens nothing capitall upon me; yea, ſecondly he ſwears, he met at my houſe ſometimes on a friendly, ſometimes on a Chriſtian account, or to hear news, that was the p. 24worſt he did ſwear about the meeting at my houſe. Thirdly, He ſwore in Court, that till Maſter Prideaux remembered him of ſome things out of the examinations of other men he could not remember them, or ſpeak to them, yet things done ſo long agoe, and forgotten by a man are counted to be ſufficient proof againſt me. Fourthly, he was threatned with death if he would not, and promiſed his life by Mr. Prideaux and Mr. Scot if he would confeſſe what he knew, and Witneſſe againſt me. And becauſe he did not ſwear to every addition and agravation againſt me, put into his examination (by Capt. Biſhop Clerke of the Committee) which he diſcovered in Court, and ſaid, all was not his, therefore he is condemned to dye, and in great danger to loſe his life.

The ſecond Witneſſe was Major Alford, Major Alford the 2d. Witneſs.he was in much trouble before he came in againſt me, he told his Siſter, and other Friends, they would put him to death, if he did not teſtifie againſt me; but now he ſees me condemned, he is filled with ſhame, that he cannot walk the ſtreets, and with ſorrow, that he can neither ſleep, nor eat his bread with comfort. Yea, Mr. Cranford coming once to viſit him, did finde him lying on his bed in a dark room, in much diſquiet of minde; he told Mr. Cranford, that nothing did trouble him ſo much in all his life, as his witneſſing againſt me, and were it to do again, he would never doe it, if he had ten lives to loſe. Mr. Cranford told me this, that he heard it from Alfords own mouth. I hear that he is not well, but I believe I may ſay agrotat animo magis quam corpore, and that he hath great cauſe to be.

The third Witneſſe was Major Huntington, Major Huntington he 3d. Witneſs,a man whoſe face I never ſaw but once at my houſe, nor ſince, but at my Tryall: He is not only a diſſembling fellow, but a moſt perjured wretch; he did hardly ſwear one true word, as relating to things done at my houſe, yea, as to me, he ſware moſt falſly that I ſaid of the Commiſſion, Come, come, let it goe, which is a moſt notorious lye; yea, Captain Far, another of the Witneſſes who was then preſent, ſware the quite contrary, that all the Company was againſt the ſending the Commiſſion, and did allege the reaſon that I gave againſt it, That private men had not power to Commiſſionate, &c.

The fourth Witneſſe was Lieutenant Colonell Baines, Leiutenant Colonell Baines the 4th. Witneſs.that Arch-Apoſtate from his firſt Principles, he told the Court a long ſtory, but did not, could not ſay one word concerning me, ſo he went as wiſe as he came.

The fifth Witneſſe was Major Adams, who is a Monſter among men,Major Adams the 5th. VVitneſs, and will be, I am perſwaded, a monument of Miſery to all that know him; I have many things to ſay concerning him. Firſt, He was a hired Witneſſe againſt me; one Major Cobbet (a pragmaticall fellow) was imployed by Mr. Scot to ſubborne this Major Adams, and did ſo, and to that end did give him 10 l. to that purpoſe, I ſeeing him ſtand by me in the Court, did charge this Cobbet with it; all the eva…ion he had was this, that he lent the 10. l. to Major Adams his Wife, becauſe he thought he was poor, yet I could have produced Witneſſes in Court (but the HighCourt would not permit it) to prove, that Adams had received a vaſt ſumme of money from Mr. Scot, and from others by Mr. Scots appointment, to betray me, and the reſt of the Miniſters and Citizens now in the Tower; ſo that we may ſay of this Adams, as Nehemiah did of Shemaiah, that ſuborned Prophet, Neh. 6. 12, 13. And ſo I perceived God had not ſent him, for Tobiah and Sanballat had hired him. And therefore was he hired, that they might have matter for an evill report, that they might repr…ach me Peradventure, God may fill him with ſuch horror of p. 25Conſcience, and conſternation of minde before he dies, that he may bring back the money, the price of my blood, to thoſe Tabiahs and Sanballets who hired him, as Judas did in trouble of Conſcience bring back the 30 pieces of Silver to the Prieſts and Phariſes, who did hire him to betray Jeſus Chriſt. Secondly, This Adams, would ordinarily come once or twice a week to my houſe un-invited, on purpoſe, I now perceive, to inſnare me; he would be very inquiſitive after Newes from Scotland, and would be very free to offer me money, and asking, whether I knew of no publique uſe that required money? but, as the Lord ordered it, I never received a penny from him. Thirdly, This wretched Adams hath been in pay with Mr. Scot above theſe 12 moneths, yet he was not to diſcover himſelf, but to cary himſelfe as formerly, that ſo he might inſnare honeſt men with the leſſe ſuſpicion. This, this is the onelyonly man who hath accuſed 13. Godly Miniſters, many worthy Citizens; all who are now in trouble, were brought to Priſon upon his ſingle Information. I ſpeak this upon knowledge; for by a ſpeciall providence I have gotten a copy of his Informations he hath given in to Mr. Scot: Yea, he hath informed of every private Faſt that he himſelf was at, ſignified what perſons were preſent, who preacht and prayd, and what they prayed about the State; he hath accuſed many of the ſecluded Members alſo. There hath been ſuch a continuance in, and contexture of ſtudied wickedneſſe, and all under a high pretence of Profeſſion, that I think there is not ſuch a Parallel in the whole world. Oh! I do wonder how this wretch can ſleep by night, or eat his bread by day, with any comfort, who hath bin the cauſe of 1… Godly Miniſters Impriſonment, and of the withdrawing of others from their Families and Pulpits. Oh! I durſt not lye under this mans guilt for 10000 Worlds. Fourthl…, to cover all this wickedneſſe, they muſt accuſe him of High-Treaſon, clap him cloſe Priſoner, yet underhand they did maintaine him there; yea, he did ſhed tears, and pretend trouble, that he was forced to come in againſt me. He told Miſtris Jackson in the Poultrey, that he did not know whether he had not better chuſe to be hanged, than to ſwear againſt me; yea, he took a cup of Wine or Beer (in the preſence of Mr. Spencer a Miniſter, and his Son, who lives in the Poultrey) wiſhing it might be his poyſon, if either he had accuſed me, or would accuſe me. This Mr. Cranford told me he had from Mr. Spencer himſelfe. All this was to cover his wickedneſſe, that he might not be ſuſpected to be a hired or ſuborned witneſſe. And herein you may ſee the falſeneſſe and wretchedneſſe of this man, he that pretended trouble and ſorrow before he did come in a Witneſſe againſt me, now diſcovers impudency, impenitency, and hardneſſe of heart, after he hath maliciouſly ſworn againſt me, to take away my life; the Lord open his eyes, and touch his heart, that he may at length ſee, and bewaile his great wickedneſſe.

The ſixth Witneſſe was Mr. Jaquell. I dare not ſay he accuſed me out of ſtudied knavery,Mr. Jaquell the 6th. Witne…e. as Adams did, but onelyonly out of baſe feare and Cowardize, to ſave his own life he would caſt away mine. Concerning Mr. Iaquell I ſhall mention but a few particulars Firſt. He did fully reſolve, before he was taken into Cuſtody, neither to accuſe himſelf, or any other; yet, through fear, did both. Secondly, when he was brought in open Court to be a Witneſſe againſt me, he did, for at leaſt half an hour, refuſe to ſwear, or to be a Witneſſe againſt me, yea, when he came firſt in the Court, be ſaid he was a cloſe priſoner, accuſed of the ſame crim… that I was accuſed of, that he was not a competent Witneſſe againſt me, yea, he ſaid oftentimes that he could not in Conſcience be a Witneſſe againſt me; the p. 26Counſell for the Common-wealth, and the Court did ſtill preſſe him to take his Oath againſt me, yet he did ſtill refuſe; he was fined 500 l. and ſent out of the Court; and immediately he was called into the Court again, and urged to take his Oath, and threatned if he would not; they told him they had fined him 500 l. for refuſing to ſwear againſt me; upon this he was more yielding to take his Oath, yet he did not take his Oath as any of the reſt did, but did only put up his hand by his buttons, and when I asked him, whether he was under an Oath? he anſwered, that he was as good as under an Oath; at length he did mutter out that he was under an Oath, but yet ſince I was condemned his owne wife came to me, told me how much her husband was troubled for what he had done, and did aſſure me, that her husband told her, that he did not looke upon himſelf as under an Oath. Thirdly, when this poor man heard that I was condemned to dye, then in the anguiſh of his Soule he did write me a Letter, wherein, among other things, he did confeſſe he had done me wrong, and deſired me to forgive him the wrong he had done me, and had this paſſage among the reſt in his Letter, which I have tranſcribed to a word. Surely (ſaid he) in that day that I ſhall hear of your life being violextly taken away, mine will be but a little comfort to me, being an inſtrument in takin… away of yours.

The ſeventh Witneſſe was Colonell Barton. Hee had nothing to ſay againſt me,Co…. …arton the 7…. Witneſſ… Captain F… the 9th. Wi… neſſ…. but that I was once at his houſe at a Faſt, of which I am not aſhamed.

The eighth Witneſſe was Captain Far. He was ſo aſtoniſhed and confounded, that he could not ſpeak an entire ſentence of himſelf; but only what he was prompt by Mr. Prideaux. He was ſo ſtruck with fear, that ſometimes he ſpake Non-ſence, otherwhile falſhoo…, and otherwhiles ſpake manifeſt Contradictions to himſelfe: The poor man was ſo amazed, that he knew not what he ſaid, or what he d…d, but Mr. Atturney had his Examinations, which were taken in private, and patcht together by Mr. Scot, and Captain …iſhop, and by the help of thoſe papers, Mr. Prideaux made a …hift to rubbe up his ſlippery memory, and to helpe his ſlow tongue; And Mr. Prideaux perceiving that Captain Far was likely to marre his own evidence, had he been let alone to himſelfe, therefore Mr. Prideaux helps him at a dead lift, and puts to Captain Far no leſſe than fourſcore and eighteene Queſtions, or leading Interrogatories a thing which I think was never heard of before practiſed, in any Court ſince William the Conquerours dayes, untill then▪ yet by the poor miſled Members of the Court this was well accepted of, though I did proteſt againſt it as a moſt illegall practice. Now I am Condemned, I am informed, that this Captain Far is much troubled to thinke of my death. Touching theſe 8 Accuſers I will ſay but this, they did proſecute my life, to preſerve their own; I have done with them, I pray God begin with them, to humble their hearts, and ſhew them their ſinne…, that they may ſee, and fear, and do no more ſo wickedly; for my part I would not change Conditions with them they are in a ſinning, but I onelyonly in a ſuffering Condition. I had rather be a Sufferer with the Brethren, than an Accuſer of the Brethren. I have more peace and quietneſſe who am to dye, than they will have who have bought their lives at ſo dear a rate, as with the price of my blood.

Having ſpoken largely about my Witneſſes, I ſhall mention but a word about the partiality of my Iudges. I think there was never ſuch violent, indirect procee…ings to take away the life of a Miniſter, ſince the Reign of Queen Mary, to this p. 27day. They ſuffered the Examinations of the Witneſſes, compoſed by Mr. Scot and Captain Biſhop, to be read in Court, which is contrary to Law and Juſtice, and the Cuſtomes of all Courts. They commanded the Scaffolds to be put up the firſt day, when my black and bloody Charge was read, and the Witneſſes produced in Court, but pulled down the Scaffolds when I made my Defence…, not caring how many heard my Charge, nor how few heard me to clear my ſelfe. And they gave me but from Saturday till Wedneſday to make my Defence, although the Depoſitions were to write out, which were 28 ſheets of paper, which I was to peruſe and anſwer. Though they pulled down the Scaffolds when I made my defence, yet they put them up again, when the Counſell for the Common-wealth were to make their Reply to my Defence; All this was that I might lye under more diſadvantage in the judgement of the Spectators. Yea, ſuch was the partiality of the Court, that they refuſed to hear my Witneſſes, when produced them in Court. And after they had aſſigned me Counſell, they rejected two of them, one of them could not be there, and the fourth, viz. Mr. Hales, was not acquainted with my caſe, I never ſpake with him untill halfe an hour before the Court ſate, he never ſaw nor read the Depoſitions, yet they would not allow my Counſell a days time to ſtudy my caſe, but he muſt plead then, …x tem…ore, or not at all. Oh extremity of Rigour! yea further, though I had a Notary to write for me, yet have they taken away all the Books from him▪ ſo that nothing ſhall come to the publique view, but with what additions or alterations they pleaſe, to my greater diſadvantage; but my hope is, that ſome faithfull Pen or other h…th writ my Defence, and the Witneſſes Depoſitions, and according to them let my Innocency be judged by indifferent and unprejudicated men. But enough of this.

I have but one thing more to doe in this vindication of my perſon and miniſtry, and that is to anſwer a grand objection which is brought againſt me, Object. viz. That all the blood of …co…lana is charged upon me, and the reſt of my Brethren whom they call my Confederates. Anſwer. To take off this falſe and moſt notorious ſlander, I ſhall diſpatch theſe 3. particulars, viz. 1. Give you ſomething to obſerve in the generall. 2. Manifeſt that I have no hand in the War with our dear Brethren of Scotland. 3. Lay down Arguments drawn from inſtances of Scripture, clearneſſe of reaſon, & intereſt of State to prove the unlawfulnes of the E…gliſh Arm…'s invading of Scotland; then conclude with ſome Demonſtrative ſuggeſtions, what may be the intollerable miſchiefes, ſad corſequence, and unexpreſſible calamities that may befall the Godly party in both Nations, if the Engliſh Army prevaile over our brethen of Scotland, to ſubdue and conquer them.

1. Touching this Objection, I ſhall give you ſomething to obſerve in generall, that is this, That theſe men do as N…ro did, ſet Rome on fire, and then charge the Chriſtians with it; ſo do theſe new Common-wealths men put two Kingdomes on fire, blow the ſparks of diſſention into a flame, ſo cauſing a mighty Combuſtion and Conflagration, yet charge it upon us, who pour out tears to quench the burning which their luſts and ambition (who affect only earthly domination & rule over their brethren) hath kindled in the Neighbour Nation. As the Gunpowder Traytors charged that plot of blowing up the Parliament (which themſelves onelyonly contrived) upon the Puritans, who were ever Friends, never Enemies to Parliaments, till this Apoſtate Generation of men ſtood up; ſo doe theſe Trayterous Hereticks lay laſting Seeds of Diviſion between the two Nations, invade Scotland, imbrue their hands in their Brethrens blood, ſlay them with a rage p. 28reaching up to Heaven, ſpill their blood like water on the ground, yet we muſt be charged with all this blood, who have had no hand in, but a deteſtation of the Invaſion of the Neighbour Nation; the Lord judge bttween them and us.

What act have I done (my Enemies themſelves being Judges) to make me guil…y of the blood ſpilt in Scotland? Did I ever encourage Cromwell to invade Scotland? or ever invite the Scotiſh Nation to invade England? let Cromwell and his Confederates look to it, the bloud of Scotland will cry in the eares of him who is the avenger of blood, who hath ſaid, The Earth ſhall not cover the blood of her ſlain; I may ſay as Elijah ſaid to Ahab, It is thou, and thy Fathers houſe, that hath trouble Iſrael; ſo it is not I, but Cromwell, Vane, Bradſhaw, and the reſt of that Crew, who have troubled Scotland. When God comes to make Inquiſition for blood, they will be charged with all the blood of Scotland.

If they will ſay, The King had not agreed with the Scots, had it not been for me and my Confederates, and ſo by conſequence I am guilty of all the blood ſhed in Scotland. To this I ſay,

1. If I, by any ſtrained conſequence, ſhould be found guilty of the blood of Scotland, then Cromwell and his Army, who did actually and cruelly ſhed their blood, are directly guilty of all the blood ſhed in Scotland.

2. By no kind of conſequence can the guilt of Scotland's blood be charged on me: I would fain know what act I have done, that hath a remote tendency to the ſheding of blood in Scotland; Can I be ſaid by Conſequence to be guilty of the blood of Scotland, only for praying the King may agree with the Scots upon the intereſt of Religion, and terms of the Covenant? there is no more conſequence in this, than to ſay Tenterden Steeple is the cauſe of Goodwin Sands; nor no more conſequence, than in the Ieſuits Argument, that becauſe CHRIST did feed the multitude with five Loaves and two Fiſhes; therefore there muſt be ſeven Sacraments.

Thirdly, For my part I am a man of ſuch an obſcure ſtation, that it was not within my ſphere to be able to doe any thing to promote the Agreement between the King and the Scots, otherwiſe than by my poor prayers. I was at no meeting (as I remember) to promote that end (Faſt onelyonly excepted) but one at my houſe, at which time William Drake propounded this queſtion, What we ſhould do to promote the Agreement between the King and the Scots at the Treaty at Bred…h? he drew out ſome papers written in Characters, which he called, A Commiſſion and Inſtructions to ſeverall perſons in Holland to uſe their I…tereſt to fu…ther the Agreement between the King and the Scots. When I heard it, I declared my ſelf againſt it, as being an act of high preſumption for private perſons to ſend Commi…ion and Inſtructions, and an act of notorious falſhood to ſay it was in the name of the Presbyterian party, when none knew thereof but thoſe preſent, that I know of; yea one of the Witneſſes, viz. Captain Far, ſwore that all the Company were againſt ſending them. I know no more that I have done to promote the Agreement, yet the blood of Scotland is charged upon me. But ſuppoſe I had done a hundred times more than I did, to promote the Agreement between the King and the Scots, upon the intereſt of Religion, and terms of the Covenant, yet how can I be juſtly charged with all the blood of Scotland, for deſiring the King ſhould agree with that Kingdom who had proclaimed him King? What law of God, or of the Land, have I broken, if I had done ſo? the Covenant counts them Malig…ants, Incendiaries, and evill Inſtruments, that deſire or endeavour the contrary, p. 29videlicet, Divide the King from his people, or one of the Kingdoms from another.

3. I ſay no more concerning this, I ſhall be more large in the 3d. viz. Lay down ſome Arguments to prove the unlawfulneſſe of the Engliſh Army's invading Scotland. Yet I intend not to handle the caſe of Invaſion, to ſhew in what caſes only an Invaſion of another Nation in a Hoſtile manner is lawfull: I am from all my books, that I cannot conſult with Caſuiſts in that point; all that I ſhall doe at preſent, is to give ſome Scripture inſtances, that may hint unto us the unwarrantableneſſe of the War with that Nation of the ſame Religion, and in Covenant with us; and then give reaſons and conſiderations, drawn from intereſt of State, againſt the unlawfull Invaſion of Scotland. Had God given me life, I intended a large Treatiſe concerning the Uſurpation of the Government of England, and the unlawfulneſſe of the Invaſion of Scotland; but my collections being loſt and taken away, they muſt dye with me; I hope more able hands will write againſt the Invaſion, though they cannot fight againſt the Invaders.

I will offer but a few Scripture inſtances that may ſuggeſt ſomething againſt this bloody War with our Brethren in Covenant with us. Read Amos 1. 9. 10. 11. 12. I will not turn away the puni…ment of Tyrus becauſe they have delivered the whole cap…ivity to Edom, and remembred not the brotherly Covenant. So that Scotland may ſay as in Obadiah, ver. 7. The men of my confederacy that were at peace with me have deceived me, and prevailed againſt me.

Yea the Engliſh did to Scotland, as Edom did to Iſrael, Amos 1. 11. Edom did purſue his brother with the ſword, and did caſt off all pitie, and his anger did teare continually; did not Cromwell do ſo to Scotland, worſe than Edom to Iſrae…? let Dunbar fight teſtifie, and the worſe than butcherly uſage afterwards of the priſoners there taken; I may ſay to Cromwell as God ſaid to Edom, for thy violence againſt thy Brother Jacob [thy Brother Scotland] ſhame ſhall cover thee, and thou ſhalt be cut off for ever, Obad. v. 10. then in Obad. v. 13, 14, 15, it is ſaid, Thou ſhould'ſt not have entred into the ga…e of my people, in the day of their calamity, yea thou ſhould'ſt not have laid hands on their ſubſtance in the day of their calamity, neither should'ſt thou have ſtood in the croſs way to cut off thoſe of his that did eſcape, neither ſhouldſt thou deliver thoſe of his that did remaine in the day of diſtreſſe. Then it followes, As thou haſt done, it ſhall be done to thee, thy reward ſhall returne upon thine owne head. I ſhall mention one Scripture Hiſtory that is pertinently applyed and publiſhed in Print,2 Chron. 28. 9. 102 Chr 28:92 Chr 28:10 entituled, The Hiſtory of Pek…h, it is worth your peruſall; Pekah King of Iſrael did ſinfully invade Jud…h, had the worſer Cauſe, and the leſſer number, yet prevailed over Iudah, then ſaid Oded the Prophet, becauſe the Lord was wrath with Iudah he hath delivered them into your hand, and yee have flaine them in a rage reaching up to Heaven, and now ye purpoſe to keep under the Children for Bond-men, a…d Bond-women unto you, but are there not with you, even with you, ſins againſt the Lord your God, &c? And doth not C…o…ell do this to Scotland, as Pekah did to Iudah? Nay he is not ſo mercifull, for Pekah returned the Captives, reſtored the ſpoyle, arrayed them, and ſhoo'd them, gave them to eat and to drinke, and carried all the feeble of them upon Aſſes, &c. 2 Chron. 28. 15. Cromwell is ſo accuſtomed to works of cruelty, that he is far from ſhewing ſuch acts of mercy to his Brethren of Scotland, as Pekah did to his Brethren of Iudah. There is one Chapter in Ezekiel, that I have often thought of, which cannot be more aptly applyed to any in the World than to Cromwell, and the reſt of the invaders of the Scot…iſh Nation p. 30it is the 35 of Ez…kiel v. 5. to the end, Becauſe thou haſt had a perpetuall h… tred, and haſt ſhed the blood of the Children of Iſrael by the force of the ſword in the time of their calamity, in the time that their iniquity had an end, therefore as I live ſaith the Lord, I will prepare thee unto bloud, and bloud shall purſue thee, and v. 10. Becauſe thou haſt ſaid, Theſe two Nations, and theſe two Countries shall be mine, and we will poſſeſſe it, whereas the Lord was there, therefore as I live ſaith the Lord, I wil do according to thine anger and according to thine envy which thou haſt uſed out of thy hatred against them, and I will make my ſelf knowne amongſt them when I have judged thee, &c. It is in Scripture record accounted a more deplorable judgment to have Nations of the ſame Religion, and under the ſame Government to wage War one with another, than to have a War with any other Nations whatſoever, read 2 Chron. 15. 5, 6. Nation ſhall riſe againſt Nation, that is the Kingdome of Iſrael againſt the Kingdom of Iudah, who were of the ſame Religion, and alſo under the ſame Government, during the Reignes of Saul, David, Solomon, and part of Rehoboams, ſo in 2. Chron. 28. 9, 10. per totum, many inſtances out of Scripture might have been produced to ſuggeſt to you how unwarrantable a thing it is for Cromwell with his English Army to invade, ſpoyle, and lay waſt, their poor Brethren of Scotland. We are commanded Zech. 7. 9. 10. …o ſhew mercy and compaſſion every man to his neighhour, oppr…ſſe not the Widdow nor the Fatherl…ſs, nor the ſtranger, nor the poor, and I t…none imagine ev…ll againſt his Brother in your heart; and the reaſon may be drawn from Mal…chy 2. 10. Have we not all one Father? hath not one God created us? Why doe we deal treacherouſly every m…n againſt his brother, by prophaxing the Covenant of our Fathers? I have no more to ſay in this matter, but will ſay of Cromwell, though he may proſper for a while againſt the people of God, yet I may ſay of him as God did of J…hojakim, Tkine eyes and thi…e heart are not but for thy covetouſneſſe, and for to ſhed innocent bloud, and for oppreſſion, and for violence to do it; therefore, thus ſaith the Lord, Jer. 22. 17, 18, 19.Jer 22:17Jer 22:18Jer 22:19They shall not lament for him, ſaying, ah my brother, or, ah my ſiſter, they shall not lament for him, ſaying, ah Lord, or ah his glory, he shall be buried with the buriall of an …ſſe, &c. Ier. 22. 17, 18▪ 19.

I am in the next place to give ſome reaſons to prove the unlawfullneſſe of the invaſion of our Brethren of SCOTLAND, I ſhall lay down a few conſiderations whereby you may ſee the evill nature, and dangerous conſequence of this War.

Firſt; This Warre with Scotland is worſe than the former war intended againſt Scotland in the year 1640.Firſt rea…on may be by comparing t…is with the firſt War. it is worſe in many regards: 1. The Firſt war was called Bellum Epiſcopale, this may be called Bellum Haereticale, (if I may ſo ſay) the firſt War would have brought in Popiſh ceremonies, this War brings in damnable Hereſies, and helliſh blaſphemies; by the firſt they would have ſcrued up Monarchy into Tyranny, by this they will pull down Monarchy, and turne all to Anarchy. 2. This War in the year 1650. is worſe than that intended about the yeare 1640., becauſe then we were not under ſo many Covenants, and Engagements one towards another as now we are, Cromwell invaded them after a Covenant and Articles of Agreement for aſſiſtance made with them, after help and Brotherly aſſiſtance received from them, yet he hath forgotten the Brotherly Covenant, with them, and all the kindneſſes we have had from them in the day of out deep diſtreſſe. Thirdly, This war hath not ſuch an Authority as the former had, the firſt was raiſed by the King and his Councell, this by Cromwell and a Faction. p. 31Fourthly, the Souldiers, many of them, doe behave themſelves worſer than the Souldiers the King and Biſhops did raiſe againſt the Scots at firſt; the Kings Soldiers were but ignorant and prophane, theſe many of them Hereticks and Blaſphemers; thoſe did pull down Croſſes and Pictures, theſe pull downe Ordinances; thoſe drunk with Wine or Strong Drink, but theſe drunk with Error, having a ſpirit of gyddineſſe and contradiction againſt the Truth, which is the worſt ſort of drunkenneſſe. Fifthly, far worſe in the event alſo; in the Kings and Biſhops war not above 14 ſlain one both ſides, but in this war Cromwell with a more cruel and bloody minde hath moſt barbarouſly ſlaine at leaſt 10000 of the Scotiſh Nation, ſince he entered Scotland, oh the bloody cruelty of this man!

2. A ſecond reaſon may be taken from the time when Cromwell invaded them; it was not when Scotland was over-run with malignity, during the time of Hambletons prevalency, but it was when the power of that Kingdome was in the hands of the moſt Religious and Covenanting Party in Scotland, after Hamblitons Army was deſtroyed, and Montroſſe defeated; and the godly party who managed the cauſe of God for theſe 14 years faithfully, had all the power of that Kingdome in their hands, then Cromwell invaded them, which to me is an evident Demonſtration, that the invaſion of Scotland was by the inſtigation of Jeſuites, and the Papiſts Party to root out the Proteſtant Party in …cotland, and to bring their perſons in vaſſalage and thraldome as to their civill Liberties.

3. A third Reaſon may be drawn from the ſlight grounds Cromwell had to invade Scotland, becauſe they would not be a Common-wealth, therefore they ſhall not be a People; becauſe they will not break their Covenants, therefore Cromwell will break them; becauſe the… will not lay their Conſciences waſte, he will lay their land waſte and make it deſolate; becauſe the Scots are for a Scripturall Presbytery, and a well-regulated Monarchy, for found doctrine and the power of godlyneſſe, therefore it is that Cromwell is ſo much their Enemy. Whatever els may be pretended, …et theſe were the true grounds why Cromwell and the reſt of the Ieſuited Spaniſh Faction did invade the neighbour Nation.

4. A fourth reaſon may be taken from the wicked ends Cromwell aims at in his invading Scotland, viz. merely to ſatisfie his ambitious and covetous deſires to be abſolute Lord of the Eſtates, Liberties and Lives of all the people in theſe 3. Nation; it doth not content him to have one Kingdome, viz. Ireland for Ireton his Son, nor another Kingdome, viz. England for himſelf, but he muſt have Scotland alſo. His end is as was that of the Children of Ammon invading Iſrael, in Amos 1. 13. That they might inlarge their borders; his end, and the end his Souldiers aim is like that of the Chaldaeans, Amos 1. 13.Amos 1:13that bitter and haſly Nation to march thr…ugh the bredih …f the Land, to poſſeſs the dwelling places that are not theirs; his end is like that of M…unt Seir,Hab. 1. 6.Hab 1:6 who ſaid, …heſe two Nations, and theſe two Countreys ſhall be mine, and wee will paſſeſſe them. So ſaith Cromwell, theſe two Nations, and theſe two Countrves, viz. England and Scotland ſhall be mine, and I will poſſeſſe them; nor will all this content him, he ſeeks to be an univerſall Monarch, like that Ch…ldaean Monarch in Hab. 2. 56. He is a proud man, neither keepeth at home, who exlargeth his deſire as hell, and cannot be ſatisfied, but gathereth unto him all Nations, and heapeth unto him all people, but ſhall not all theſe take up a taunting proverbe againſt him, Woe to him that encreaſeth that which is not his, &c. We puniſh him with death who breakes open a houſe and robs but one Family, but what a thouſand deaths doth he deſerve, who breaks into a Kingdome, and robbes many p. 32thouſand Families, even a whole Nation. The Prophet Hab akkuk pronounceth A woe to him that builds a Town with blood, and eſtabliſheth a City by iniquity. Hab. 2. 12. What a woe then ſhall befall Cromwell, that doth not build Townes with blood, but deſtroys many Townes by blood, but builds up none? that doth not ſtabliſh a City, but deſtroyes many Cities in ENGLAND and SCOTLAND by Iniquity?

5. A fifth reaſon may be drawn from the Covenant and Treaties between the two Nations. I begin with the Covenant ſo far as it concerns Scotland. In the firſt Article we promiſe to endeavour the preſervation of the reformed Religion in the Church of Scotland, in Doctrine, Worship, Diſcipline, and Government: But Cromwells invading Scotland tends directly to the deſtruction of the reformed Religion in Scotland, both in Doctrine, by the many Hereſies the Army ſpreads amongſt them, and in Worſhip, by thoſe who are above Ordinances, and in Diſcipline and Government by thoſe that are inveterate enemies to the Presbyteriall Government, and are moſt of them for Independency, or Anabaptiſme, Browniſme, or Scepticiſme, &c. In the third Article we promiſe to preſerve the liberties of the Kingdoms: But Cromwells invading Scotland, brings England under guilt, and Scotland under beggery and ſlavery. In the fourth Article we promiſe, That we ſhall endeavour the diſcovery of all ſuch as have been or ſhall be Incendiaries, Malignants, or ev…ll Inſtruments, by hindring the Reformation of Religion, dividing the King from his people, or one of the Kingdomes from another. If theſe things be the brands that the Covenant puts upon Incendiaries, Malignants, or evill Inſtruments, then is not Cromwell and his Faction the great Incendiaries, Malignauts, and evill Inſtruments, who have hindred the Reformation of Religion, nay blemiſhed the very name, and deſtroyed the very face of Religion? and have they not divided the King from his people, not only by interrupting his agreement with the Parliament, and dividing him from them, but by dividing his head from his body? and have not they divided one of the Kingdoms from another, and by this unjuſt invaſion laid ſuch ſeeds to diſſentions, and irreconcileable differences, as are likely never to be healed, yea ſo divided as never likely to be united together any more? In the fifth Article it is ſaid, Where as the happineſſe of a bleſſed peace between theſe Kingdomes, denyed in former times to our pr…genitors, is by the good provide…ce of God granted unto us, and hath been lately concluded and ſetled by both Parliaments, we shal each one of us indeavour that they may remaine conjoyned in a firme Peace and Union to all poſterity. Let the world judge whether Cromwell and his invaders have endeavoured that the Kingdoms may remain in a firme peace and union to all poſterity; he was ſo far from endeavouring to have this Union kept to all poſterity, that he diſſolved this Union within ſeven years after he promiſed to preſerve this Union, for he took the Covenant in the yeare 1643. and entred Scotland, in a bloody Hoſtile manner, in the yeare 1650. Thus you ſee Cromwells invaſion of Scotland is repugnant to the whole ſcope and tenour of the Covenant; it is contrary to the Articles of the Treaty between both Kingdoms; for this is one among the reſt, That one Nation ſhall not wage war with each other, but give three moneths warning before hand; but Cremwell did not not give three dayes warning to Scotland before he invaded their Land.

6. I may draw the ſixth reaſon from the judgement of the Parliament, when free and full, they were ſtill averſe to any breach with, and war againſt, their Brethren of Scotland, as knowing it would endanger the Proteſtant Religion, and godly party p. 33in both the Nations. I well remember the King called a Parliament here in England in April 1640. on purpoſe to raiſe money to carry on the Warre againſt the Scots, but the Parliament utterly refuſed to grant any money to ſo ill a purpoſe, and did all they could to diſſwade the King from the Warre with Scotland, publiquely proteſting againſt the War as diſhonourable, and dangerous to Religion, and both Kingdomes; whereupon, through the deſignes of the Prelates and Popiſh party that Parliament was diſſolved, within 10 dayes after it was called. Although the diſſolving that Parliament was a great grief of heart to all the godly in this Nation, yet it was a rejoycing, that the Parliament refuſed to engage in the War of Scotland. After this, there were publique Thankſgivings throughout all England, enjoyned by King and Parliament, for the Pacification between England and Scotland.

If the wiſdome of the Parliament in the year 1640. judged it unlawfull to wage War againſt Scotland upon the ſollicitations of the King and Biſhops, becauſe they would obtrude Popiſh Ceremonies upon that Nation, may not we judge it much more unlawfull to wage War with Scotland, to bring Blaſphemies, Hereſies, and Slavery upon them, and that after we have had a Brotherly aſſiſtance from them, and have entered into Covenant with them? There are l…e pretences to juſtifie the War with Scotland in the year 1650, by Cromwell, than in the year 1640. when the King intended to wage war with them.

7. A ſeventh Reaſon may be drawn from the intollerable miſchiefs, ſad conſequences, and unexpreſſible calamities likely to befall the Proteſtant and Covenanting party in the 3. Kingdoms, the miſchiefs and ſad conſequences of Cromwells invading Scotland, I ſhall reduce to 8. heads.

1. The War with the Iriſh Rebels is by this means neglected, and lengthened out; had Cromwell ſtaid in Ireland, and had but one half of the Souldiers he hath now in Scotland, in all likelyhood the Iriſh Wars had been ended long before now, the Rebels deſtroyed, and the Engliſh had had a quiet and peaceable poſſeſſion of that Land. But Cromwell (through the counſell of the Pope, King of Spaine, and the Ieſuites) had rather fight with the Proteſtant covenanting party in Scotland, than with the Rebels of Ireland.

2. By this means moſt grievous and burdenſome Taxes are continued and increaſed. I ſhall mention one thing, which to the vulgar may ſeem incredible, viz. That the Iuncto at Weſtminſter have (by the Exciſe, Cuſtomes, Sequeſtrations and Taxes) received more money in one year, than all the Kings of England, put them all together, ſince the Conqueſt, did raiſe upon their Subjects for ſuch a ſpace of time, yet the Kings called Oppreſſors, and theſe called Saints, &c.

3. A totall eradication of the Presbyteriall Government in both the Kingdoms. Presbytery is the But, at which the Prelates of old, and the Sectaries of late, have ſhot their invenomed Arrows.

4. A great indangering of all the Proteſtant Churches and States in Europe. The Kingdomes of England and Scotland make up the greateſt Body of the Proteſtant Religion in Chriſtendome, being beſt able to defend themſelves, and ſuccour other Reformed Churches, when indangered and deſigned to ruine by Popiſh Enemies, therefore the diſcountenancing of the Covenanting party in England, and the ruining of them in Scotland, is the readieſt way to indanger, conquer, ruine all other Reformed Churches in the World; and how will this imbolden and encourage Popiſh Adveraries to invade and ruine the Proteſtants whiles p. 34they ſee England and Scotland (who make up the greateſt Body of the Proteſtant Religion in Chriſtendome) engaged in an un-Brotherly and un-Chriſtian War between themſelves, and weakning, impoveriſhing, and deſtroying each other?

5. Cromwells invaſion of Scotland, is an extraordinary ground of joy to the Pope, and all his Confederates. Had the Conclave of Rome plotted together, they could not wiſh a more happy and hopefull deſigne to advance the intereſt of Rome, and Catholick Religion; that doth more glad and gratifie the Popiſh party, than to ſee the Proteſtant party in England and Scotland ruining one another. I have read a very remarkeable ſtory of a great Politician in France, that is, Cardinal Richelieu, That a little before his death be left Inſtructions and advice with the late French King, that he would uſe his utmoſt endeavour to foment the late differences between the King of England and the Parliament, and, if it were poſſible, by the ſollicitations of his Inſtruments, to draw the Houſe of Commons in England to change their Government, from a Kingdome into a Common-wealth; by which means England and Scotland would be imbroyled in warres one againſt another, which is the onelyonly and beſt policy of all to weaken and deſtroy the Proteſtant Religion, and advance the intereſt of France, and Catholique Religion. The truth of this ſtory is aſſerted by an Italian of good note and credit, and publiſhed by him, and Printed in Italy, anno 1645.

I ſhall ſay no more touching this particular, but only this; that I doe verily beleeve Cromwels invading Scotland in the year 1650. makes it a year of Iubilee in Rome; but a year of ſlavery to England and Scotland, and a year of ſorrow to all the Proteſtant Churches round about us; which puts me upon the next ſad conſequence of this war, viz.

6. It will be, and is a great grief and ſadning to all Proteſtant States and Churches round about us; when they conſider how we who have lived under one King, united in one Covenant, ingaged in one and the ſame Quarrell, that we ſhould ruine and deſtroy one another, and that with ſuch bloody rage, and cruell hatred as we doe; what a grief is it to them to conſider, that we who might have been their he…pers, are our own deſtroyers, neither able to aſſiſt them abroad, nor defend our ſelves at home?

7. It will lay laſting foundations of irreconcileable diſcord between the two Nations, That we who were the deareſt Friends, will be to each other the greateſt Enemies.

8. There will be a toleration of all Hereſies and Blaſphemies in the Church, and an increaſing of all oppreſſion and violence in the State. Theſe two uſually goe together. Iudges 5. 8. They choſe new Gods, then was there War in their Gates. Theſe, with manifold more inconceivable miſchiefes are likely to ariſe, by reaſon of Cromwels groundleſſe and unwarrantable invaſion of our neighbour Nation.

The laſt work I have now to doe about this vindication of my ſelf, is to take off ſome aſperſions and ſlanders unjuſtly laid upon me.

1. Some report that I am under great fears of death, that much terror and trembling laies hold upon me.

To which I ſay, That through the ſence of the pardoning mercies of God, through the blood of ſprinkling,Heb. 2. 14.Heb 2:14 the bitterneſſe, fear, and ſting of death is much abated; that I am delivered from the fear of death, to which all the former part p. 35part of my life I was ſubject unto bondage; I ſpeak it without vanity to the praiſe of Gods glorious grace, I formerly have had more feare at the pulling out of a Tooth, than now I have at the thoughts of the cutting off my head. I mention it to the praiſe of God, who ſupported me, the hearing of the Sentence of Death pronounced againſt me in the Court, did no whit diſmay me, I had as much calmneſſe and quietneſſe in my minde, at that very ho…e, as ever I had in all my life yea ſince I have been condemned, I bleſſe God, I have not had one troubled thought, nor broke one hours reſt, nor forborne one meals meat, yea the very night before I was to ſuffer, I ſupt as heartily, and ſlept as ſweetly, as ever I did in all my life; the hopes I have of an eternall life, doth ſwallow up the fears of a temporall death.

2. Objection, But yon confeſſe you have ſinned, therefore you are put to death for your ſinne.

Sol. I have indeed, and I ought to confeſſe my ſinns againſt God, ſo condemne my ſelf, and juſtifie God, acknowledging that I have ſinned, and he is righteous in all that is come upon me, ſo that it is juſt with the moſt high to cut me off in the midſt of my dayes, and in the midſt of my Miniſtry; but yet I never ſaid that I had ſinned againſt God in the particular facts for which that cruell ſentence was paſt upon me; I ſay ſtill as I did at the Bar, when I received the ſentence of death, that God did not condemne me, when I was judged, that neither God nor my own Conſcience did condemne me of ſin; I have tranſgreſſed their bloody Lawes, it is true, yet not broken any command of God in ſo doing, they have ſinned in making ſuch Lawes, not I in breaking them. I am far from thinking that I have ſinned in what I have done, to deſire the King might agree with the Scots upon the intereſt of Religion, and the terms of the Covenant, to relieve that gallant Gentleman Major Generall Maſſey, to pray for and endeavour after the good of the Godly in the neighbour nation of Scotland, who are Brethren in Covenant with us; I count all this my duty, not my ſinne; yet I deny not, but as infirmities doe cleave to my duties, ſo in the way of mannagement of this buſineſſe, inadvertency, indiſcretion, and too much openneſſe might cleave to theſe actings of mine, but that the thing it ſelf was evill that I never have, never ſhall confeſſe.

3. Object. Some are not aſhamed to ſay, that I am a debaucht perſon, that I have been guilty of uncleanneſſe.

Sol. This I declare in the ſight of God is moſt abominably falſe; as Luther ſaid of himſelf, That he was not tempted to covetouſneſſe: ſo through the grace of God, I can ſay it without vanity or falſhood, I have not been tempted to uncleanneſſe. I know no ground of this report but this, that on Eaſter-day night laſt was ſix yeare, one of my name, Maſter Edward Love, a Chaplain in the Army, was queſtioned before Juſtice Rich, dwelling about Chancery Lane, for being found in bed whith a Whore, now becauſe he was one of my name, ſome Malignants did charge it upon me, but that groſſe lye was ſoon quelled, but is now revived, and ſuggeſted to ſome in preſent power, on purpoſe to exaſperate them againſt me: But why ſhould I be troubled at theſe ſlanders? my betters have been falſly accuſed as well as I; two Harlots accuſed Athanaſius that he was uncleane with them, when he was the Chaſteſt man of that age; Beza was accuſed of drunkenneſſe and uncleanneſſe alſo, who was free from both; the Jeſuits accuſed Calvin that he had the foule diſeaſe, that he was eaten up of V…min; yea the Lord Jeſus was accuſed p. 36to have a Devill, though the fulneſſe of the God-head dwelt in him:

4. Object. It is reported that I was unnaturall to my Parents, that I would not relieve them in their neceſſities.

Sol. I am loth to commend my ſelfe, yet when another mans mouth doth accuſe me, it is lawfull for my owne to praiſe me. My duty and Naturall affections to my parents hath abounded, as I had great cauſe, for their tenderneſſe and care in my education, they have been dead above ſeven years ſince; it is true, they had a competent livelyhood in the World, but fell to decay, and when they were neceſſitated, I ſpeak it truly, when I was not worth 20 li. in all the world, my parents had ten of it.

5 Object. It is reported that I neglected Mr. Erbury, who was the means of my converſion and education, that when he was plundred in WALES, and came to ENGLAND in a neceſſitous condition, that I would not relieve him.

Sol. As for Maſter Erbury, though he is fallen into dangerous opinions, yet, he being my ſpirituall Father, I do naturally care for him, as Timothy did for Paul, my heart cleaves to him in love, more than to any one man in the World; I ſpeake to the praiſe of God, he was the inſtrument to my converſion, near twenty years agoe, and the means of my education alſo in the Vniverſity, for which kindneſſe, the half I have in the World, I could readily part with for his reliefe. It is true, about eight or nine years ſince, he was plundered in Wales, and did come to ſee me at Windſor Caſtle, but a Sonne could not make more of a Father, than I made of him, according to my ability; when I had not twelve pounds in all the World, I let Maſter Erbury have ſix of it, indeed he afterward gave me a horſe, for which I received not much above forty ſhillings; yea I procured him a place in the Army, to be Chaplaine to Major Generall Skippons Regiment, where he had eight ſhillings a day.

6 Object. Others ſay that what I denyed in Court, was afterward proved againſt me, and then I did confeſſe it.

Sol. This is a manifeſt untruth; thoſe Proteſtations I made the firſt day of my Tryall, I made them alſo the laſt day, rejoycing that they were not falſified nor contradicted by any of the 8 Witneſſes; but I have ſpoken to this more largely before.

If other ſlanders ſhall be caſt upon me, I hope you will have ſo much charity, not to believe reports raiſed upon me, when I ſhall be ſilent in the Grave, not able to ſpeake in my owne vindication. This I ſay without vanity of falſhood, I have been kept for theſe twenty years, from the time I firſt knew God, from falling into any ſcandalous evill, but only into thoſe infirmities of unavoydable and dayly incurſion, unto which all the Godly are ſubject in the courſe of their pilgrimage. I love not to ſpeak in my own praiſe, yet I judge it lawfull when other mens mouthes falſly accuſe me, my owne mouth may modeſtly commend me.

As an Appendix to what I have already written, I have but a few things to deſire the Reader to take notice of.

1. I am informed that there is ſomething blotted out of my laſt Petition, after it went from me, without my knowledge or conſent. To aſſure all the World that I was no Malignant, I did put this clauſe in my fourth Petition, That in my place and calling, I ſhould oppoſe all Malignant deſigns, whether in this or the Neighbour Nation, that may tend to the ruin… of this Common-wealth. Somebody blotted out the p. 37word [Malignant] and would thereby hold the world in hand, as if I ſhould engage to oppoſe the King and Scots which are now entred England, which was far from my Heart; I judge it no Malignant deſigne for the Scots to defend their Nation, and the Title of their King, upon the intereſt of Religion, and terms of the Covenant, this is an honeſt and juſtifiable deſigne. Indeed Mr. Owen and Mr. Bond were with me in the Tower, and deſired me to put it out, but I told them I could not doe it, becauſe I ſaid, though I would be lookt upon as one that would oppoſe Malignant deſignes, yet I would not be lookt upon as one that would oppoſe the honeſt Scots, or as if I thought their actings were Malignant deſignes. I ſent the Petition to Sheriffe Titchburn, if he obſerved it, he will juſtifie me that the word Malignant was in the Petition. Whether they have blotted out any thing more, or put any thing in, God knows; I am not aſhamed to own the Petitions. I have given you the Subſtance of them in my vindication. I deſire you to take notice alſo, that by [Common-wealth] I do not underſtand the preſent Government, (I wiſh that were ruined) but by Common-wealth I underſtand the Body or Community of the People of this Nation, I ſhall in my place and calling oppoſe any Malignant deſignes that may tend to their ruine.

2. I deſire you to take notice, that it is very likely they will not publiſh the Depoſitions of the Witneſſes in Court, but the private Examinations taken from them in private, and patcht together by Mr. Scet, and Captain Biſhop; they were not aſhamed to produce them and read them in open Court, and ſome of the Witneſſes had ſo much honeſty left, as to diſſavow them in open Court. Believe nothing (beloved) but what was ſworn in open Court, nor all that neither, for ſome of the Witneſſes ſwore falſly, as I made appear in my Defence.

3 I deſire the Reader to take notice, that there is a lying Pamphlet put forth, entituled, A ſhort Plea for the Common-wealth. In which there are many groſſe lies, eſpecially in things which relate to me. It is not fit for me to enter the Liſts with him; It becomes not a dying man to write of Controverſies, which will beget diſpute; therefore I ſhall not anſwer the Book, though I could eaſily do it, but only ſum up the many Lies he relates concerning me; As

In Page 3 ſecond Edition.Firſt lye, He inſinuates, he is loath to ſay it out for ſhame, or to name me, yet he would deceive the Reader, by ſaying, The meetings of theſe Traytors here, produced the firſt Treaty at the Hague. And elſewhere he ſaith, That I am chief of theſe Traytors; ſo that in the lump, he is willing to have the Reader believe as if I were at thoſe meetings, when I was at none, neither about the Treaty at the Hague, nor the Treaty at Ierſey neither, till both were diſſolved. Indeed Alford, Adams, Far, &c. who were my accuſers, were at thoſe meetings from firſt to laſt, as they themſelves confeſt; yet ſuch was the wiſedome of Mr. Scots Councell of State, they muſt be acquitted, and I executed, that know nothing of all thoſe meetings.

In Page 7. ſecond Edition. He ſaith, For what Mr. Love is concerned to ſay nothing of what preceded Titus his going to Ierſey. Here he would inſinuate alſo, as if he could ſay ſomething of me before Titus his going to Ierſey, which he cannot doe, if he could, he would not have ſpared me.

In Page 7.Second lye ſecond Edition. That one was ſent to Titus from my houſe, and that he returned, and gave an account at my ſtudy. The latter part is true, he that was ſent to Titus did give an account of his journey at my Houſe, but the firſt part is p. 38a Lye; if it were a Truth, why would he not name the man, as he doth others? bu… for fear that every one who heard the Tryall at the High Court would have bin able to cry ſhame upon him. Major Alford was the man was ſent to Titus to Callis, but not in my houſe; for Potter ſwore Alford was ſent when they met at a Tavern, yea Alford himſelf ſwore, that it was William Drake that deſired him to meet Titus at …allis; and ſwore alſo, that he was never within my houſe, nor ever ſpake with me, till after he returned from Callis; yet this impudent fellow, the Author of the …ea, doth charge me with it.

In Page 7. ſecond Edition.Third lye. He ſaith, That upon the debate of ſending a Commiſſion, that I ſhould ſay, Come, come, let it goe, which is a groſſe lye; indeed Huntington did ſwear thus in Court, but was forſworn; I was againſt ſending the Commiſſion, and gave reaſons againſt ſending it, yea Capt. Far ſaid upon Oath, and that 3 times together that the Company were againſt ſending it, becauſe private perſons had not power to Commiſſionate, &c.

In Page 8.Fourth lye. ſecond Edition. He ſaith, That a Letter wrote with B. on it, brought to Capt. Potter from Bamfield, and ſaid by the Party that left it at Potters, that it came from Mr. Love. Captain Potter did not affirm this in Court, indeed he ſaid he thought it came from me, or Doctor Drake, but for my part I never brought, nor ſent Letter to his ſhop in all my life.

In Page 9.Fifth lye. ſecond Edition. He ſaith, That I made 3 dreadfull Proteſtations, that I never wrote Letter to the King, Queen, Iermin, Piercy, Titus, Maſſey, &c. That I never received Letter from any of them, That I never contributed any money …or gathered any for the King, &c. or Maſſey and Titus, &c. This is a loud Lye, it is well there are many Witneſſes to contradict him; and ſurely, if the Author of this Book had not eaſt off all fear of God, and regard to the good name of his Brother, he could not be ſo impudent, as to affirm that theſe were my Proteſtations. I never named Maſſey or Titus in my Proteſtations, for then I had proteſted a falſhood, (which I durſt not doe) I did write a Letter to Maſſey, and did contribute money to Maſſey and Titus, yet my Proteſtations are not contradicted; for I Proteſted, I writ no Letter to the King, Queen, Church, or State of Scotland, in the generall, or to any particular perſon of the Scotiſh Nation. The truth of this I ſhall ſtand to. For though I did write and give money to Maſſey, yet my Proteſtation is not falſified, for he is of the Engliſh not of the Scotiſh Nation.

In page 9.Sixth lye. ſecond Edition. He ſaith, That at my Examination I made ſuch a deep and generall profeſſion of my Innocency, though the proof, and his Confeſſion at the Court contradicted it, &c. The firſt part of this Speech is true, the latter notoriouſly falſe. As to the Queſtions propounded to me, about Correſpondence with the King, Queen, &c. writing a Letter to the Church of Scotland, or ſending Titus to Ierſey; as to theſe things I ſaid I was innocent, and ſo I ſay ſtill. But as for the latter part of his words, That the proof, and my Confeſſion at the Court contradicted my Anſwer at my Examination, that's abominably falſe; though he was not aſhamed to ſay ſo in the generall, yet he durſt not inſtance in any particular, nor will any other in my life time, whilſt I can anſwer for my ſelfe. I do affirm this to all the World, That at my Examinations I did deny nothing that was true, nor would I confeſſe any thing that was Criminall. And becauſe I am belyed, about my examination before the Committee, and may be more abuſed after I am dead, therefore I am neceſſitated to diſcover that jugling p. 39and baſeneſſe of Mr. Scot, and Captain Biſhop, about my Examination, which I thought never to have made publique. Whiles I was examined before the Committee, that pragmaticall fellow Captain Biſhop (who, I ſuppoſe wrote this lying Book) did put in 6 or 8 lines into my Examinations, which I never ſaid; he ſuppoſing I would be ſo meaſe-mouthed as not to read it, or to put my hand to his for…eries with out any more adoe: But I did, to his ſhame make him blot out at leaſt 6 lines in my Examination, which was but very ſhort; Some of the Committee did ingenuouſly ſay ſometimes, that I did not ſpeak ſuch words as Captain Biſhop did put in. By his abuſe of me, who would not be abuſed by him, I cannot but think how he injured other men. I did refuſe to put my hand to it, ſeeing I was abuſed by Captain Biſhop, but told them, if they would give me a Copy of it, I would ſubſcribe my hand; but they denyed me a Copy, which made me ſuſſpect they did not intend to deale fairly with me; as I found true ſoone after. About 3 weeks after I was examined, Mr. Prideaux, and Mr. Scot came to examine me in the Tower; I ſtill refuſed to accuſe my ſelfe; Mr. Scot ſhewed me a Paper, told me it was the Examination taken from my mouth; he read it to me, when I ſaw and heard it, I renounced it, told him plainly it was a forged paper, that it was not mine. He replyed, it was that very individuall paper that was written and taken from my mouth; and that he himſelf did endorſe it with his own hand. To this I reply, whether he endorſed it, or no, I could not ſay, but I can ſay, and do affirm, the paper was not mine, and I gave him two evident and undenyable Demonſtrations that it was not the paper written at my Examinations. For, 1. In that paper there were many lines blotted out, but in this there were none. 2. In the paper ſhewed me at the Tower was written to this effect, That I ſhould ſay, I was not preſent at the reading or hearing of any Letters read from Scotland, which I never ſaid; and I did put him in minde, that I refuſed to Anſwer that Queſtion, Whether I was preſent when Letters were read? Becauſe (ſaid I) then your next Queſtion will be, Who elſe was preſent? So I muſt accuſe others, which I ſhall not doe: And then, further, if I ſhould ſay I was not preſent, and you could prove that I was preſent at the hearing of any Letters of News from Foreign parts, you would taxe me of a falſhood, which none ſhall be able to faſten upon. This did ſomewhat ſilence, and ſatisfie Mr. Scot, that it was not the paper that was taken at my Examination; wherefore, I beſeech the Reader not to beleeve any thing that ſhall come forth, either pretended to be my Examination, or the Examinations of other men againſt me, they are but the Forgeries and Contrivements of Mr. Scot and Capt. Biſhop.

Mr. Seventh lye. In page …o ſecond Edition.Love would have denyed the juriſdiction of the Court, had he not remembred what it coſt his Maſter Charls. He behaved himſelf exceeding haughtily, prevar… cating uncivilly, &c. Elſwhere the man ſpeaks more than I did, but here he ſpeaks leſſe than I did, in the former part of his ſpeech; here he ſaith, I would have denyed the juriſdiction of the Court; if I had not remembred, &c. I confeſſe I did deny the juriſdiction of the Court, and did declare before the Court, that they were not a legall Court of Judicature, to judge me for my life; that it was my birth-right to be tryed according to the Lawes of this Land, which was to be by a Iury of my neighbourhood, and when they told me they were as a Iury, then I replyed, I have liberty by the Lawes of this Land, to except againſt 35 of them. Though they did deny me a legall Tryall, yet a neceſſity was put upon me to plead to cleare my owne innocency. But the latter part of his ſpeech p. 40is notoriouſly falſe, I leave my ſelf to be judged by the ſpectators, whether I did behave my ſelf exceeding haughtily, prevaricating, untivilly, as this man doth accuſe me.

In Page 11.The eighth lye. ſecond Edition. He ſaith, That I did not acknowledge the Lawes or Authority, by which I was judged, to be the Lawes of the Land, but that I ſaid in my Petition, by [your Lawes] I am juſtly condemned, which ſaid he, my Brother… Maſter Calamy inſtructed me in, to put me out of all hopes of mercy, that his good tricks, and the reſt of his cloſe Brethren, might not come to light. This common lyer ſtumbles upon a truth now and then; the firſt part of the words are true, viz. That I did not acknowledge the Authority, or Lawes, by which I was judged, to be the Lawes of the Land; and that I called them [your Lawes,] this is moſt true, and for this very reaſon I called them [your Lawes] to diſtinguiſh them from the Lawes of this Nation: But the following words are notoriouſly falſe; As firſt, That I ſhould ſay in my Petition, (the firſt he muſt mean, for the clauſe [your Lawes] is not in the other) by Your Lawes I am juſtly condemned, I never ſaid ſo in that Petition. He that will be ſo ſhameleſſe to falſifie my Petitions, which are made ſo viſible, will not be aſhamed to belie my words. Secondly, To ſay that Maſter Calamy inſtructed me to call them Your Lawes, that is falſe alſo. Thirdly, to ſay it was that Maſter Calamies good tricks might not come to light; he hath done nothing that he may be aſhamed to owne before the Sunne.

In Page 18 ſecond Edition.The ninth lye. He ſaith, That when Maſter Peters, and Col… nel Okey ſpake to me, I railed on them, and called them a company of Hereticks, and Schiſmaticks, that the curſe of God is on you and will deſtroy you, I will not have to do with you: This is falſe alſo. If this man hath belied others in his booke whom he names, as he hath done me, there is not one true page in all his book; yet this lying book muſt be Printed by Du-Gard, Printer to the Councell of State, forſooth. I ſee all is not to be taken for truth that comes from that Councell.

In Page 20 ſecond Edition.The tenth lye. He ſaith, That Mr. Love and my confederates (as hath been proved by the Court) have aſſumed to themſelves a ſupreme power in Authoriſing by Commiſsion, &c. I wonder the man is not aſhamed to faſten this on me, who did declare it was an Act of high preſumption, for private men to take upon them to Commiſſionate; yea one of the Witneſſes did poſitively ſweare, that thoſe that met when that Commiſſion was read, were againſt ſending the Commiſſion, becauſe private men could not give Commiſſion; yea none of the Witneſſes did ſweare, that I aſſented to this Commiſſion, but only Huntington, who ſware falſly in it ſelf, and contradictorily to the Teſtimony of another Witneſſe.

In Page 20 ſecond Edition.The eleventh lye. He hath theſe words, They have kept Maſſey and Titus their agents in Scotland, received and gave advice concerning raiſing parties in England, likewiſe concerning many Arms, and bringing over foraigne Souldiers, Generalls, Shipping, &c. all which Mr. Love hath held forth to be according to his judgment, Conſcience, and Covenant. If this man were not an Atheiſt, or an Antiſcripturiſt, the example of Ananias and Saphira might make him tremble, leſt he ſhould be ſtricken downe dead, with a lye in his mouth; did any Witneſſe, ſay of me, that ever I gave advice to raiſe parties in England? or to bring over foraigne Souldiers, Generalls, Shipping? yet this falſe and deceitfull man, will p. 41make the world believe, as if this were proved againſt me; indeed I declared before the High Court, that it was according to my Iudgement, Conſcience, Covenant, to deſire as as private man, that the King might agree with the Scots upon the intereſt of Religion, and tearms of the Covenant, rather than joyne in with Papiſts and Iriſh Rebells. And this I ſtill ſtand to as my judgment.

Theſe and many other Falſhoods might be found in this book, if I ſhould make a thorough ſearch into it. He calls it A ſhort Plea, but I may call it a long lye; and it is not for the honour of the preſent Government, to have a common lyer to be a pleader for their Common-wealth.

Having thus finiſhed the third particular, which I deſired the Reader to take notice of, I now come to a fourth.

I deſire the Reader to take notice of the juſtice of the men in preſent power, thoſe men who did ſend Letters to the King, Queen, Iermin, Piercy, who did ſend Titus an Agent to Ierſey, theſe men muſt be acquitted, but I, who did not thus, muſt be condemned and executed. I may aptly apply that latine Proverbe, Dat veniam corvis, vexat cenſura columbas; or elſe that Engliſh Proverbe, Some men may better ſteal a horſe, than another look over the Hedge.

5. I deſire the Reader to take notice of the bloody policy of the men in preſent power, as alſo of the ſimplicity and folly of the Members of the High Court, the Politicians that ſate at ſterne, did make ſome of the ſilly Members of the High Court believe, that to preſerve the honour of the State I muſt be condemned, for two of the High Court told me, they muſt condemne me for the honour of the Parlinment; and if they did condemne me, yet the Parliament would pardon me, if I would but Petition them for mercy; by this means they inveagled the High Court to paſſe the bloody ſentence of death upon me with the leſſe regret of Conſcience.

6. I deſire all men to take notice, that there hath not been ſuch an eager, furious and unjuſt proſecution of a Miniſters blood, ſince the dayes of Queen Mary, as there hath been of mine. For, firſt, Although no two Witneſſe did prove any particular fact that was treaſonable by their new acts, yet I muſt dye. Yea, Secondly, Though the Reverend Miniſters of London, the Miniſters of Kent, and of Worceſterſhire, did Petition in my behalf, yet they will have my blood. Thirdly, Though divers Citizens of London, and many of them of their owne party, did Petition for me, and ſo did my owne Congregation, and divers other wayes and means uſed for the preſervation of my life, yet ſo thirſty are they after my blood, that nothing will ſatisfie them but my death. Fourthly, Yea, although divers of thoſe who are Members of the High Court of Juſtice did uſe their utmoſt intereſt to preſerve my life, yet all theſe applications, together with mine and my Wifes, are ineffectuall, they rather hearken to the bloody ſolicitations of a Malignant, Hereticall, and Ieſuiticall party, who thirſt after my blood, than to the deſires of many Godly and peaceable minded men.

7. I deſire the Reader to take notice, that although the Independent Miniſters did Petition for my reprieve (for which I thank them) yet they refuſed to joyn with the Presbyterian Miniſters to Petition for my life, unleſſe they would do thoſe things which they could not do to ſave their owne lives; I ſay they refuſed to joyn with them to Petition for a Pardon, unleſſe they would owne the preſent Power, declare againſt the Scots, and ſuch like hard tearms would the Independent duplicate page p. 40duplicate page p. 41p. 42Brethren, tye the Presbyterian Miniſters too, els they would not joyn with them to beg for my life, ſo that it ſeems their aime was more at the bringing over the Miniſters to joyn with the State faction, than out of any ayme to ſave my life.

8. I deſire the Reader to obſerve, that ſince the days of Queen Mary, there hath been no Proteſtant Miniſter ſo unchriſtianly dealt withall, as I have been, and received ſuch hard meaſure, and that from thoſe, who profeſſe Religion, as I have done, which I ſhall plainly evince by undenyable demonſtrations. Firſt, They hired one Witneſſe with vaſt ſummes of money, promiſes of preferment, to betray and inſnare me, and bring in evidence againſt me. Secondly, They threatned other of the Witneſſes with death, if they would not teſtifie againſt me. Thirdly, They ſent ſeverall perſons to me to the Tower, to diſcoueſe and diſpute with me, on purpoſe to intrap and inſnare me Fourthly, They put up large Scaffolds on the firſt day of my Tryall, when the bloody charge was read againſt me, that the greater number might hear it, and be prejudiced againſt me, but pulled them down againe, when I was to make my defence in my own juſtification, that ſo my defence might be ſmothered; then put the Scaffolds up againe, when the Councell for the Common-wealth pleaded againſt me. Yea, Thirdly, They took away the writings and books which my Notary took in Court, that ſo nothing might come to light, but what pleaſeth themſelves; ſo that they will put in and put out paſſages about my tryall as ſhall make moſt for their advantage, and my prejudice. Sixthly, they rejected two of the Councellors which themſelves had aſſigned me, that they ſhould not plead for me, becauſe they had not taken the Engagement. Seventhly, They would not alow Mr. Hales, who was one of my Councell to have an hours time to prepare himſelf to plead in my caſe, but he muſt plead preſently or not at all; although, as I told the Court, I never ſaw Maſter Hales till that morning, ſo could not acquaint him with my caſe, nor did Mr. Hales ever ſee the Depoſitions of the Witneſſes, yet for all this they would not allow him one dayes time to ſtudy my caſe; yet it pleaſed God to aſſiſt Mr. Hales, that he did plead ex tempore, to overthrow the Charge, proved it illegall, &c. They were ſo ſilenced at, and aſhamed of, their illegall proceedings, that after my Notary had written a while, they forbade him to write any more, which they never did before; they were afraid leſt Mr. Hales pleading in my behalfe ſhould come to light. Eighthly, They have raiſed lying and ſlanderous reports of me, on purpoſe to kill my name, as well as murder my Body. Ninthly, Whereas I ſent Colonel Forteſcue with a Petition to Cromwell, to deſire him to mediate to the Houſe for my life, upon his returne to London with ſeverall Letters in my behalfe, they have clapt him cloſe priſoner, would not ſuffer him to come near me ſo that I know not what he did in my behalfe▪ yea, they ſecured his Letters, would not ſuffer them to be delivered to thoſe to whom they were directed, th… ſo there might be no ſollicitations for the preſervation of my life; ſo that all the coſt I am at in ſending is in effectuall by this means, although it hath already coſt me, for two Meſſengers, above one hundred and five pounds, yet the great kindneſſe and labour of love the two Gentlemen expreſt, is never the leſſe acceptable to me, although it be not ſucceſſefull for me. Tenthly, Although I do not envy the ſafety, or deſire the ruine of others, yet I cannot but take notice of the rage of ſome men towards me, that I muſt dye, yet others live, who have been correſpondents from the beginning, who have ſent Letters to the King, Queen, Iermin, Riercy, who ſent p. 23Titus over as an agent to Jerſy, (which I never did.) All this Alford, Adams, and Far, who are my accuſers, have done, yet they muſt be acquitted, and I executed; I mention not this out of envy to them, I have none in my heart towards them; I wiſh their Lives, not their deaths; but the reaſon why I mention this is, to let the world ſee why their rage is thus againſt me, it is not for the merit of my facts, for then they ſhould puniſh others, who are far more guilty, but it is meerly their rage againſt my perſon, and calling, as I am a Miniſter, and becauſe I will not proſtitute my Conſcience to their ambition and uſurpation. Eleventhly, The High Court would not allow the common privilege, to have Witneſſes for me heard, though I earneſtly deſired; I had many Witneſſes ready in Court▪ who could have teſtified many things to invalidate and take off the Teſtimony of ſome of the Witneſſes, but I could not have that ordinary favour granted me. Twelfthly, Yea, they have done that to me which was never done to any, viz. They have kept me cloſe priſoner from the 10th. of Auguſt, till the very day of my execution, that none but my Wife had leave to come to me, others who got to me came but by ſtealth and connivance, there is no robber nor murderer at Newgate, but after they are condemned, any friends have liberty to come to them, but I muſt not have the favour which every murderer and robber hath; will not the righteous Lord judge for this? I doubt not but he wi…l; …hey who have ſhewed judgement without mercy, may find no mercy another day, yet from my heart▪ beg mercy for them, who would ſhew no mercy to me; I pray God forgive them, who would not forgive me. God is my record I do not dye with a revengefull heart, yet I do believe God will, before this generation paſſe, avenge my blood, and that by ſome ſignall providence. I will minde you but of one paſſage in Scripture, and ſhall conclude, in 2. Chron. 24. 20, 21, 22, 23, 24. King I…aſh remembred not the kindneſſe which Iehoidah the Prieſt had done him, but did ſlay his Sonne, viz. Zechariah; and when Zechariah died, he ſaid, The Lord look upon it and require it; then what followes, it is ſaid, It came to paſſe, as the end of the year, that the Hoſts of Syria came up againſt Ioash, and they came to Judah and Ieruſalem, and deſtroyed all the Princes of the people, and ſent the ſpoyle of them unto the King of Damaſcu…; but I pray obſerve what a ſignall providence of God was in this, for in verſe 24. it is ſaid, The Army of the Syrians came but with a ſmall company of men, and the Lord delivered a very great Hoſt into their hand, ſo that they executed judgment againſt Ioash. For my part, I am no Prophet, nor do I pretend to a prophetick ſpirit, yet this perſwaſion I have ſtrongly ſetled upon my heart, now I am a dying, that Cromwell and his Confederates ſhall be deſtroyed, that they ſhall not dye the common deaths of men; and my perſwaſions are, that there are not many years between them and ruine, yea though there were no Scots in Scotland, nor no King and his Army in England, yea I am confident their downfall is at hand; how it ſhall be I imagine not, but that it ſhall be I doubt not.

The laſt part of this Appendix was written the 20 of Auguſt, the laſt day but one before my death. This Vindication, together with the Appendix was made by me, and written with my own hand, ſo I teſtifie

CHRISTOPHER LOVE. From the Tower of London, Auguſt 20. 1651.

FINIS.

End of the text · Christopher Love, Vindication (1651)