Reply to a Pamphlet, Rebuttal of Walkers pamphlet
An Anſwer to Col. Nathaniel Fiennes Relation concerning his Surrender of the City and Caſtle of Briſtol. With Col. Fiennes his Reply to the ſaid Pamphlet.
SInce the heart of man is deceitfull above all things, and none can know the iſſues thereof, wee will not ſearch over-curiouſly into the deſires of the late Governour of that unhappy City of BRISTOL, Colonell NATHANIEL FIENNES, Whether he affected the Government or no? Yet ſeeing it is a point controverted by himſelfe, in his Relation, pag. 3. we will be bold to ſay,
FIrſt, His undermining Col. Thomas Eſſex, whom hee ſtruck into the box, and laid himſelf in his roome: In this manner Colonell Fiennes brought a letter to Briſtol, from my Lord Generall, authorizing him to ſeize on, and ſend up priſoner Colonell Eſſex, then Governour of that City, and this was ſo under-hand carried, that the Deputy-Lieutenants and Committee of Parliament, then reſident in Briſtol, to aſſiſt Colonell Eſſex in the Government, were never conſulted with to know what cauſe of ſuſpition they found in him: This was an affront put upon the Deputy-Lieutenants in point of integrity, or diſcretion and induſtry.
A lie and ſcandall caſt upon my Lo. Generall and his Order.
Secondly, His putting Creatures of his own (neither Souldiers, nor men knowne in thoſe parts) into Briſtol Caſtle, to make the government more intirely his own, contrary to the deſires both of the Towne and Countrey, which were to have a Gentleman of honour and integrity, ſuch as both the Towne and Country could confide in, placed there.
Two Lye.
Thirdly, His many artifices, to leſſen the Reputation and abridge the power of the Committees and Gentlemen of the Country (whereof more afterward.)
A Lye.
Fourthly, His underhand indeavours to draw a Territory of twenty miles compaſſe as annexed to that City, to be within his ſole command, and to make it independent upon the reſt of the adjacent counties, thereby to exclude Sir W. Waller and all others.
A Lye.
Theſe conſiderations (we ſay) make us think he was as jealous of his Government there, as any man is of his wife, and that he would brooke no rivall therein; nor can his letters ſent to his Father overſway our beliefe; Father, and ſonne being Teſtes Domestici, in the neereſt degree; But to take off this conceit (in his fourth page) he tells us he made certaine Propoſitions to the Gentlemen of the adjacent Counties for the ſetling and maintaining a Garriſon there, to which moſt of the Gentlemen conſented; It is anſwered, he made a certaine Propoſition in generall to that purpoſe, to the Gentlemen of Somerſet and Gloucester, and the Letter dated the 20 of March, 1642. (publiſhed in the Governours Relation, page 13.) was ſent to the Lord Say, and the like to his Excellency the Lord Generall, to ſee how the ſaid generall Propoſition would take: But when the ſaid Gentlemen expected to be againe adviſed withall for reducing the ſaid generall into particular Propoſitions, he having got the ſtart of them, ſecretly ſent up particulars of his owne framing, (the ſame (it may be) which he hath publiſhed in his Relation, page 17. intituled, A draught of the Ordinance) whereby he indeavoured to weaken the power of the Deputy-Lieutenants and Committees, and to make Briſtol, and the Countries adjacent for 20 miles compaſſe his Territory, himſelfe in all matters of moment, being of the Quorum:
A Lye, As ſhall be proved under his own hand, and the hands of divers Gentlemen both of Somerſet and Glocesterſhire.
For example, in his ſaid draught of the Ordinance, he projected, that
Firſt, the Garriſon which ſhould have conſiſted of 3 Foot Regiments (beſides Horſe) (whereof one to be raiſed in the County of Somerſet, under the command of Colonell Alexander Popham, another in the County of Glouceſter) ſhould be raiſed by the Governour onelyonly.
Secondly, the money raiſed in the Eaſterne-Diviſion of Somerſet, in Barkely-Diviſion in Glouceſter, and in the Cities of Briſtoll and Bath, upon the weekely Aſſeſſment, Twentieth part and Sequeſtration; nay and upon Exciſes and new Impoſts, ſhould be aſſigned only for the uſe of that Garriſon,
A Lye, If there was a ſurpliſſage it was to goe to other uſes.
with further proviſion in the Ordinance, that if all this be not enough, it ſhould be made up out of the ſaid Counties reſpectively: and the Committees appointed to pay the charges of the ſaid Garriſon and fortifications being valued and made known to them by the ſaid Governour of Briſtoll, whoſe Warrant and Receipt ſhould bee a ſufficient diſcharge.
Thirdly, The Treaſurers of the ſaid Diviſions not to iſſue out any moneyes without the concurring warrant of Col: Fiennes Governour.
A lye, Only ſuch monies at were to be employed upon the Garriſon and Fortifications of Bristol.
Fourthly, The Trained-Bands and Voluntiers of the ſaid Diviſions not to be drawne forth upon ſervice, either into the City of Briſtol or Country, but by the like warrant.
See now what power was left to the ſaid Committees or Deputy Lieutenants even in their own Counties, and over their own men and moneyes, upon which Colonell Fiennes had not incroached in this his draught of an Ordinance; Again page 4. he complaines that Sir William Waller drew forth Colonell Eſſex Regiment, and all the Troopes of Horſe: we conceive Sir William Waller drew forth only Col: Eſſex his Troope of Red Coates, being not above 30 or 40 and his foot Regiment being incompleate, the one halfe whereof never marched out of Towne, and were entertained by the Governour ſtill: page 5.
3 Lyes, 1 Captain Longes and Captain Coxes Troops were drawn out, and Major Laugriſhes alſo commanded out.
when Sir Ralph Hoptons Army drew towards Somerſetſhire: Colonell Alexander Popham moved by letters from my Lord Generall, would have gone forth with his whole Regiment, to joyne with Wilts and Dorſet, and the Weſterne forces of Somerſetſhire, but was Countermanded by Colonell Fiennes, who then firſt produced a letter from my Lord Generall, whereby Colonell Popham and his Regiment were reduced under his command, which letter untill then he had concealed and would not ſuffer Col: Popham to march with above ſix Companies:
Sir William Waller told Col: Fiennes before Col: Popham, that he deſired only 6 Companies.
It is true that Col: Popham was rented through the default of Major Langriſh and his horſe;
2 Lyes, Langriſh was cleered by a Counſell of War at Bathe.
but the foot Armes were not above halfe loſt; In anſwer to his 1200 men, lent Sir William Waller, It is confeſſed, we all importuned him to enable Sir William Waller by an addition of 1200 foot, to take the field for preſervation of the Country (which is no more then Col: Fiennes in his propoſitions to my Lord Generall and Parliament undertook, namely, * to defend the Country for 20 miles adjoyning)
* Not againſt an Armie, though he had received the benefit of thoſe propoſitions, which he never did, and that was one maine cauſe of the loſſe of the Towne.
And Col: Fiennes himſelf when he gave conſent to this motion, did declare that if the fortune of the Field went againſt Sir William Waller, yet with his forces remaining in the Towne; and the men which would be recollected and rallied out of his defeated Companies, hee made no doubt, but to make good the ſaid City: And Col: Fiennes after the defeate of Sir William Waller did declare that hee hoped to make good the Towne with 2500 men, and that he hoped to make up that number, by arming thoſe men, that fled from the defeate into the Towne, and by taking Armes from the Towneſmen, and putting them into other hands, page 6.
2 Lyes, He never declared any ſuch thing.
Sir Arthur Hazelrigg, Colonell Burghill, and divers gentlemen after Sir William Wallers defeate, thought fit to withdraw themſelves: theſe Gentlemen did not leave the Towne upon apprehenſion it was not Tenable,
It ſhall be proved that ſome did it upon that ground.
but out of a deſire to raiſe men elſe where to ſupply it,
A lye, They went to fetch ſupplies round about by the Lands end.
and out of a conſideration it was not fit for them in time of warre to ſtay under his command, who in time of peace had plundered ſome of them for not paying ſuch taxes as he put upon the City of Briſtoll, not withſtanding they paid in the Country, and reſided in Towne only to doe publike ſervice, upon their own purſes: and for lodging in the Caſtle it is confidently affirmed, that no lodgings there were ever offered to any of the Gentlemen, nor any former reſpects ſhewed to them, could incourage them to hope for any, and ſo many meane fellowes of the Town were ſuffered to ſhelter themſelves and their goods there, that there was no roome left for the Gentlemen, inſomuch that when Colonell Stephens with his wife and family retreated into the Castle, they could not endure their bad entertainement, and the Princes Trumpeter (then a priſoner) had better lodging then he and his whole family, whereupon he returned into the Town againe. Page 6.
Col: Steevens never acquainted Col: Fiennes, and his brother affirmeth that he bid him take his choice of any roome in the Caſtle.
He tells us he had but 700 men left in the Towne, and never a penny of money to pay them: Col: Fiennes had left in the Towne halfe his owne foot Regiment, halfe Col: Pophams Regiment, the new begun, though not yet compleat Regiment of his brother Iohn Fiennes, being about 300 or 400 men, beſides 300 or 400 foot remaining of Sir William Wallers, and 1000 or 1200 foot he newly (by his own confeſſion) raiſed and Armed in the Town, ſo that he had neere upon 2500 foot, beſides his Regiment of horſe, and his Company of dragoons, which is the number he undertook to keep the Town with as aforeſaid,
3 Lyes: There were only 3 Companies of Col: Fiennes his Regiment, not a man of Col: Pophams, and the 300 or 400 remaining of Sir William Wallers were part of the 1000. If M. Walker that was a Sommerſerſetſhire Gentleman, and conſtantly reſided in the Town before, had not moſt valiantly runne out of the Town when the enemy came before it.
and many more men he might have had, if hee had not as aforeſaid ſo much leſſened the Reputation of the Committees in the Country, that they, who by their Warrant had called in neere upon a thouſand men in February laſt, when Prince Rupert was before the Towne, could not now call in a hundred, ſo much was the Countrey diſtaſted with taking free Quarter, Horſes, diſorderly plundering even from the beſt affected, and all theſe abuſes,
A baſe lye all along.
with many more, were imputed by the Countrey people unto the Committee and Deputy-Lieutenants reſident in Briſtoll, becauſe being in place they did not redreſſe them, although it were not in their power ſo to doe, being over-voted at the Councell of Warre, by Captaines purpoſely choſen and new made by the Governour, that he might have the ſole power and countenance of that Councell to ſerve his ends, and being likewiſe overborne by the Governours acceſſe of power gotten from time to time by Commiſſions and Letters under hand from the Lord Generall, or the Parliament, which he kept ſleeping by him, never ſhewing his additionall authority but upon ſpeciall occaſion, and then ſo curſorily and privately, as did eaſily declare he meant not to have his authority ſo well underſtood, as to draw it in danger to be examined and limited;
A baſe lye, and ſcandalous to the Parliament and my L. Generall.
Hereupon the Gentry forbore to intermeddle with affaires, and the whole Towne and Countrey Were filled with jealouſies and indignations; and where he affirmes he had not one penny of money to pay his ſouldiers: This cauſeth admiration in all men, who have obſerved what ſtrange and unheard of wayes were uſed, and what number of ſpunges and horſeleeches were continually imployed to ſuck both from the Towne and Countrey, ſome devices to raiſe monies we will ſet downe, all is impoſſible.
1. A tax of 500 l. or 600. pound a week upon the Town, which was afterwards drawn down to a far leſſe ſumme, we know not upon what conſideration, ſince it is apparent the Towne was able to beare a far heavier burthen.
But he would beare no part of it himſelfe. He doth not at all ſeeme to deny it in that Letter, and this tax was laved and disburced by the Deputy-Lieutenants themſelves, not a penny of it came to Col: Fiennes his hands, not of that of the twentieth part, he never received any within 20 miles, or within halfe a mile.
2. A tax upon Somerſet and Gloceſterſhires towards the fortifying of ſo much of Briſtol as ſtood in theſe Counties, yet this Relator concealeth, and in his Letter the 17 of June, ſeemes to deny that he had any ſpeciall levy for his worke, both from the Towne and Countrey.
3. The weekely aſſeſſment, and the 20 parts within his verge of 20 miles, which though they were not duely raſed, amounted to a conſiderable ſumme, if an accompt had bin kept thereof.
4. The plundering of S. Thomas Bridges, S. Maurice Berckley, and many other mens eſtates in the Countrey, without any warrant from the Councell of Warre, or the Deputy-Lieutenants, contrary to an expreſſe Order made by the ſaid Councell, all which were carried into the Caſtle without account;
A Lye.
And when complaints were made for undue plundring, they were never heard by a Councell of Warre, but privately referred to Langriſh or his equals, and the complainants juſt requeſt choaked with delayes, as in Miſtris Millers caſe and others.
A Lye.
5. The letting and ſetting, or the ſtocking with plundred Cattle, the ſaid Delinquents and other mens eſtates, and ſequeſtring their Rents with account, and without the concurrence or privity of the Deputy-Lieutenants.
6. The conſiſcated eſtates of the Conſpirators in Briſtol, and the ſecret compoſitions made with many of them, are thought to be very conſiderable, a the rather, becauſe when it was move d, that all compoſitions might be made openly at a full Councell, and entered into the Councell booke, it would not be hearkened unto:
a A Lye. All theſe ſhall be proved to be Lyes at a Coū cell of Warre.
Yet Colonell Fiennes in his Letter to his Father, dated June 17. 1643. (ſee Relation, pag. 25.) ſaith, he ſhall never make 3000. l. of the Conſpirators eſtates: It may be he meant upon compoſitions beſides their plunder, which he could ſet no probable value upon.
7. Divers loanes upon the publike faith to a great value, eſtimated b at 7000. l.
b A Lye by 6500.
8. Divers ſupplies from Parliament, which were alwaies c concealed from the Committee;
c What had the Committee of Sō merſetſhiere to do with it.
he had received 4000. l. before the 12. of May, 1643. by his own confeſſion, (Relation p. 23.) and we heare he hath received at the leaſt 3000. l. or 4000. l. ſince, quaere whether he hath received any mony from Sir Gilbert Gerrard?
9. Licences to trade with the Enemy ( d even contrary to his Excellencies Ordinances of Warre) not granted for nothing.
d A baſe Lye.
10. e Cuſtome mony 1700. l.
e Another Lye. Col: Fiennes hath received together with the 1700. l. of cuſtome mony, in all 6688, and ſhall give a very good account of that, and all other receits that this Pā phletter or any other can charge him withall.
11. If we may believe common fame, many Tradeſmen (with whom we formerly told you the Caſtle was cumbred) f were drawne to give 10. l. a man, to have themſelves and their goods ſecured there,
f Another Lye.
g and yet no ſufficient caution is made in the Articles of Surrender,
g The 9th Article of the agreement was framed purpoſely for it.
to reſtore the ſaid goods to them againe, many of them not being to be found, and the poor men are put to compound with the enemy for getting them out, as formerly they did with their friends to get them in; Beſides, whereas his horſe were to have 2. s. 6. d. a day pay, Colonell Fiennes gave them free quarter in the Country, and but 1. s. the day pay; g quaere what became of the reſt.
g It was diſcounted to the State, as may appeare by the Captains accoūts given in before this Pamphlet came forth.
This we ſet downe to ſhew how good an Oecononiſt our Governour was, and how able to raiſe mony, having ſo rich a ſhop as the Towne of Briſtoll to worke in; h certainly, it was very poſſible f…r ſuch a thriving Governour to maintaine the Garriſon out of ſo rich a Towne, without the aſſiſtance of the adjacent Counties, (contrary to his tenet, page 4.)
h How doth this agree with what was ſaid before of the many and unheard of devices to get mony? How many pounds or pence did his Governour Col: Eſſex to whom he was aſſiſtant raiſe out of that rich City.
and this we demonſtrate by the preſent practiſe of the Kings Forces, who make that Towne, not only maintaine their whole Garriſon, but man forth and maintaine a good ſleete of Ships, find Gunpowder, and pay a great fine beſides.
If Co. Fiennes had been a Comm ander of the Kings Forces, or that the Parliament world let their officers doe what they do, he could have raiſed as much money as they, and yet ſure this demonſtrator is miſtaken in the hypotheſis of his demonſtration
And for the better underſtanding of this money buſineſſe, know that Colonell Pophams Regiment of Foot, and Colonell Coles Regiment of horſe and Dragoones, reſident in Towne, were not paid by the Governour, but by the Country; and the Governours whole charge eſtimated by himſelfe, (in a Letter to his Father dated June 17. 1643. and printed with his Relation, pag. 23.) was betweene a 1000. l. 1200. l. and 1300. l. a weeke, reckoning as we conceive his weekly disburſment for fortifying, which was none of his charge.) And for the 15. Regiments of foot and 12. Regiments of horſe, wherewith the Relator (pag. 6.) ſaith, the enemy beſieged the Towne; It is confidently affirmed they were not halfe Regiments, and that many of their Colours were no other then ſuch as the enemy had taken from Sir William Waller, and were now ſet up like ſcar-Crowes, or penall ſtatutes againſt Recuſants in terrorem only:
Let Souldiers judg of their number that ſaw them.
But he relateth (pag. 7.) that there was one place where the workes were not perfect, the ditch not made on the outſide, nor the foot-banck on the inſide, where was but a weake guard, * This ſeemeth ſtrange to thoſe that knew how much money was raiſed to perfect the workes, how long time was ſpent in perfecting, and how ſuddainly ſo ſmall a defect would have beene remedied, unleſſe it had beene purpoſely left as a poſterne for the enemy;
* A baſe ſuppoſition, as if he that would have be trayed the Town, would firſt have killed ſo many of their men and officers of quality, in teſtimony of his correſpondency with them. All theſe particulars ſhall be fully cleared at a Councell of Warre.
and that there ſhould be but a weak guard left in the weakeſt place, and Major Langriſh with his Troopes of horſe left there to ſecond the Foot, ſoundeth not well; i Had the ſeverall complaints formerly made to the Governour againſt Langriſh for his cowardiſe at Wells, Muncton Forly, Landſdowne, and the Deviſes,
i For the buſineſſe of Welles Langriſh was not only cleared at a Councell of Warre, but alſo commended. At Muncton Forly he was not preſent, being ſent to Bristol by S. W. Waller, and in the other a places he rā away no otherwiſe then Sir W. Waller, and all the reſt did.
or the preſent advice of Col. Stephens, Lieutenant Col. Clifton, and many others been heard, he had not beene ſet there to betray the truſt repoſed in him now:
A Lye. Co. Stephē … and L. Col. Cliſton gave no ſuch advice.
wherefore we muſt ſet Langriſhes faults upon Col. Fiennes ſcore. But it ſtood not with the Governours conveniency to heare any complaints againſt ſo k profitable an inſtrument, he knew much, and could diſcover much, Delicta fuere nexus amicitiae, (p. 8.)
k A baſe & groūdleſſe ſlander.
the Relator continues his Hiſtory of the enemies entering the Line of communication which proved the loſſe of the Towne. To avoid interruption we will ſet downe the counter-relation, according to the information received from l divers Gentlemen of quality, commanding in that ſervice.
l But nameleſſe.
When the enemies firſt viewed the Towne, a great Officer of that Army declared his opinion, that he thought it not fit to be attempted, alledging it was no where aſſaultable, but in the hollow way, betweene Brandon hill Fort, and Windmill hill Fort, (the onelyonly place where the enemy afterwards found entrance upon an aſſault given) the works being imperfect, and a weak guard kept there, as aboveſaid, by the Relators owne confeſſion, (page 7.) It was much the place moſt obnoxious ſhould be leaſt regarded, yet ſo it happened, and upon the firſt entrance m for an houre together, there were not above 100. of the enemies, within the Line,
m A Lye
the foe was ſo wary in ſeconding thoſe that entered, that he gave them for loſt n And thoſe that entered afterwards as ſeconds were but ſuch ſcattered ſouldiers as had been beaten off elſewhere from the Workes, betweene Wind mill hill Fort and Pegor hill Fort:
n How doth this agree with the former clauſe that the enemy ſhould fal on with ſo few men in the maine place intended for the aſſault.
How eaſily might any man but Langriſh have done good ſervice there? as appeares by the good ſervice done by Captain Lieutenant Nevill (whom for honours ſake I name, ſee the Relation, page 8.) who had but 40. horſe, and yet if he had been ſeconded by ſome Muſketiers, he had cut off all that were then entered, and for about o 2. houres more, there were not above 300. of the Enemies entered, (ſo unapt they were to beleeve ſo unexpected a good fortune)
o A Lye.
p But the Governour preſently upon the firſt entrance of the aſſaylants, ſent his Lieutenant Col: to call his ſouldiers off from the Line,
p A Lye as ſhall be made to appeare at a Councell of Warre.
who affirmed that if our ſouldiers did not ſpeedily retreat, they would be all cut-off: q Lieutenant Col. Daviſon with other Officers, earnestly adviſing that a ſally might be made out of the Towne upon them,
q A Lye Lieuten. Col: Daviſon gave no ſuch adviſe to the Governeur, was not called off his guard till the enemy was poſſeſſed of all thoſe places, was not out in the ſally, as almoſt all the reſt of the held Officers were.
and that the r Souldiers yet remaining at the line, might keepe it, and fall upon the reare of them, which he could not obtaine untill 3. houres after the aſſaylants had entred the line, when it was too late, and the Enemy had poſſeſſed himſelf of Eſſex fort, the Redlodge Sir Fardinando Gorges houſe, and the Colledge Tower, places of advantage in the Suburbes,
r Whence ſhould the Governour have had the ſouldiers to have ſallied out with, if he had not called thē off the line, out of the ſupplies thoſe Gentlemen ſhould have ſent him that went about by the lands end
Major Lewes (an old Souldier) was of the ſame mind with Daviſon, and being at the Line, would not quit it in an houre and half, although he received many commands to that purpoſe: At laſt his ſouldiers taking notice they were commanded away, and Lewes receiving a command in writing under the Governours own hand to retire into the Town ſ under paine of hanging, he obeyed:
ſ He deſerved to be hanged if he had not come off as at a Councell of Warre ſhall be made to appeare.
After the ſally unſeaſonably made, and beaten back again, ſpoken of, (pag. 8.) the aſſailants poſſeſſed the Suburbs as far as Froome gate, t yet was there no danger of the enemies wading over at the Key, the depth of the mud and diſadvantagious landing places, would have made them lyable to great execution, even by ſtones and clubs, wherin the Townſmen would not have been backwards.
t How did our own ſouldiers run over without ſticking in the mud.
The Defendants both Townſmen and Souldiers were diſheartned and diſpleaſed at their retreat from the Line, into the Town, and to adde more diſcouragement to thom, the Governour inſtead of making his laſt retreat into the Caſtle, according to his firſt reſolution, neglected to make ſo much as a ſhew of further defence, but preſently reſolved upon a Treaty with the enemy; whether he called his owne creatures, his officers to ioyne with him in this reſolution, is uncertaine; But the Committee and Gentlemen of the Country (who had moſt to loſe there) viz. u Sir John Horner, Maſter Stephens, his ſonne the Colonell, and divers other Officers doe deny he ever put the queſtion to them, whether they would treat or no?
u A groſſe Lye, moſt, if not all the Gentlemen were there, the queſtion was put to them, and no man diſſented.
But after he had ſent a Drum to the enemy for a Treaty, and gave Langriſh and Captaine Thomas Hippeſly for Hoſtages, he then called the Gentlemen to Counſell, to know what Articles he ſhould propound in their behalfe. This Treaty ſlackned all mens courages, and made them lay by all thought of ſaving themſelves, by fight, but by Treaty only. x Now, and not till now, (whatſoever the Relator ſaith, pag. 8.) the Souldiers began to drop from their Coulours and Guards, and many of them ran to the Enemy,
x Another groſſe Lye, of 1200, 12. foote could not he get to their colours, before any Treaty was thought on or ſpoken off.
and diſcovered the amazedneſſe and diſorders of the Defendants: Had the Governour retreated to the Caſtle, and ſet a good face upon the matter, it would have bettered his conditions, both for the good of his Souldiers and Townſ-men, who were ſo far from a deſigne to fall upon the Garriſon, that they had ſhewed great love in victualling the ſouldiers, and great courage in fighting for them.
Is that to ſet a good face upon the matter, to run and hide his head in a Caſtle whilſt hundreds of his Souldiers and friends were butchering in the Town.
We will not argue how tenable the Town and Caſtle, or the Caſtle, after the Town loſt, was, but certainly the Governour and all his Councell (untill that very moment) thought it tenable: otherwiſe to what purpoſe ſerved, Firſt, his great coſt in fortifying, continued to that day? Secondly, his victualling the Caſtle? Thirdly, his deſire to Sir William Waller to withdraw with his Horſe, for feare of cunſuming his proviſions, prooved by the teſtimony of Col: Cooke, whom Col: Fiennes imployed to carry a Meſſage to that purpoſe, and by a writing under Col: Fiennes hand herewith printed;
A Lye. All thoſe particulars ſhall be anſwered at a Coū cell of War, how all this may be reconciled.
And how could Sir Wil: Waller make ſuch haſt to Exeter or to Gloceſter, as to raiſe forces to reſcue Col: Fiennes that was ſo haſty as to deliver up the Towne and Caſtle in three or foure dayes to the enemy? Fourthly, his former reſolution at a councell of Warre was, if they were beaten from the Line, to fire the Suburbs and retreat into the Town and at laſt to fire the Town and retreat into the Caſtle, to which purpoſe Orders were given out;
At what Councell of War? Who gave out thoſe orders?
and yet when we conſider how he had peſtered the Caſtle with unneceſſary people, and thereby diſabled himſelfe to draw in his Souldiers to keep it, we cannot but conclude his reſolution to looſe that and ſave himſelfe was of an antienter date then his deeds and words formerly made ſhew of,
A lye, He gave a Warrant to Captaine Birck and others, to rid the Caſtle of all ſuch. How to ſave himſelfe by keeping at the Line, and moſt uſually in the places of greateſt danger, and going to the Koy and marſh to appoint the guards, when the enemy played thick upon him from the Colledge-tower and the houſes open S. Auſtins backe, having a good marke to know him by, by the horſe that uſually accompanied him, ſure hee might have been ſafer in the Caſtle.
but we are ſorry to heare this Relator (page 9.) make it ſo cleer a point that if the place had been Tenable, he could not have hoped for any reliefe in 6 or 8 weeks: what a diſcouragement will this be to that ſtout and faithfull Commander Col: Maſſy, and other Governours of Townes, who have not ſuch a powerfull ſolicitor with the Parliament as Col: Fiennes Father. We have ſeen 3 of the Governours reaſons why he could not keep the Caſtle.
The firſt was, he had too many men to keepe the Caſtle, though too few to make good the Town.
The ſecond was, a doubt leaſt the City ſhould fall upon him in his retreat thither.
Third was, the weakenes of the Caſtle not fully fortified: And now newly diſcovered by the enemies manner of ſtorming, and the execution his peeces of battery had lately done upon our Parapetts of earth; Together with the proviſion he had made of cloſe decked boates, and galleries; which proviſion is gainſaid by all men:
If it was not before, ſure now it is a very cleere point, Col: Fiennes was not much out in judging he could not have ſuccour in leſſe then ſix weeks, and it was beyond expectation that Gloceſter had it ſo ſoene.
Let us now weigh the reſt of his arguments (page 9 and 10) upon that ſubject; firſt he wanted powder and match, he confeſſeth he found 45 barrells, when he firſt undertook the charge of the Town, that he received 30 barrells from London, and 126 barrells from France, in all 201 barrells; beſides what powder was made in the Town, being about 6 or 7 barrells weekely for 30 weekes together,
A lye. by halfe the barrells, and well neere hal…e the weekes.
and what was and might have been gotten out of ſhips, ſhops and Merchants ſellars, a large quantity ſurely, had they been well ſearched; but to find Gunpowder had been to looſe a good excuſe; Quaere, how many of theſe were double barrells, and what became of the overplus (graunting that Sir William Waller had 60 barrells out of this ſaid ſum) Beſides when Chaptain Birck heard that the Caſtle would be rendred, he came to the chiefe Gunner, deſiring the Keyes of him, for that hee would defend the Caſtle himſelfe; the Gunner anſwered him, it was impoſſible, for that he had but 10 barrels of powder left, and afterwards in further talk, the ſaid Gunner confeſſed he had about 60 barrels, but alledged that Colonell Fiennes bid him ſay, that he had but 10 barrels left;
Sure neither was Captain Birck ſuch a foole, nor the Maſter gunner ſuch a lyer.
And for Match Colonell Fiennes might have made enough there.
A brave Sould…er to maintaine a Caſtle againſt a Royall Army, with Match that was to be made every day in the Caſtle.
Secondly, he ſaith he ſhould have loſt all his Horſe, being 300, and all the foot which would not be contained in the Caſtle; wherefore it was concluded by the Councell of Warre to treat and accept of conditions which might preſerve 300 horſe and 1500 foot to the Parliament: what Councell of War this was appeares not. The Committee and Gentlemen of the Country and moſt Officers deny, they were called to any ſuch Councell of War, or any ſuch concluſion agreed on to their knowledge (as I heve above ſaid)
As you have above lied.
And he might have ſent his Horſe away by night to Gloceſter, and drawn all his foot into the Caſtle, had he not ſo ſtuffed it with unſerviceable people;
Sir you were not the firſt inventour of that expedient for the Horſe, and if you could have faggotted all the foot one upon another in the Caſtle, what ſhould have become of your friends in the Town between whom and you there was a joint proteſtation and oath of mutuall defence.
But it ſhould ſeeme by his actions ſubſequent to the concluſion of the Treaty, he tooke little care to preſerve the ſaid body of men for ſervice of the Parliament: for preſently upon the Articles agreed on; Firſt, Hee ſuffered his men to fall off from their Colours, Guards and Watches,
A falſe lye. Col: Fiennes both by his commands, & by all wayes and meanes endeavoured to keepe the Souldiers to their coulours and Guards,
whereby the Common ſouldiers of the Enemy entering the Towne, before the time appointed came for the defendants to march out, and mingling with our Souldiers, gave the Enemy advantage in the mixture, to plunder houſes, ſtrip and rifle our Souldiers, diſmount our horſe, to allure, intice and inforce from the Parl: ſervice many of them; and ſo to breake and diſſolve almoſt all that body foot and horſe: who thereupon ſcattered and diſperſed themſelves about the Country into harveſt-work for their preſent reliefe; Nor could the Commanders on the Enemies part remedy this evill which the Governours own folly had drawn upon him; and this is a better juſtification of the two Armies, then that wherewith the Governour by way of compliance tickleth them, (in his 11 page)
All theſe particulars ſhall be cleered at a Coū cell of War, and for the point of powder, mentioned in the precedent page, that had not Col: Fiennes got ſome from beyond-ſeas, and otherwiſe by his indeavours, the Weſt had been loſt long ſince, and the 10 barrells he helped Glocester with ſaved it.
Nor did the Governour beate his Drum or call his foot Souldiers again to the Colours when he went out of Town, whereby they might march away with him in one intire body; and bee kept together for the ſervice of their Countrey; Secondly, Preſently upon the Articles agreed upon, the Governour ſet all the priſoners in the Town and Caſtle, at liberty,
2 Groſſe lyes. Thoſe that adviſed this, thought neither Towne or Caſtle very ſafe and tenable.
theſe forthwith grew inſolent and fell to plunder both Town and Caſtle, before the enemy entered to take orderly poſſeſſion of them; theſe priſoners were many in number, and divers of them men of good quality taken by Sir William Waller; the Governour often complaining he was made Sir William Wallers Goale-keeper,
A baſe & groūdleſſe ſlander upon a Nobleman. He remembers no ſuch anſwer, but conceives it a juſtifiable anſwer if he had ſaid it.
and repining at the charge of keeping them, he was often adviſed to remove them to a place of more ſafety, where they might be kept as pledges for our friends in captivity: London and the Lord Sayes Iſle of Lundy were propounded. But for the firſt, the voyage was too chargeable, and for the laſt (it is ſince conceived) the Governour was unwilling to ſend any company to that place, whereby the miſteries of that Iſland, might be diſcovered; and obſervation made what was carried in and out there:
A malicious lye. He knowes that Col: Fiennes did what he could to ſuppreſſe ſuch diſorders which were occaſioned by the connivāce of other Commanders.
and when Sir William Waller moved Col: Fiennes to ſend away the ſaid priſoners by Sea before the enemy came before the Town, he anſwered he would not, for that he would keep them to make his own conditions the better;
For the Priſoners, Col: Fiennes wiſhed Captaine Birck, to ſee if there could be meanes found to ſend them away by ſea, but he could not, and he deſired alſo Sir Arthur Hazelrigg to take ſome of them with him, but he would have none of them.
his own Councells were alwayes the beſt, I meane for his own ends; to make good which, the Councell of War was well furniſhed with ſuffragan Captains, purpoſely made to vote for him. Much more might be ſaid upon this Subject, especially for abuſes done in Churches, &c. whereby the love of the Town and Country was much alienated. But enough hath been ſaid of a bad matter, let us reſort to God for mercy, and to man for juſtice to be done in a fitting way, (that is openly and by man unintereſſed,) leſt for want of due rewards and due puniſhments (the two Poles upon which the frame of Government turnes) the reforming part of the Common-wealth, become … corrupt as the part to be reformed, which God of his mercy forbid.
If lyers and ſlanderers be not puniſhed and Pillored, no men of honour will be able to live and doe ſervice, as Col: Fiennes doth not doubt to make it appeare at a Councell of Warre, that he made as good a defence of that place, as any hath been made of any place ſince this war, though not ſo long nor ſo ſucceſſefull, through other mens faults and the weake condition of the place.
THere hath lately come to my view a Letter written by Col: Nath: Fiennes to my L. Generall, with no date to it, wherein (among… other matters already confuted in the anſwer to his relation) he te… you he armed 3000 foot, and 300 horſe, and paid constantly 2000 foot and a Regiment of horſe for 4 of 5 moneths together; This we deny, Col. Pophams Regiment of foot being armed and paid by the Country, and where he will find 2000 foot, thoſe excepted, we know not, unleſſe they lay hid in Prince Ruperts imaginary cloſe decked boates: he further ſaith, he was alwayes ready to furniſh Sir William Waller with armes, money, &c. It is denied for both, especially for money, the money Sir William Waller had from Briſtoll being taken up upon the private ſecurity of divers Genelemen, Deputy-Lieutenants, and Committees of Parliament and others, Col: Fiennes alwayes repining thereat, and complaining they would draw dry the spring and ſtarve the Garriſon in the Town by thoſe courſes; this letter ſeemes to be atteſted under the hands of divers men, ſome whereof deny they ever ſubſcribed it.
Sure they will not deny their hands when they ſee them, and Col. Fiennes will bring better proof of all that you deny, even of that which he ſaid concerning cloſe decked boates, then you can prove Major Langriſhes cowardize at Munctō Forly when he was 10 miles off.
The true Copies of a Certificate under Col. Fiennes own hand, dated Iuly 17▪ 1643. As alſo of an Order of a Counſell of War held in Briſtol the ſame day, expreſſing the true cauſes why Sir W. Waller left the City of Briſtol.
THE CERTIFICATE.
I doe conceive that Sir W. Waller having only horſe, they would be of little uſ… unto us for the defence of this City, and may be rather a burthen unto us in the conſumption of our proviſions, and therefore I doe approve of Sir Williams reſolution to march out of the Town with them, and to diſpoſe of them as he ſhall think moſt advantagious to the Cauſe.
Briſtol, July 17, 1643. Nath: Fiennes.
THE ORDER.
It was Ordered at a Councel of War held in Briſtol, July 17, 1643.
That (according to the importunity of the Governour and his Officers) Sir Wil: Wallers departure from Briſtol, will be of farre greater conſequence for the advancing of this preſent ſervice, then his remaining there. And after debate, it was concluded moſt convenient, That Sir Will: Waller ſpeedily march towards His Excellencie the Earle of Eſſex, or to London.
Edvvard Hungerſord.
Alexander Popham.
James Keir.
Francis Dovvet.
Arthur Haſelrig.
William Carr.
Edward Cook.
Jonas Van-druſch.
I know not what he meanes by printing that certificate, and that Order of S Wil: Wallers Councel. of War (whereof I deny the parentheſis to be true to my beſt remembrance) and for the Certificate, I am ſtill of the ſame judgement under the favour of this great Souldier, eſpecially if Sir Wil: Wallers words were true concerning his horſe, that they were ſuch raſcalls as he could never rule them.
Finis.
End of the text · Nathaniel Fiennes, Reply to a Pamphlet (1643)