The Divine Right and Original of the Civil Magistrate, Title page – Preface

The Divine Right and Original of the Civil Magistrate · Title page – Preface

The Divine RIGHT and ORIGINAL OF THE Civill Magiſtrate From GOD, [As it is drawn by the Apoſtle S. Paul in thoſe words, Rom. 13.1. There is no Power but of God: the Powers that be are ordained of God] Illuſtrated and Vindicated In a Treatiſe (chiefly) upon that Text.

WHEREIN The procedure of Political Dominion from God, by his Ordination; The direct line by which the ſaid Ordination deſcendeth from him upon the perſon of the Magiſtrate, And the way of ſuch a perſons becoming and claiming thereby to be the Power in the Text, which is of God, ordained of God, is endevored truly and plainly to be laid open.

Written for the ſervice of that eminent Truth, Order, Juſtice, and Peace which the ſaid Text, in its genuine ſenſe, holdeth forth, and ſupporteth: And for the diſſolving of ſundry important Doubts, and miſtakes about it.

By Edward Gee Miniſter of the Goſpel at Eccleſton in the County Palatine of Lancaſter

Zanchius de Nat. Dei lib. 4. cap. 8. quaeſt. 3. Theſ. 3. Ad verum enim, legitimum, liberum que dominatum conſtituendum neceſſarium eſt liberum, abſolutum que jus, libera, abſolutá que poteſtas, quā Graeci foreign vocant, quâ res quarum dominatū quaeris Tuae fiant

London, Printed for George Everſden, at the Maidenhead in Pauls-church-yard, 1658

THE Diuine Right and ORIGINALL of the ciuill MAGISTRATE from God. Illustrated and Vindicated

By Edward Gee

Sould by Geo: Euerſden at y^e Maidenhead in S^t. Paules Church yard

foreign

2. Sam: 18

2. Sam: 20

THE PREFACE.

THis Treatiſe (it muſt be confeſſed) Sect. 1 hath undertaken, as a high, and weighty, ſo a tender, and quickſented Subject. Inſomuch that at the firſt bluſh peradventure the ſubject may be lookt upon as a burdenſome ſtone, and the diſcourſe upon it as pregnant with an oblique deſign.

To anticipate ſuch unmerited ſurmiſes, let me at this threſhold advertiſe the Reader, that this Treatiſe handleth its ſubject, held forth in the Title, and not the perſons of any, nor the intereſts of any. And its ſubject is a general truth, or a Scripture-Maxime of perpetual, and commune authority, concernment, and uſe.

It is true, every ſuch general verity hath its deſcent to particulars; and hath its conſequences, both of obligation, and eviction. But, let every man take heed how he buildeth thereupon; that is, what conſequences he draweth thence, what particulars he reduceth thereto. Such inferences, and ſuch references are made by the diſcourſe of man; and are variable according to the ability, or diſpoſition men have to reaſon. And they all come to this reckoning. They are either native, genuine, and virtually compriſed in the general axiome; or they are aliene, and but impoſed. What is genuine to ſuch an abſtract Truth, or Doctrine it ſelf will own, as it will alſo the aſſertors of it, neither needs the weakeſt, or loweſt avower of it diſtruſt its patronage. But neither it, nor the hand that holds forth it, and no more ſtands chargeable with either deductions from, or reductions to it, which are of others collection, or effiction.

Such a Scripture canon as this, is like the Sun which ſcatters its light, and beams every way, and upon all: and all its rayes are ever moſt ſound and pure: not one ſtricture of its influx (whatever Aſtrologers tell us) h…th the leaſt corrupt, or malignant tincture. If any fetide vapor be either diſcovered, or raiſed thereby, we muſt not blame the ſun for ſhining; the riſe thereof is from the earth, and the aſcent is by its repercuſſion of the ſun-beam, and not from the ſun, by any direct emiſſion. And if the ſun-rayes conduce by reflexion either to the detection, or drawing up of any ſuch matter, the earth may fault it ſelf for the breed of ſuch an exhalation, but thank the ſun both for the ſaid diſcovery, and extraction.

That the whole diſcuſſion of the following book is preciſely bounded within the premiſed compaſſe, and taketh in no more then generall truth, either compriſed within the text, or relating to it, I leave the peruſal of it to manifeſt. And for the intention of the Author, he profeſſeth ſolemnly, as in the divine preſence, and with recognition of his giving an account hereof before the ſame, that (exception of indeliberate, and unallowed motions of ſelf-ſeeking, partiality, and ſuch other incident to humane nature (as now depraved) being admitted) the ſole ſpeciall, and immediate aime by him conſented unto, propoſed and fixed, to be the clearing up of the important doctrine of that Text, and in it the ſatisfaction of conſcience: and for more remote, and general ends, thoſe to be no other but ſuch reſultancies of this labour as all ſorts of lookers into this book will confeſs to wiſh and approve.

If it come forth after notable revolutions of State have newly been, or while ſome Trepidations, or grudgings of diſtemper, growing upon ſuch occaſion, do remain; the Author could not think the publication for that leſſe ſeaſonable, or uſeful And further conſidereth that the holy Apoſtle Paul lived in a time of as great Commonwealth differences and changes, nevertheleſs he had the confidence, and his prudence directed him to write, and publiſh the politicall aſſertions, and precepts, among which the Text lyeth, and is one; and this his writing not only paſſed (for any thing I preſume appears from antiquity) without ill conſtruction of either Superiors or Subjects, but doubtleſſe was very ſutable, acceptable, and advantageous to the Chriſtians, for both their reſolution and vindication in the matter it concerns. The like (in its meaſure) me thinks ſhould a diſcourſe now be, that medleth no further then with an enquiry into the ſenſe of his Text, and dealeth but with the termes of it, and with the expoſitions, doubts, and arguments that have been upon it; without the leaſt application to, or bringing into queſtion, the title unto the warrant of this Scripture, of any in place of power, or any other perſon now extant in the world. This manner of proceſſe the Author promiſeth in this Treatiſe: and doth thereupon expect in ſome proportion (though with abatement, for the worſeneſſe of this age in compariſon of the Apoſtles, and for the far greater diſparity of the perſons writing) the like ſucceſſe.

It is certain that when the Apoſtle compoſed this Epiſtle, there had been lately, and about the ſame time were divers conteſts about ſoveraignty, and tranſverſions of Government within the Roman Dominion; ſome about the whole, others about ſome parts, or provinces of it: and concerning them there were oppoſite ſidings, and diſſatisfactions among the people.

There were about, and preſently upon the writing of this Scripture ſeveral competitions for the Empire. Galba in Spain is raiſed up by Julius Vindex againſt Nero; and he being confirmed by the Senate, and Nero ſuppreſſed, preſently Vitellius is ſet up againſt Galba. And after Galbas violent death Otho is made Emperour at Rome, whileſt Vitellius ſtands up in Germany. Otho being quickly gone, Veſpaſian is promoted in Egypt, and Judea; and the competition betwixt Vitellius and him is proſecuted by the ſword in Italie, and even in the City of Rome (whither this Epiſtle was ſent) and that with diverſity of ſucceſſe viciſſitudinarily to both parties. As to particular Provinces; Vologeſes the Parthian takes Armenia from the Romans; thence grew wars betwixt the invader, and the invaded. In Judea the Jewes generally rebel againſt the Roman, and ſet up an Autonomie. In England the Britains ſeiſe on the Roman Colony at Camalodunum (or Maldon in Eſſex) cut off the Roman Souldiers, and poſſeſſe themſelves of it. It may be deemed there were Chriſtians in all theſe controverted places, and under each of the reſpective conteſtants. It is certain by Scripture there were in Jewry. And to let paſſe what Dorotheus his Synopſis tels us of the Apoſtle Thomas his preaching the Goſpell in Parthia, Media, and Perſia; Joſephus witneſſeth the converſion to Chriſtianity of many in Parthia **Joſeph. Ant. lib. 18 cap. 12.; and it is noted out of Auguſtine that the firſt Epiſtle of St. John was called anciently the Epiſtle to the Parthians ††Dr. Hammond in preface to that Epiſtle..

The Chriſtians that then were at Rome, and in thoſe other places were concerned either as Souldiers, or Subjects in theſe commotions, and counterſeiſures: and as there is no queſtion but they made this concernment a matter of conſcience, ſo there is little doubt but they, or ſome of them, eſpecially in the beginnings of thoſe ſeverall conteſts, and mutations were ſcrupled in conſcience which way to take. Our query concerning them is not which of the Collitigants reſpectively they were to own and obey as their Soveraign Magiſtrate (for I ſhall not take in hand the intereſt of particular perſons, to debate the juſtneſſe of any of their cauſes, or titles) but, what ſtandard, rule, or light of Gods word they had to go by, and by which to determine what to do under the ſcruple and temptation of contrary demanders of their ſubjection and aſſiſtance. If anything were delivered to them by this Apoſtle, or any other of their inſtructions that is not in holy writ we have no record or notice of that: but within the compaſſe of thoſe Scriptures which were directed to any ſuch Chriſtians in thoſe times there is none (I think it will be acknowledged) ſo likely to be written for that uſe, or to afford ground, and matter for their guidance therein as this; wherein the Magiſtrates authority is not only aſſerted, but derived, and defined; and as to them, ſo it may be to others in any the like caſe.

Having given this account of the ſubject, Sect. 2 and of the manner of handling it in this Treatiſe; I ſhall now touch upon the inducements leading to it. In the doing of this, though I ſhall reflect ſomething upon the late paſſed occurrents, yet it ſhall only be on ſuch as are free, and of common application, not any thing perſonall, or belonging to any one party ſingled out from the reſt.

The great ſubject of debate, difference, exagitation, and contrivement in the late Commotions, that which the moſt ſtir hath been about is the matter of Authority. Divers other things, indeed, have (ſcarce any thing but hath) been in diſpute with ſome, or other. No principle ſo plain, no right ſo manifeſt, but ſome have been to ſtand up in queſtion or contradiction of it. But in all the controverſies that have riſen, there is nothing (to my obſervation) that hath been ſo univerſally, really, and continuedly inſiſted on as this matter of Power. This hath been ſingled out as the Helena of contention, the bone of ſtrife, the hall of litigious agitation, and that which men may be noted to have moſt generally, cordially, and conſtantly proſecuted. The Controvertiſts, and unquiet ſpirits in the modern Perturbations, when they have had their ſhort velitations, their ſlight skirmiſhes in other points, they have ordinarily ſetled, centred, and joyned iſſue in this ſubject.

This may be obſerved by a tranſient view of the debates in their ſeverall kinds. They have been various both for the manner of managing, and for the matter concerned. For the manner of managing, ſome have been military, ſome mentall; ſome in the field, others in the cloſet; ſome acted by the hand, others by the head; ſome by the ſword, others by the pen. But in all theſe wayes, whatſoever hath been firſt ſtarted, or begun with, the ſtaires of Superiority, and Dignity have been the thronged and beaten rode, the garland of honour, the common and ſtanding mark which the aimes, and altercations of men have at length fixed upon.

And for the matter concerned, ſome of the differences have been of a Religious, others of a Civill importance. Thoſe in Religion have been either betwixt the Romaniſts, and the Proteſtants, or of theſe latter among themſelves.

For Popiſh controverſies, the diſtinct diſcuſſion of the many points of Faith, and Religion (each whereof had formerly its particular, and exact traverſe) is now reduced in a manner to this as the only or main head, the power of the Pope, to wit, the prerogatives of his Crown, and Chair, or the univerſality, and ſupremacy of Juriſdiction, and the infallibility of judgement he claimeth over the whole world, or over all Chriſtian States and conſciences.

In the latter, thoſe of the Proteſtants among themſelves; many uncouth, and Heterodox tenents, and bickerings about the ſame, there have been raiſed, eſpecially in theſe Iſlands: but the thing which (I think) hath abidden moſt contention (the moſt both for the multitude, and vehemency of contenders) and which hath been ſtill held up, and diſceptations have been continuedly (under ſome, or other notion) renewed about it, is the matter of Church Order, and Eccleſiaſticall Power. One while the queſtion hath referred to the Forme of Government; another while it hath been about the Cenſures in the Church, their warrant, kindes, or extent; another while about the Maintenance, another while about the Office and calling of the Miniſtry.

And for matters Civill, though the oppoſitions therein were begun upon ſeverall intereſts, as about Laws, about Property, about Liberty, and about Magiſtratical Prerogative, and Power; yet at length this laſt hath taken the place of all the reſt, and ſet it ſelf up alone. And in the upſhot, what have the croſſe deviſings, and debates of mens heads, and tongues fixed upon? and about what have their conflicting, and counterworking hands all claſped, but this rocky Pyramis of worldly power?

Sect. 3 As it cannot be denyed that the contentions about this above all others have proved the moſt generall, violent, multiplying, and laſting; ſo perhaps it will not be wholly impertinent to conſult a little what may be the cauſe, or how it comes to paſſe ſo to be. Something, as the reaſon or riſe of this may be obſerved, in the nature of the thing it ſelf; ſomething in man; and ſomething in what may be probably apprehended to be the fate, or predicted lot of the preſent times.

In the nature of the thing it ſelf, we may take notice, not only that it is a matter of humane temporall intereſt (about which through the earthlineſſe of men, and every ones partiality of judgement, and immoderation of affection to himſelf, men are moſt ſubject to precipitancy of paſſion, and dazling of reaſon, and conſequently to mutuall diſcord) but that it is that humane intereſt which of all others is moſt controvertible.

It is eaſie to ſee that the precepts, and relative duties comprehended in the fifth Commandement are more then any other of that table ſubject to diverſity and oppoſition of judgement, practiſe and claime. When our Saviour would give an inſtance of the Phariſees wide, and palpable variation from, and eluſion of the ſound ſenſe of the Commandements of God, he made choice to do it in this of Honour tby Father and thy Mother.Mat. 15.3.Matt 15:3

To note the Seminary and ſpring of this matter a little more particularly.

1. Every humane intereſt is ſo much expoſed to Controverſie as it is of worth, or concernment real or reputed. Now the duties, and rights of this commandement have in this reſpect the preeminency. Thence we may take it to be that they have the priority of place in the order of the precepts of the ſecond Table; and deſervedly, for the other Commandements of that Table give order about the adjuncts of man, but this diſpoſeth of his perſon to a certain ſtate, relation, and perſonal obligation. The other Commandements reſpect each ſome one intereſt; this hath a ſupereminent influence upon all, to wit, for their ſecurement to the proprietors, and the mutual communication of them to others behoof, by the ſuperintendency of a ſuperior reſpectively. The other Commandements provide for the intereſt of men as ſingle, or ſeverall perſons, this projecteth for them by and in ſociety.

2. Another occaſion of controverſie is the peculiarity, or appropriation of a thing. What every man is in ſome proportion a partaker, or capable of (ſuch are the matters of the other Commandements) is not ſo expoſed to emulation, and ſimulty, as what is confined to one, or a few, as is the ſtate of Superiority in this Commandement. That which in this kinde can be owing, and payable only to one is uſually deſired, and many times claimed by many. It is obſerved that there were thirty competitors once on foot for one, and the ſame throne, to wit, that of the Roman Empire, who confounded one another**See Matth. Prideaux Period 4. Sect. 33. pag. 205. It was anno Chriſti 260. in the time of Galienus the Emperour.. And I think our age hath ſeen a greater number of aſpirers for a narrower Territory. Now this comes to create both interruption to him that ſhould receive, and diſtraction to him that ought to pay duty: when the latter is to ſtrive, not only with his own loathneſſe to part with any honour, gain, or labour from himſelf to another, but with the doubts and dangers ariſing from contrariety of demandants. In ſuch a caſe, to avoid wrong to another, and peril, and ſcruple to himſelf, to diſcern whoſe the right is, and duly to render it, how difficult a thing doth even he finde it whoſe minde is moſt honeſtly, and impartially diſpoſed: and if this cauſe ſuch demurs, and diſtractions in an upright breaſt, how much more will it in partiall and ſelf-intereſted ſpirits, who are far the greater number?

3. It addeth to the controverſarineſſe of the ſubject of this Commandement, that the thing injoyned to be yeelded alwayes, or for moſt part is, that which is out of the hands of the proprietor, and in the hand of him that is to render it to him. Honour, we ſay, is in the honourer, and not in him that is to be honoured. Other Commandements do aſſert that to a man, that is, or may be already in his occupation, but this attributes that which one man ſtill hath to receive, another to part with. And beſides, much of the return conſiſts not in the transferring, but in the immanent act of him that yeelds it; in which kinde of matter there is prone to be on the one part (his that is to receive advantage, or reſpect) forwardneſs, freeneſs, largeneſſe of expectation, and claim: on the other (his that is to expend, or part with duty) ſlowneſs, delay, and retentiveneſs. In the former there is apt to be cavilling, and jealouſie: in the latter a propenſneſs to queſtioning, and grudging; on both ſides an inclination to arbitrarineſs in favour of it ſelf: all which are the next matter, and ſeed of diviſion, and ſtrife. So much of riſe we find for this had Symptom in the thing it ſelf.

2. But a greater, and ſtronger reaſon, or Sect. 4 root of this is in mans nature, viz a keen, and earneſt appetite of Rule, which of all other deſires in man is moſt common, and predominant. The incendiaries, and foment of all contentions among men (the Scripture teacheth us) are their luſts. Every man hath an armed, and fighting multitude of theſe in him (foreign) But the leader of all theſe luſts;James 4.1.Jas 4:1 the commander, chief, and maſter of them is the deſire of command, chieftainſhip, and maſterdom. Ambition with greateſt probability is conceived to have been the firſt ſin, as well of degenerating man, as of the falling Angels. This is the Captain, and ſo the moſt active and domineering of all other luſts; not only by virtue of its firſt entry (as Joab obtained the Generalſhip by being firſt in ſcaling the fort of the Jebuſites;) but from hence, that man being a rationall creature, he would have himſelf, and others governed by reaſon; and being in that faculty corrupt, & prejudicate, he eſteems his own judgment, whatever it be, to be the only right, and ſound reaſon; and therefore moſt worthy to take place, and give order to all others. And moreover, this affection hath no little nouriſhment in him from the ſenſe of the conſequents, or attendants on Superiority, which are honour, and glory, things which men are generally exceſſively in love with; and beſides, not only theſe, but all other things come within the beck, and verge of Government. Dominion (as was ſaid) according to its proportion, being comprehenſive of all the acquiſitions, and poſſeſſibles of man; and ſtanding ſeiſed of the command thereof is furniſhed to be the purveyor, and accommodator of all other luſts: the which it uſually becomes when it is ſought, and attained from an inordinate principle, and hath ſtrength to its will.

3. An aitiologicall obſervation likewiſe Sect. 5 occurreth from what may be taken to be the fate, or predicted lot of the times. It may be probably conjectured that the dayes we live in have a ſhare (if not a peculiar property) in the Scripture predictions which import this event.

As firſt we are forewarned of the more then ordinary breaking forth of ſuch vitious qualities, as where they prevail do produce this effect, and make it very rife. The Apoſtle fortelleth that, in the laſt dayes (and if any ſhall be latter, theſe doubtleſſe are of the laſt) men will be boaſters, proud, 2 Tim 3.2, 4.2 Tim 3:22 Tim 3:4diſobedient to parents, highminded: and when, not one man only, but men are ſo, that is the greater ſort, or it is the common complexion and mood of mens mindes, how ſhould it be but contentions (the natural, and immediate iſſue of elation, and refractorineſs of Spirit) ſhould be very ingruent; and th…t, whatever is the object of pride, boaſting, immorigerouſneſs to Parents, and highmindedneſſe (as, if any thing State dominion is) ſhould be the object of contention?

Jo. Barclai Euphorm. par. 1.— Sedet axe ſuperbo

Infoelix Bellum, motiſ que accenditur Armis.

Ambition is the ſturdy beam, above

The which wars-chariot doth ſit, and move.

And moving once, the claſh of Arms

Beats ſparkles out to greater harmes.

To this may be put, that the Apoſtles Peter and Jude, 2 Pet. 3.2, 10, 14. Jude 8, 11.2 Pet 3:22 Pet 3:102 Pet 3:14do both foretell Chriſtians that among them ſhall be thoſe who will be deſpiſers of Government, preſumptuous, ſelf-willed, that are not afraid to ſpeak evill of dignities: and that, many ſhall follow the pernitious wayes of theſe, and that, they ſhall beguile unſtable ſouls; and Jude addeth to their character, the gainſaying of Core. Now theſe two, the ardent affection (even to jealouſie) unto Dominion ordinary in thoſe that are poſſeſſed, or candidates of it, and this rebellious, irreverent, contemptuous, ſtubborne, and reproachfull humor, and carriage in them who ſhould yeeld honour and ſubjection to it, meeting together, cannot chuſe but kindle the flames of diſcord, even to the height of fury.

As the Holy Ghoſt predicteth this event in the cauſes, ſo doth he it in the effect it ſelf. This, as I underſtand, he doth in the Propheſie of the ſeven vials, Rev. 16.10.Rev 16:10which contain the ſeven laſt plagues, in which is filled up the wrath of God, and which is not improbably applyed by many Expoſitors to our dayes. The fifth of thoſe Vials is powred out upon the Seat or Throne of the Beaſt. I cannot receive their interpretation who underſtand by the ſeat of the beaſt, the City of Rome: much leſſe can I theirs who take it for a certain form of Church Government. Among other reaſons againſt the former, which is the more common Expoſition, this is one, that it placeth the Beaſt upon that City, as his ſeat, whereas the beſt Expoſitor, the Text it ſelf contrarywiſe ſeats the great whore, Rev. 17.1, 3, 7, 9, 18.Rev 17:1Rev 17:3Rev 17:7Rev 17:9Rev 17:18the woman which it interpreteth to emblemize that great City which reigneth over the Kings of the earth (and which the conſent of Expoſitors both ancient and modern, and of theſe, both Proteſtant, and Popiſh interpret to be the City of Rome) upon the Beaſt, and makes the Beaſt to carry her, and the Beaſts ſeven beads to be ſeven mountains on which the woman, that great City ſitteth, and his ten hornes to be thoſe Kings over which ſhe reigneth. And further, for our rejection of both the aforeſaid Expoſitions, the Text it ſelf gives us very plainly, and appoſitely another application of the ſeat of the beaſt. For what is the Seat or Throne of the Beaſt, but that upon, or over which he is ſet, or placed? But the Angel that firſt ſheweth, and then explaineth the Viſion, and myſtery of the woman, and of the Beaſt that carryeth her, and of his ſeven heads, and ten horns, ſaith expreſly unto John, the waters which thou ſawest, where the whore ſitteth (and conſequently upon which the beaſt that carryeth her is placed, the ubi where ſhe ſitteth being properly the ſeat of him that carryeth her.) are peoples, and multitudes, and nations, and tongues, verſ. 15. Nay, which makes this yet clearer, in the viſionary deſcription of the great whore, which precedeth this explanation of the Angel, ſhe is ſaid to ſit upon many waters, verſ. 1. ſo that theſe many waters (ſo applyed as hath been ſhewed in verſ. 15.) are not only the ubi where, but expreſly the ſeat upon which this woman (this City) ſitteth.

It is further to be obſerved, that in this Viſion three ſeats are attributed to her;

1. She ſits upon many waters, verſ. 1.

2. She ſits upon the Beaſt, verſ. 3.

3. She ſits upon ſeven mountains, ſignified by the ſeven heads of that Beaſt, verſ 9.

It may without either ſhew of contradiction, or much difficulty be conceived how all this diverſity may be accorded. If we take the Angels Expoſition of the woman to be the great City, and that City to be Rome, we may thus apply it to thoſe three ſeats. Thoſe ſeven heads, as they import ſeven mountains, are the Natural or Topicall ſeat, or ſite of that City, the ſeat on which it ſtandeth, or is built The Beaſt, that is, the Dominion, Power, or Soveraignty which that City poſſeſſeth, and which bears it up (for by the Beaſt is commonly interpreted the Roman Soveraignty, or Empire) is the immediate politicall ſeat of that City. And the many waters, explicated to our hand, to intend peoples, multitudes, nations, and tongues, are the mediate politicall ſeat of that City, that is, they are the ſeat of the Beaſt, or they are the ſeverall Communities, or Republiques which once were all one, and belonged to, and were under the Dominion of the Roman Empire, poſſeſſed by that City. The iſſue then is, as to our purpoſe, the Woman, that great City is immediately ſeated upon the Beaſt, the Roman Empire, and mediately upon the waters, that is, upon thoſe peoples, and multitudes, &c. once (that is, in the Apoſtles time) under the power of that Empire: and the Beaſt is immediately ſeated upon thoſe waters, thoſe people, &c. Theſe then in all likelyhood (not to ſay certainly) are to be taken to be the ſeat of the Beaſt.

Which the more confidently to affirm, the words next following theſe in the Narration of this Vial induce me; which are, and his Kingdome was full of darkeneſſe. It can be no otherwiſe conſtrued but that the Beaſts kingdom…, and his Seat here, ſhould be both one thing: the one being that on which the Vial is poured out, the other that which is ſaid to be affected by the ſaid pouring out. Now for the word. Kingdom, it both i… Scripture, and in ordinary ſpeech, ſometimes ſignifies authority, or government, and ſometimes the people, or ſubjects ruled, or the governed. The latter ſignification can only ſuit here, for the former (as was aforeſhewed) is meant by the Beaſt himſelf. The Kingdom ruling is the Beaſt, the Kingdom ruled is the ſeat of the Beaſt; this latter then is the Kingdom here meant, the ſeat of the Beaſt, the people governed: and agreably to this ſenſe ſound the words following, theſe, and they gnawed their tongues for pain; who can be underſtood by this relative they, but a plurality, a multitude, theſe are the ſeat of the Beaſt upon which the Vial is poured out, his Kingdom which upon that is full of darkeneſſe, and thoſe, they, who upon it, gnaw their tongues for pain.

Some clearneſſe appearing in this point, what is underſtood by the ſeat of the Beaſt, which is the ſubject of this Viall, the meaning of the effect which it hath upon this ſeat (for the obſerving of which, as pertinent to our purpoſe, I make this reflexion upon this place) will eaſily follow. The effect is, that his Kingdome is (or, the people anciently of the Beaſts Empire are) full of darkneſſe, and they gnaw their tongues for pain, and blaſpheme the God of heaven becauſe of their pains, and their ſores, and repent not of their deeds. This Kingdom-filling darkneſſe may import a deluſive obfuſcation, erroneouſneſſe, giddineſſe, and dotage, which ſhall at the time, and in the place of this Vials pouring forth (and may not its time, and place be the preſent?) poſſeſſe, and prevail over the mindes and judgements of men about the matter of Power and Authority, Civill, in the firſt place, and Eccleſiaſticall conſequently, and by way of participation. And this darkneſſe muſt needs cauſe a Chaos of confuſion, commotion, and contention. The tongue-gnawing pain, and that which followes, blaſpheming, and impenitency, I interpret of worldly griefs, and dolours, ariſing from all ſorts of ſufferings, and dangers upon bodies, eſtates, and other temporall intereſts; and of conſcience-tortures by deceptions, ſcruples, and guilt; which the ſaid obſcurity will breed unto people; and which being incumbent on them will (eſpecially in the faeces, the worſe, the more hardned ſort of them) boile up unto extreme vexation, and anguiſh, yea unto rage, and fury, whence they will break forth into blaſphemy againſt God, by caſting (in their ſpite, and madneſſe) the blame, and ſcandall of all their ſufferings, and diſtempers upon the Goſpell, Religion, and Reformation, and upon the faithfull, and zealous friends, and followers of the ſame; accuſing them of Rebellion, and bringing ruine upon Church, and State; and charging them as the cauſes of the publique Commotions, and Convulſions, and of their own private adverſities, and agonies flowing from them; which, indeed, are the fruits of their own error, and the recompences of their own ſins; and which ſhould have wrought on them for their repentance, but prove ineffectuall to that, and occaſionall to the contrary, the continuation, and heightning of their ſin, and an addition to their judgements.

Having upon the occaſion of obſerving this effect gone ſo far in looking into this Viall, I cannot well let paſſe the noting (but it ſhall be in one word) the correſpondency which is betwixt this, and the next foregoing Viall, and the apt ſequency of the one upon the other. That fourth Viall I ſuppoſe to bear this ſenſe. The Sun, upon which it is powred out, is the Soveraign or Royall dignity reſiding in the ſeverall Princes, or Eſtates ſignified by thoſe ten hornes, Rev. 17.12. Its effect, to wit, that upon it power is given to the Sun to ſcorch men with fire, may ſignifie the paſſions of thoſe Princes, their inordinate, and boundleſſe appetite of rule, their emulations, and jealouſies tranſporting them above it, their immeaſurable aſpiring, ambitions and avarices, from which they are in ſpeciall ſtimulated, and enflamed to an exorbitant ſtretching, and heightning of their power, and prerogative over their people, for the advancing, enlarging, and maintaining whereof they proceed to thoſe precipitate counſels, and violent courſes, which do exceedingly waſt, and cruſh, and in ſo doing diſcontent, exaſperate, and enrage their ſubjects. And theſe are the heats, and flames by which men under this Viall (as by a Zenith Sun) are ſcorched.

Upon that effect of the fourth Viall this of the fifth very ſutably, and even naturally enſues. As the Summer-ſun-beames by their glowing heat having a good while together penetrated, and even toſted the earth, thereupon the earth comes to ſend up many groſſe fumes, and vapors to the bemiſting, and enveloping of the aire; by which means the Sun being overcaſt, the earth it ſelf is deprived both of its ſhine and light; ſo it is betwixt Potentates and people. The abuſes, and exceſſes of Princes by which they overtop, gall, and excruciate their Subjects, raiſe, and retort cloudes upon themſelves, and their own power, and dignity; their people thence conceiving, and venting many blinde, inconſiderate, and groſſe miſtakes, many heady, and mutinous conteſtations about their Soveraigns power, and prerogative; and this to the reciprocall, mighty prejudice both of Prince and Subjects; the one coming thereby to be eclipſed, if not diſorbed: and the other, while they by ſuch reflexions ſeek to allay, and cool the heat, darted upon them by the too great elevation, and verticall influence of their Sun, having thereby changed their day into darkneſſe, are overwhelmed with confuſions, night-wandrings, and horrors, and do pine away in black, penſive, and hopeleſſe obſcurity.

To this that hath been ſaid of theſe Vials portending the more then ordinary inclination of the times allotted to them unto diſceptations, and claſhings about Government, I ſhall add a touch upon another Propheſie looking ſomewhat the ſame way, the rather becauſe much looked upon now by ſome men. It is part of the matter of the third woe, and ſeventh Trumpet,Rev. 11.15.Rev 11:15 in thoſe words, There were great voices in heaven, ſaying, the Kingdomes of the world are become the Kingdoms of the Lord, and of his Chriſt. 1 Cor. 15.24.1 Cor 15:24To which may be joyned that of the Apoſtle, Then cometh the end, when he ſhall have put down all rule, and all authority, and power. There is much recourſe had to theſe, and the like prenunciations, now-a-dayes, and ſtrange uſe made of them. I am none of thoſe that have the confidence to define, either the time when, or the means, or manner how theſe paſſages ſhall be accompliſhed. Much leſſe do I ſort with thoſe who upon preſumption that they ſhall receive their completion before the worlds end, or while time is yet current, and in a worldly, and temporall manner, and by humane means, and force, do thence conclude it a neceſſary, and prime duty of Chriſtians, to lend their aſſiſtance to the bringing of them to effect, by laying their heads, and conſerting their hands together to plot, and act the pulling down of all Civil Powers humanely conſtituted, and ſo to the making way, and entry to that Kingdom of God, and of Chriſt.

But this may be ſaid with ſobriety, who knowes what prelude, or preparative may be in, what uſe the unſearchable wiſdome of God may make of, the many unſatisfiable, and unappeaſable ſtirrings, and jarrings both of the men of this, and of divers other ſpirits, and principles about Government, to the bringing about of his own counſels predeclared in thoſe Prophetique paſſages? One thing may be affirmed without pretence of ſupernaturall light, either from Scripture prediction, or from private Enthuſiaſme, as that which comes within common experience, and reaſon; that debates, and competitions about authority (eſpecially when ſo multiplyed, and obſtinate) do bode, and tend to its downfall. The more diſcuſſions, and ſtirs are raiſed about it; the more climbings up to, and corrivalſhips for it, the more ſtill the Majeſty, and luſtre of Authority is defaced, the foundations, and ſtrength of it are ſhaken, the more it tottereth, and inclineth unto ruine.

Moreover, as this is the natural effect of that, ſo it may be taken ſome notice of, that the previſion, and preſage of a time of horrid violence, and confuſion, and of ſpoile, and expilation by the ſubverſion of all Laws, and humane Authority, reſtraint, and reverence, to come upon the latter ages of the world, hath ſadly poſſeſſed the mindes of many ſage, and learned Chriſtians, both ancient, and latter. To give ſome inſtance, as that of Tertullian, Eſt & alia major neceſſitas nobis orandi pro imperatoribus, etiam pro omni ſtatu imperii, rebuſ que Romanis, quod vim maximam univerſo orbi imminentem, ipſam que clauſulam ſeculi acerbitates horrendas comminantem Romani imperii commeatu ſcimus retardati. Ita que nolumus experiri, & dum precamur, differri Romanae diuturnitati favemus. Tertull. Apolog. cap. 32.who declares in behalf of the Chriſtians of his time, that they took themſelves bound to pray for the Emperors, and Roman ſtate, though then Heathen, and perſecuting, becauſe that by means of the continuance thereof, the great craſh, or conquaſſation, threatning the worlds ruine, and the moſt dreadfull calamities, was retarded. And Lactantius Vide Lactantium in Inſtitut. lib. 7. cap. 15.preſageth that a little before the glorious reſtoring of the Church by him divined of to come ere the worlds end, there ſhall antecede thoſe deſperate confuſions, and overturnings of order, right, and lawes, as never were before in the world. And in the Harmony of Confeſſions, Confeſſion of Saxony in the Harmony. Artic. 23. of Civil Mag. pag. 596.that of Saxony gives warning, that in this laſt age of the world great confuſion is to be feared.

But enough of the cauſes of the Tumultuations Sect. 6 of the preſent age about Government: Let us turn a thought toward ſomething of remedy.

Amidſt the many factions about political order (not a few whereof beſpeak themſelves religious, but are indeed ſeditious) my perſwaſion is, it is not only the worldly mans intereſt, but the Chriſtians, and not only his intereſt, but his bounden duty, both to ſubmit to Civill Authority, and to ſupport it: and that (ſutably to the conjunction of the ſecond and third petitions of the Lords-prayer) we have no other way of active promoting the coming of the Kingdom of God, but by doing his will. The which will I underſtand to be, not ſo much, if at all, his diſpoſitive, or decreeing will, unto which his Propheſies belong (for that, in many things, is to-us unrevealed, and that ever ſhall, and cannot but be done, as well in earth, as in heaven) as his preceptive will, delivered in his Law of nature, and the rules of his word. Which will of his is (as much as for any thing) expreſſe for the perpetual, and indeterminable, both authorization of Civill Magiſtracy (viz. that which is by ordinary, or humane creation, or conſtitution) and obligation of all men, all Chriſtians in homage to it**Nos judicium dei ſuſpicimus in imperatoribus, qui Gentibus illos praefecit. Id in eis ſcimus eſſe quod Deus voluit. Ideo que ſalvum volumus eſſe quod Deus voluit. Tertull. in Apolog. cap. 32..

For the better diſpoſing, and drawing of mens mindes to the doing of this will of God in this particular, and for the abating of the pernitious contentions aboveſaid to be now ſo incident, and rife about it, and which are the great obſtacles of mens performing the Divine will in this matter, Two things (I ſuppoſe) will be eaſily admitted to be chiefly deſirable, and contributory. One on the part of the Government it ſelf, which is, that it be evidently laid upon a ground of conſcience, a juſt foundation, or which is the ſame, that it apparently be by divine authority, or according to that rule, or will of God which we are to do. The other (which alſo is conducible unto that) is on the part of thoſe that are concerned in, or upon its being ſetled, to wit, that it be clear, and underſtood wherein conſiſteth that regularity, and how the divine authorization held forth by it is paſſed, or conveyed unto mens inveſture in it.

For the requiſiteneſs, and uſefulneſſe of theſe two a little may ſerve to be ſaid. The former is, that Government be laid upon a bottom of conſcience. This is the only genuine, true, and connaturall, and this is the ſureſt, and firmeſt groundwork for it. Without this there is little hope for it to prove either beneficial, or permanent, little likelyhood of either a reall regular, or durable ſubjection to it. The diſcernable ſtanding of Government upon conſciencious grounds, is the only thing that can bring in conſcience, and a conſciencious ſubmiſſion to it. Conſcience (that is, a perſwaſion of the thing to be done, that it is as it ought to be, or is right and juſt) is the higheſt, and moſt kindly principle of any humane, or morall act. It is both the ſtrongeſt, and moſt laſting obligation to any relative duty. It is the ſtrongeſt, and moſt inducing tye, becauſe it is the dictate of the ſupremeſt faculty in man, the foreign, his minde, or intellectuall part, and that upon the powerfulleſt perſwaſive, a Law received from nature, and from God. And it is the moſt laſting tie.

1. In being upon a conſideration which is in it ſelf certain, and immutable, viz. the everlaſting rule of righteouſneſſe.

2. Inaſmuch as it doth moſt engage the will, and ſo procures the moſt voluntary, and free accord unto that which it impoſeth.

There is ſcarce that thing which is more neceſſary to mankinde (conſidered in ſociety) then Government; but nothing would be more free in its impoſall, and reception. It is true, a coercive power is (in the preſent depravation of man) requiſite to it, both for its conſervation, and effectuall adminiſtration, but this is not proper, nor can it ſerve to be its procreative, or conſtitutive, no nor ſole conſervative cauſe. It is eaſie to diſcerne that the perſonall ſtrength of one man or a few Chieftains of a Community is not ſufficient to this coercion: and that Magiſtracy cannot have, or validly put forth without the cordiall concurrence of a multitude. For a Magiſtrate to hold, and put forth this power by the ſtrong hand of a conſenting multitude diſtinct from, and oppoſed to that he rules over, who ſees not the unnaturalneſſe, and unſtableneſſe of ſuch a command? This will never incorporate the governing, and governed, or joynt them in one politicall body, but ſhall alway keep them diſpartite, and ſet them in a ſtate of jealouſie, diſcontent, and counter-working each of other. If force be all that interveneth to the relation, and correſpondency of ruler, and ruled, how ſhould that hold? an averſation of wils, and affections will work out it ſelf, and either diſſever, or daſh them together. Vim vi reprimere is a practiſe which begets the like to it in the other on whom it is practiſed and that is Vim vi rependere, & repellere. Theſe two are principles, and ſtudies that ſit deep, and keep the ſubject they poſſeſſe reſpectively in continuall motion. He that is up, and ſtands by the former hath but little eaſe, and leſſe ſtayedneſſe; he that is down, and meditates the latter is like a vapour under ground ſwelling, and ſearching to rend out its paſſage into the open air, with the breach, or fall of what ever is betwixt it, and its freedom.

The right, and durable baſis then that is left unto Magiſtracy is that which is cemented with a compoſure of the wils of them over whom it is. Now the will is two wayes conciliated, or won. One is by the ſenſe of an external, or temporal accommodation, or advantage. The other is the innoteſcency of a morall obligation, or tye of conſcience. The former is but an inferior, and low attractive, and it is beneath a rationall faculty to be taken with it by it ſelf alone, or as the commanding principle. That were as if the ſervant ſhould govern his maſter, the beaſt its rider, or the body overpower its ſoul. And for the point of continuance; though the motion of it be impetuous, and it ſtrongly worketh upon the ſenſitive conceit, and appetite, yet it participates of the nature of its object, in being variable, and uncertain. To incline the will to obedience is but accidentall, and contingent to the ſenſe of a temporall good, it is as prone to oppoſe, and withdraw from it, being indifferent, and equally poyſed to diſpoſe the minde, either to ſubjection, or contumacy, as the one, or the other may ſeem to favour its object.

But the latter, the evidence of a conſcience obligation that's the moſt weighty, and meriting perſwaſive, that's alway the ſame, that takes an immediate, and deeper hold on the rationall faculty, yea, and is of as generall extent, and influence as the other; all men, and nations retaining ſome touch of religion, and conſcience, and of it as much, and as univerſally in this of Civill authority, and obedience as in any particular.

And in truth, if we ſhould make a reflexion upon our ſelves in this Nation (which is ſo naturally addicted to Lawes, and liberties, that hath received the knowledge, and profeſſion of the true Religion, that hath been of late ſo much buſied in looking up Scripture mouldes, and dictates of this argument, that hath had almoſt all the queſtions that can likely be raiſed in this behalf laid open, and agitated to, and fro, that hath had ſo often in this buſineſſe tendred ſuch conſcience-preſſing adjurations, and engagements, and hath ſhewed (if recitations, urgings, and diſputes about them be arguments thereof) to be ſolicitous of them, and laſtly, that hath both by words, and actions both declared, and had declared to it a conſcientiouſneſſe in this matter) it cannot (I ſ…y) be rationally expected that any other way of ſetling then upon clear grounds of conſcience ſhould here take.

The requiſitneſſe of the firſt of the two afore propoſed expedients appearing, the neceſſity of the ſecond immediately followes upon it; and is evident by the conceſſion of the other. For if it be admitted needfull that a ground, or principle of conſcience be the baſis of Government, it will be confeſſed as needfull that a rule of Gods revealed or preceptive will (which is the only cynoſure, guide, and empereſſe of conſcience) touching the founding, and erecting of Government be laid forth, and that, both verbo tenus, & re, both the words, and the thing, that is, both which is the rule, where delivered, and alſo what it ſaith, or ordereth, or what is its genuine ſenſe, and meaning.

In the want, or uncertainty of this all ſettlement upon this groundwork will be to ſeek. Though the thing ſetled be right, yet the beneficiall influence of that rectitude upon the conſcience, and will ſhall be ſuperſeded; and in ſtead thereof it will be attended with a diſreliſh, muttering, and diſcompliance in the ſame. M…ny illuſions, and fallacies ſhall be obtruded upon the conſcience to bottom it wrong; and many pretenſions of conſcience will be held forth to the eyes of the world where there is no conſcience ſtood upon.

Theſe two things being granted needfull Sect. 7 to the premiſed end, I would ſtay my Reader no longer in the Introduction, then while I a little more ſpecialize the ſubject and procedure of the enſuing Diſcourſe in reference to theſe two. The former of them, which lies on the part of the Government it ſelf, to wit, that it be ſet upon a conſciencious bottoming, I ſhall intermedle no further with. To ſee that this, or th…t authority be ſo, or publiquely to determine, or pronounce any ſo to be, or not to be, containeth in it matter of fact, and deſcendeth to a circumſtantiated, and individual caſe; I paſſe it over as too high and hard for me, and leave it to the Stateſman, as proper to his immediate inſpection. The latter, which is the inquiring out of the rule, with its interpretation, and meaning, is that I only take in hand; and this will not be denyed to lie within the precincts of my calling. Might it be evident ere I have done to be as well within the compaſſe of my performance, it would be ſomething of ſatisfaction both to my Reader (poſſibly) and to my ſelf.

This, I ſay, is the whole reach and limit of what followeth; and it will be by it ſelf enough. For as the making plain of this will be acknowledged to be ſingularly conducing to the allay, and pacification of much diſcompoſure, and to be preparative and productive of obedience to the will of God in this behalf; ſo it cannot be denyed, but that the rule it ſelf, the inveſtigation whereof we are upon, falleth under ſome controverſie.

The plaineſt, and fulleſt paſſage of Scripture for the holding forth of this rule, and the way how the Divine Authorization is conveyed to particular perſons, for their inveſting thereby with Civil authority, I take for granted to be the prefixed text, [There is no power but of God: the Powers that be are ordained of God.] And therefore having for that reaſon, laid down that for the ground, and center of my diſcourſe, I ſhall immediately proceed to it.

In the late times of diſpute about ſtate government much recourſe hath been had to this Scripture. Each different way hath ſought to it for patronage, and endevoured to make it of its party. This hath raiſed a variety of ſenſes, and interpretations, and thereby ſome obſcurity upon it. That which hath been ſaid of ſome other Scriptures may be of this. This text had been plain, had there not been ſo many Expoſitors upon it. I cannot aſcribe the controvertibleneſſe of it, ſo much to any Grammatical, or Metaphyſical difficulty of the termes, as to the value, which the matter it conſiſteth of, beareth.

1. The ſubject of it: nothing higher in place, or more in eſteem with men then it, viz. Civill power.

2. The predicate: nothing more ſublime can be ſpoken of any thing (as to its origination) then it, to wit, that it is of God, ordained of God. The deſireableneſſe of the ſubject, and the divineneſſe of the predicate ſeem in their conjunction to occaſion the diſputeableneſſe of theſe words.

In the beginning of our Commotions the ſentence next before this [Let every ſoul be ſubject to the higher powers] underwent the debate: and therein the extent, or latitude of the power, and ſubjection it aſſerteth. Since that the queſtion hath paſſed on to the next, which are theſe words, and upon them the main queries are, who the perſons are that are here termed the Powers, which are of God, ordained of God? and (in order thereunto) what is meant by the Powers? what by of God and ordained of God?

The exceeding (and in my opinion exceſſive) wide-ſtretching of this ſtyle, The power of God, ordained of God, by ſome Authors anteceding theſe times, hath to me ſeemed ſtrange, and to have given ſome riſe to the late diverſity of applications of it. Beſides the peculiar (and I am confident the only intended) application of it to the Civill Magiſtrate there are that have imagined in it much broader accommodations.

That great light of the Church in his times, and ſince, St. Auguſtine (the authority of whoſe example hath perhaps led others to do the like) extendeth this propoſition, There is no power but of God, to take in all power whatſoever that can be named, and is in any creature. As the power to put forth any good work, or act of grace**Aug. de Spir. & lit. cap. 31. To. 3.; the power to do any wrong, or act any ſin††Aug. Enarrat. in Pſalmos, Pſa. 32. Conc. 2. To. 8.Ps 32 the power of Satan to tempt, or ſway men to evill**Aug. ad Simpli…ian. lib. 2. qu. 1. To. 4.. After him comes the Pope with his Doctors, and they make bold to inſert into the ſenſe of this text, not only the Papall, with all the reſt of their Hierarchies Spiritual, or Eccleſiaſticall power, but the Popes power in Temporals over Soveraign Princes. Pope Boniface 8 (who is ſaid to have come into the Popedom like a Fox, reigned like a Lyon, and dyed like a D…g) makes this uſe of this Scripture††In extravag de major. & obed. cap. unam Sanctam, &c. So doth Pighius. Bellarmine, and others endevor to impoſe their Popes, and Prelates powers, and to defend their Clergy-exemptions from the Temporall Magiſtrate by putting that ſenſe upon this Text**Bellarm. To. 1. Cont. 3. lib. 2. cap. 29.. After theſe ariſe the Munſterians, and having expelled their Prince, and taken the power of the City into their hands, and ſet up of themſelves a pageant King (but too tragicall) they declare, that he is not ſo much of their as of Gods ordaining††Regem non tam ab ipſis quam a Deo conſtitutum eſſe ſcripſerant. Jo. Sleiden lib. 10. pag. 256.. And yet farther, and which is more to be regarded, Some of our Proteſtant Divines (and of chiefeſt note) as Bucer, Calvin, and Pareus, have drawn forth the authority of this text to any perſon that by any means gets in, or hath poſſeſſion of rule, or the upper hand over a Civil State**Bucer, Calvin, Pareus in loc..

There is none of thoſe uſes of this text, or of the Divine warrant it hold forth to the Civill Magiſtrate, but (with reverence to thoſe authors of any of them who are acknowledged with us to deſerve it) I look at as going beyond the juſt bounds thereof. This Treatiſe doth not propoſe the diſtinct, or particular examination of each of them. But its inquiſition into the poſitive importance of this Text will manifeſtly diſcover the diſintereſtedneſſe of every one of them therein. And the laſt, being it is commended by ſuch names; being it hath been taken hold of, and confidently inſiſted on by many of late, both upon the account of the deſerved eſteem of thoſe Authors, and by other arguments; being it hath ſome more ſhadow, or appearance then the reſt of approaching neer the meaning of this Text, and ſo ſtandeth more in our light, or way to the clear view of it; being it hath been currently received, and patronized by divers; and being it is of the concernment which will eaſily be diſcerned to be in it; this Treatiſe (with all due reſpect to thoſe who may be entertainers of the ſaid ſenſe, and wiſh ſubmiſſion to the further ſifting of the Judicious) doth profeſſedly deal with, and bring it under a hearing, and Tryall.

I might here inſert the allegation of many abſurd conſequences and pernicious tendencies which waite upon the admittance of this ſenſe, to make the profit, and neceſſity of its diſcuſſion the better to appear; as alſo the recital of ſundry other queſtions of ſome abſtruſeneſſe, and of ſpeciall uſe, with other contents, as inſtances of the uſefulneſſe of the untertaking in this Book. But theſe I omit, for the Readers ſpeedier paſſing on to take his own ſurvey of the things themſelves, as they are delated in what followeth. Humbly ſubmitting what I have written to his cenſure; and committing the ſame to the bleſſing of the Almighty.