King Charles Trial Justified, Charge
King Charle's TRIALL IUSTIFIED: OR, Eight Objections againſt the ſame fully anſwered and cleared, by Scripture, Law, Hiſtory and Reaſon. Being the ſum of a Charge given at the laſt Seſsions held at Trewroe in the County of Cornwall, Aprill 4. 1649.
By Colonell Robert Bennet.
Publiſhed by Authority.
LONDON, Printed for R. A. 1649.
The ſum of the Charge at the Seſsions held at Trewroe Aprill 3. 1649. for the County of Cornwall.
GEentlemen, By the good providence of God we are once more met upon this imployment of Juſtice, the conſervative of our civill peace; wherein the goodneſſe of our God is the more obſervable, that even while the Sword (which had wont to ſilence the Law) hath been called to act in moſt parts of the Kingdome, our Judicatures nevertheleſſe have had their freedome to heare and redreſſe the peoples complaints, Deus nobis haec …tia fecit; this is no other then the finger, yea the right hand of the Almighty amonſt us. It is fallen unto the lot of a very inſufficient perſon to give the Charge this day, eſpecially conſidering the late tranſmutations in the Nation, which in no reaſon may be ſlipt over in ſilence at ſuch a time as this. I know they have given occaſion to the raiſing of many regretfull Objections in the minds of the people, the which to remove, I conceive it a proper work for this occaſion.
Object. 1. Say ſome, The King is dead, and by what Authority dost thou theſe things, and who gave thee this Authority?
Reſp. We act as Juſtices by Commiſſion, and Authority from the Legiſlative power of the Kingdome, the Commons in England, vertually the ſame Authority gives us our Office that gave all the Kings of England their Office and Truſt, which appears by that Interrogatory to the people in the old forme of their Coronations, Will you have this man to reigne over you? Which Solemnity the Law intends ſhould be at a generall Convention of the whole Kingdome, and inflicts a penalty upon every man of eſtate that ſhall be then abſent; and the practiſe of the Kingdome was ſuitable to the Law, the greateſt number of Kings, ſince the Conqueſt, having no other colour to the Crown, but the Parliament and peoples Authority. We ſit as Juſtices by the ſame Authority, which was to chuſe the Laws and Cuſtomes, by which the Kings of England were bound by Oath to govern the Kingdome: The ſame Authority by which all the Courts of England ſtand, and their Officers uphold the juſtice of the Common-wealth, even from that authority under God we derive our preſent power, which gives a legall exiſtence to all the juſt powers Civill or Military, which ever were or now are in the Nation. And although this and other ſervices had wont to be in the Kings Name, it will appear to have been but for matter of form, and that the life and power was in and from the people, becauſe the people brought that power into a Law, the Law truſted the King with it, to convey it to particular perſons, the people limited the truſt they gave the King in the Law, he might not diſpoſe it as he pleaſed himſelf, he might not Commiſſion an Alien, or a Papiſt: and therefore the people are the originall of all true power, and that conduit Pipe of Authority (the King) being cut off, the truſt returnes to the firſt givers (the people,) from whom our authority as out of the very fountain iſſueth.
Object. 2. But the King is dead, not by a naturall, but a violent ſtroke: How cometh that to paſſe?
Reſp. The King indeed is fallen by the ſtroke of Juſtice, which ſmote him openly for his Crimes, and the bloud he had ſhed in the face of Heaven; and I confeſſe when perſons of higheſt truſt among the people are brought to the Axe, it preſents us a dolefull caſe: Nevertheleſſe when fury doth not hurry them, but Juſtice laies hold upon them in the way of God, we have all cauſe to ſing, Gloria Dee in excelſis, in terris pax, inter homines benevolentia.
Object. 3. But is not the Perſon of the King priviledged? doth not the Scripture ſay, He that toucheth him ſhall not be innocent?
Reſp. The King muſt not be touched by the ſecret, or open violence of men upon any pretence, when he performs his office: Nay, he may not be touched for his offences upon mens irregular paſſions; but the King and every ſon of Adam, may and muſt be touched by the Ordinance of the Almighty ſet up againſt evill doers, even by the impartiall hand of Juſtice, which is Innocency it ſelf. I confeſſe that King that ſits upon his Throne, and ſcattereth the wicked with his eyes. That King that faithfully judgeth the poor, his Throne ſhall be eſtabliſhed for ever, he is the priviledged King that muſt not be touched. But ſuch a one was not the perſon fallen, but a mighty hunter of his poor people before the Lord; and if ſo, The holy God who reſpecteth not perſons hath given us in his Book precept and inſtance beyond all exception, that in ſuch caſe no mortall humane fleſh hath a priviledge from the ſtroke of Juſtice to the loſſe of life. As therefore the Objector hath appealed unto Scripture, unto Scripture ſhalt thou go, Gen. 9.4.5.6. verſes. God forbids all eating of Bloud becauſe it was the life of the Creature, in the fourth verſe: The reaſon of this prohibition appears in the entrance to the fifth verſe, your bloud of your lives will I require, he will ſurely make inquiſition for the bloud of man; and then the Lord expreſſeth himſelf in the manner in a univerſall propoſition, which (ſaith Deodat.) laies impartiall hold on great as well as on petty offenders. At the hand of every mans Brother will I require the life of a man, which I underſtand in the active, as well as in the paſſive ſence, viz. that every brother do bring, as well as be brought to Juſtice for bloodſhed: And that God requires this at the perill of the neglecter (though a brother) as well as declare it to the terrour of the ſpiller of bloud (though a brother) and then at the ſixth verſe we have a plain irrepealable Law in the cauſe; He that ſheddeth mans blood, by man ſhall his blood be ſhed; with ſuch a reaſon annexed, as admits no exception amongſt the ſons of Adam, for in the Image of God made he Man, ſo that two univerſall Propoſitions ariſe out of theſe words. Firſt, Every murtherer is to be put to death. Secondly, Every man that will be guiltleſſe of bloudſhed, muſt indeavour to bring the Murtherer to Juſtice. And in further evidence to the truth hereof, let us conſider, what a likeneſſe here unto have all Gods expreſſions upon this occaſion. More preciſely in the 35. of Numbers, a Chapter treating only of this ſubject of bloodſhed, there we ſee the firſt univerſall Propoſition frequently repeated in terminis, The murtherer ſhall ſurely be put to death, verſes 17.18.19.30.31. And no leſſe plainly have we the ſecond univerſall Propoſition in verſes 31.33.34. expreſſely declaring that bloudſhed defiles the Land, that the Land cannot be cleanſed, but by the blood of him that ſeed it. And that therefore they ſhould execute the Murtherer, that they might not be defiled with blood. There ſhalt take no ſatisfaction for the life of a murderer. The murderer ſhall ſurely be put to death. So we ſee it is plain, every man that will be guiltleſſe of bloudſhed must endeavour to bring the murtherer to juſtice. And therefore if the King be deſcended of the ſons of Adam, and if he have unjuſtly ſpilt the bloud of his people, the Scriptures are plain that he hath no priviledge, and that unleſſe the people indeavour that the hand of Authority touch him for it, the blood he hath ſpilt hath defiled them all, and they cannot be innocent. His Throne can give him no priviledge in this caſe of blood, God would not endure that his Throne ſhould exempt from Juſtice: the Sanctuary was his Throne amongſt men, yet God commands the murderer to be taken thence & executed, Exod. 21.14. And wiſe Solomon underſtood it ſo, when he commanded Benhaiah to execute bloud guilty Joab having the horns of the Altar in his hand: & if God would have the bloud guilty perſon pluckt from his own moſt ſacred Throne, yea executed in it, (which in other cauſes was an inſufferable prophanation) it cannot diſpleaſe him to pluck a Murtherer to Juſtice from the Thrones of men: and as the Scriptures clear the Theſis, ſo their inſtances make good the practiſe, that Kings are reſponſible to God and to men too, for their bloodſhed and miſgovernment: that they have no ſuch priviledge of Impunity for their Prſons as their Paraſites have flattered them to believe, which King Agag found to be true, notwithſtanding his Plea that he acted, Loco & tempore belli, and had Quarter given him, 1 Sam. 15.33. the Kings of Iſrael and Judah give us many preſidents of the ſame: the cauſe of Jehu upon Jehoram being very oppoſite, God giving teſtimony by a bleſſing upon his poſterity, 2 Kin. 8.30. and although the perſons that acted in chiefe in ſuch cauſes, for their indirect intentions and other prevarications, often drew upon themſelves the wrath of God, & altered the nature of the work in their own perſons; yet did not that at all cleave to it in the Abſtractum of executing Juſtice upon the capitall Offender, which all along we find approved as well as commanded of God. And if I may be permitted to travell amongſt the Nations of the world, what people hath not avowed their right herein? Let the Queen-Regent of the Weſtern world, Imperiall Rome (as ſhe gave law to all the reſt) ſpeak for all. How often did it change the forme of the Supreme Authority for the corruptions of thoſe that were intruſted with it. Remarkable is the Sentence of the Senate upon the Emperor Nero, who for his miſgovernment and baſeneſſe was adjudged to be whipt to death, ſaith my Author, In conſenſu Senatus praecipuorum Ducum, & exercituum jùſte Decretum est ut Tyrannus telleretur. Although he eſcaped execution by being his owne Executioner a day too ſoon.
Object. 4. But was not David guilty of the death of Uriah, and yet he did not ſuffer for it? Nay, did not David execute the Amalekite that ſlew wicked King Saul, becauſe he ſtretched forth his hand againſt the Lords Annoynted, notwithſtanding the Amalekite pleaded, that Sauls eſcape was paſt hope, and that what he did was to put the King out of the anguiſh and pain he was in?
Reſp. Firſt, for the caſe of David in the death of Ʋriah, although this Anſwer were ſufficient to that Argument, to ſay, that it is abſurd, and illogicall, becauſe it concludes from a particular to a univerſall, and from a matter of fact to a matter of right Negativè: and another ſufficient Anſwer to this Argument may be, that the death of Ʋriah being ſecretly contrived to be done upon an aſſault by the hand of the Enemy, where there were others in the party, and Ʋriah might have a poſſibility to come off, that therefore no humane Judicature (which is to proceed ſecundùm allegata & probata) could find the matter of fact; yet I reſt not in theſe replies, but for ſatisfaction to this doubt I anſwer, That it was not Davids Regall Authority that did exempt him from Juſtice in this caſe, but it was the indulgence of the Almighty upon his true repentance: and the Text is plaine for it, 2 Sam. 12. at the fifth Ver. David unawres giveth a ſentence of death upon himſelf to Nathan, and at verſe 13. there is Davids repentance, I have ſinned against the Lord, then follows the Lords indulgence, the Lord hath put away thy ſin, and that is not all, thou ſhalt not die; there is Davids full diſcharge from the hand of Juſtice for the caſe of the Amalckite: what a ſenceleſſe argument more is this, to conclude from Davids execution of Juſtice upon a wretch, for a bloody murther upon a King when he was in the moſt undoubted diſcharge of his duty, unto the exempting of a tyrant from Juſtice for his miſdeeds? who did ever juſtifie ſuch a wilfull murther upon any man though never ſo wicked!
Object. 5. Quis eſt tam magnus pro tanto munere hoc? Is not the King Supreme who can try him, ſeeing, Supremo non datur Superius?
Reſp. There is great odds between Supreme in power to give, and Supreme in power given, he that is only Supreme in power given, is not ſo high but that there are greater then he, and ſuch is the King, of whom it was true, that he was Major ſingulis, but Minor univerſis, and long ſince this Nation knew the Kings Superiour, Scilicet Curiam ſuam, ſaith old Fleta; the people in Parliament who often heretofore did and now again may try their Kings as well as other Officers.
Object. 6. But what ſay we to that clauſe in the third Article of the Covenant, which reſpects the preſervation of the Kings perſon and Authority. The Article runs thus. We ſhall with the ſame reality and conſtancy in our ſeverall vocations indeavour with our lives and eſtates mutually to preſerve and defend the rights and priviledges of Parliaments, and the Liberties of the Kingdoms, and to preſerve & defend the Kings Majeſties perſon and Authority, IN THE PRESERVATION AND DEFENCE of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdoms, that the world may bear witneſſe with our conſciences of our Loyalty, and that we have no thoughts or intentions to diminiſh his Majeſties juſt power and greatneſſe.
Reſp. The plain purpoſe and ſcope of this clauſe in the Article concerning the King, was to teſtifie the tender affections we had to him, and muſt (to our comfort) remaine a Monument thereof to all Generations; as alſo that we endeavoured (if it had been poſſible) to winne the King to us, before he had run himſelf and the Kingdom into more miſchief: and the better to prevall herein, we gave him, which may more, this Solemne aſſurance in the Covenant, that we meant to give him the greateſt ſhare in the preſervation of Religion and the Liberties of the Kingdom, that we ſhould exalt his Throne, and make him greater (if it were poſſible) in the affections of his people at home, and more ſcared of his enemies abroad, then any of his Anceſtors: But the King in whoſe power alone it remained, by joyning with us to put us into a condition to act what we did intend, rejects the Tender, Declares and makes warre againſt us. What colour is there then to preſſe it now upon us? the plaine and Grummaticall ſenſe of the Article being, that is covenanteth for ſome things abſolutely and ſingly, viz. to Indeavour, &c. the preſervation of the Priviledges of Parliament, the Liberties of the Kingdom and true Religion; for other things it covenanteth under a reſtrained, limited and conditional ſenſe, viz. to preſerve the Kings perſon and Authority; the expreſs words are IN THE PRESERVATION of Religion and the Liberties of the Kingdomes, and no otherwiſe, nor farther … ſo. And … both ſides alwayes interpreted this Article; That the King and his party underſtood it thus, beſides many other arguments drawn from their violent practiſes againſt it, appears very plainly in all their Pamphlets againſt the Covenant, many of which I have ſeene, the chiefeſt of that party concluding from this Article, that unleſſe the King … with the Parliament (to uſe their own words) turne Roundhead, the Covenant provided not at all for him: Very much to this purpoſeſpeaketh a Treatiſe againſt the Covenant printed at Briſtol about five yeeres ſince, and another ſet forth by the Univerſity of Oxford, approved by generall conſent in a full Convocation, June 1. 1647. Nay ſome of that ſide, of no ſmall judgement, have maintained (and well enough they might) as to the Kings intereſt which they endeavoured to ſet up) that it had beene farre better the King had not been mentioned as all in the Covenant in that limited ſenſe. That the Parliament doth ſo underſtand the Article, appears, that immediatly after the Covenant had beene taken, they did more vigorouſly proſecute, and require others to proſecute the warre, even when the King was upon the place, without any reſpect to his perſon and authority, and after gave Commiſſion abſolutely without limitation or reſtraint in that caſe. And moreover, the Parliments uſing of the Kings name in their publike authorities, hath ſtill beene interpreted in oppoſition of his perſon, becauſe his perſon was in oppoſition to his duty, which was to protect the people and the Courts of Juſtice, not to make war againſt them; and ſo and no otherwiſe they have ſtill interpreted themſelves to the people in the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance, and all other ingagements of like nature, as binding the people to the publike Liberties in oppoſition to the Kings perſon now in armes againſt them. And we have all along ſo underſtood them, and not otherwiſe; that if at any time the preſervation of the Kings authority and perſon ſtood in competition with Religion and the publike Liberties; we have beene inſtructed that the Covenant and Oathes aforeſaid bound us to preferre the latter: Unto all which, if we adde the warre, miſchiefe and bloodſhed of three Kingdomes by the King maintained to the laſt extremity, it will appeare, that neither the Covenant and Oathes aforeſaid, nor any heart truly conſcious of the glory of God can afford a plea ſufficient to exempt the King from Juſtice; And ſure, it is the horrible unrighteouſneſſe of our natures to think that God likes well the execution of inferiour offendors, and the ſparing of the Capitall, in one and the ſame matter.
Object. But there were no Lords conſenting to this Tryall of the King.
Reſp. You cannot ſay ſo; tis true, the majority diſſented; but what of that? Hath the Negative of the Lords Houſe beene judged a ſufficient Barre to the proceedings of the Commons? The matter was otherwiſe about ſeven yeeres ſince, when Maſter Pim was ſent to the Houſe of Lords to tell them, that if they refuſed to joyne with the Commons in ſetling the Militia, the Commons would do it of their owne authority, and the Lords ſhould have no ſhare therein; and the matter was otherwiſe when about five yeeres a worthy Gentleman of this County, now upon the Bench, being unjuſtly impriſoned by that Houſe, was diſcharged with dammages by the Commons to his immortall honor.
I am ſure if the King cannot juſtly claime a Negative againſt the People, becauſe he is ſworne to Governe by the Lawes which the People ſhall chooſe; the Lords who never had the Peoples choyce, but ſit by Patent from the King, cannot claim a Priviledge againſt the People, which the King that gave the Patent had not in himſelfe. I honour the perſons of the Nobles of England and their lawfull Priviledges, and I am perſwaded that the truly noble amongſt them will not keep up ſuch Priviledges as are not conſiſtent with the Fundamentall Priviledges of the Free borne Engliſh Nation the mother of us all; and for the reſt I am apt to ſay with the Philoſopher, Nulla mihi inter malos & Tyrannos Nobilitas.
Object. But the Commons Houſe was not free; They had a Treaty with the King, How came that to be broken off? Did not the Army interpoſe, and take many Members, and Impriſon them coming to the Houſe?
Reſp. Firſt, 'Tis ſomewhat worth your notice, That the Treaty expired before the Army acted, otherwiſe then by way of humble Meſſage; nevertheleſſe (if the Councell of the Almighty had been ſo) I could have wiſhed that there had never been a colour for this Argument of a force upon the Parliament, which hath been over and over the Plea of every ſide; I could wiſh there had been no colour for it when the Scottiſh Army was kept ſo long in the Kingdome at their firſt entrance, and after ſatisfaction given them; nor when the tumults came firſt to Weſtminſter; or when the Seamen came firſt againſt White-Hall with Ordnance in Liters; nor upon the frequent inſurrection, and inſolent Petitions in and about London upon all emergencies; nor upon this laſt occaſion mentioned in the Objection: But I perceive God had a purpoſe to ſtaine all creature glory, by ſuffering men to run into folly ſo far, that ſometimes by force they muſt be pulled out of the fire they had kindled upon themſelves and others. The anſwer which the Parliament party gave their adverſaties upon this Argument, was, that they cordially endeavoured the publike good, and the redreſſing of the ſoule abuſes in the former government, that the ſoones of Zerviah were too hard for them; that there was an intended, yea a viſible miſchief acting againſt the honeſt party by a Malignant party; that their owne actings which had any appearance of force, had an equitable juſtice in them, were defenſive, becauſe they were either for the prevention, or for the preſent encounter of ſuch eville as were ready to over-run all. And that deſignes of that miſchievous nature ſecurely prevented, they did reſolve to abandon all force, and to live onelyonly upon rule of Law. And when indeed & bona fide the caſe is ſuch, I do not think but force, which is as much the Ordinance of God, as freedome, hath then its rightfull uſe and exerciſe, viz. to ſet at liberty that juſtice and truth which corrupt men hold captive, under a pretence of Priviledge, and that the equity of mans intentions and actings in ſuch extremities, will juſtifie before God and man, rather then the letter applyed to uphold a miſchief, & this caſe muſt needs be frequent in Imperfect humans Conſtitutions, unleſſe rules ſeaſonably make remedy upon complaint; and this was apparently the caſe between the King and Parliament in ſundry particulars; and let the judicious ſay (having read the Armies Remonſtrance) if this became not now againe truely as much the caſe of the Kingdome as then: And yet beſides all this, the Army will plead that when they did interpoſe an act, after multiplied addreſſes made to the Parliament and themſelves, they did it for the removall, rather then the laying on of a force upon the Parliament, the Houſes enjoying an unqueſtionable freedome when the King rejected the foure Bils preſented to him in order to a Perſonal Treaty, and conſequently when they paſſed the Votes of Non-Addreſſes which followed therupon, which Votes ſtood good many Months; but a party in Scotland liked not this courſe, their great deſign being to keep and maintain themſelves an intereſt in this Commonwealth; and under the abuſed names of Treaty, Covenant, and Church-government, they cloſe with the Cavaliers; in falls a round party that had appeared for the Parliament by Land, Batten and Jorden by Sea, the Lord Willoughby of Parhath formerly made Speaker of the houſe of Lords pro tempore, and the multitude of the City, & revolted Shipping united all together, quickly found a meanes to kindle ſuch a flame in the bowels of the Kingdom, that nothing but the hand of God remained of power to quench it again; imperious petitions daily ſtorm the Parliament, ſpeaking concurrently with all the reſt the ſame language for a Ceſſation and perſonall Treaty.
Where was the freedome of the Parliament in the midſt of all theſe tumults? and now many faithfull Members being abroad to quench this horrid flame, and others over whelmed with this new faction, the reſt got an opportunity to revoke the Votes of Non-Addreſſes ſo ſolemnly and deliberately paſſed, and to carry the Houſe for a Perſonall Treaty upon the worſt and moſt diſhonourable termes that had ever ever yes fear the Sunne on the part of the Parliament. All the Parliaments friends abroad, Presbyterians and others, ſtand amazed at the matter; the Kings party in City and Country triumph and browbeat their Conquerors; Pamphlets printed to vent much ſcorne and menacies upon the Parliaments friends; at length we all petition againſt this defuſive Treaty, the petition's rejected; then all honeſt parties of the Kingdome cloſe, and as the laſt viſible remedy, ſollicite the Army to interpoſe, by this time returning from one of the wonders of this generation (beſides other pettier matters) the diſſipation of the three potent Armies, in the North, Weſt and South. The Army in behalfe of the Kingdome at length humbly remonſtrates to the Parliament againſt the Treaty, or at leaſt that they would be more cautious what they did in it; for want of audience the Army is faine to declare againſt it; but they were now ſunk into ſo deep a Lethe, they were ſenſible of nothing, although God himſelf in moſt mens judgements, declared againſt the Treaty: in that after ſo many additions of time to lengthen it out, and after the utmoſt induſtry uſed to ſhuffle up in end, the time expires, and all parties are forced to break off without any thing done, and to ſumme up the fruit of all this expenſive tedious Treaty in a Vote, that the Kings Conceſſions were not ſatisfactory; truth is he had granted nothing at all to the ſatifaction of the Kingdome; and yet the ſtrong factions in and about the Parliament within foure dayes, and nothing more done or obtained, carry the Houſe againe into a Vote, that the Conceſſions were a ground to proceed upon to ſettle the peace of the Kingdom, all which toſſng, turning, and over-turning in ſo bad a buſineſſe, was no other in my eye then the effect of a force upon the freedome of the Houſes firſt mentioned. And then, and not till then, to prevent a worſe miſchiefe, the Army appeares Vim vi repellere, to ſettle the Parliament in the freedome which it had before the Scottiſh Confederacie, and the repeale of the Votes of the Non-Addreſſes; and for their ſeizing the perſons of the Members, I confeſſe it is my opinion that they that had a hand in, or gave countenance to ſo dangerous a Treaſon, are not fit to be truſted with the Liberties of England. Deſperate is the ſafety of that Common wealth, where the perſons truſted with the ſupreme Authority challenge a priviledge of impunity when they tranſgreſſe.
Object. 8. They that are apt to object that this doctrine expoſeth perſons in Authority to the daily violencies of the inſtable multitude:
Reſp. Did they Chriſtianly conſider from whence the ſafety of Rulers ariſeth, they would bluſh to make that objection; God is the alone giver of ſafety, and well-governing is the good Rulers beſt preſervation; If the Heathen Poet could ſay, Integer vita ſceleriſque purus non eget Mauri jaoulis vec arcu; I would not have Profeſſors of Chriſtian Religion more faithleſſe then the Gentiles; the uprightneſſe of the upright ſhall deliver him; and let men make their Tower never ſo ſtrong, unrighteouſneſſe will make them deſolate. To conclude, although the King be dead, although he be fallen by the hand of Juſtice, notwithſtanding his pretence of perſonall priviledge from Scripture, or from his Supreme Authority, notwithſtanding the clauſe in the Covenant, and the non-concurrence of the Houſe of Lords, or pretended force of the Army upon ſome Members, or any other objection, our Authority as Juſtices of the Peace, appears to me unqueſtionable and ſure. And what I have ſpoken upon this ſubject, I deſire may not be underſtood to aggravate, or keep up differences amongſt men; I have laid aſide many pertinent things becauſe I would not offend; & I profeſſe ſeriouſly in a conſcientious deſire of the peace and good agreement of all men, that deſire peace, I have been thus large to cleare the foundation of the freedome and authority of the Commons of England, that we might all build our peace together upon this ſure Corner-ſtone under God. You ſee I have not favoured any particular intereſt above other in al my Diſcourſe, I have ſpoken under no other name but as an Engliſh man, and a promoter of common juſtice without reſpect of perſons; tis your Priviledge to enjoy it, as old as England; your unſetled minds hinder the enjoyment of it, and lengthens out your troubles and burthens, to the griefe of thoſe that labour for you, in this, and other Seates of authority; this is the worſt I intend, publike peace upon a foundation of equall Juſtice; and I ſpecially commend it for the preſent ſervice to the Grand Inqueſt; becauſe in order thereunto by you the firſt part is to be acted: I ſhall not fall into a particular enumeration of offences, and Statutes made againſt them, as the manner is; it is common to you at every Aſſizes and Seſſion of the Peace; and I am confident you need not a repetition (at preſent) therof. Thus much only be pleaſed in the generall to hear in that kind; Let not blood, oppreſſion and fraud eſcape your ſevereſt inquiry; reſpect no mans perſon that comes in judgement before you, preſent all wilfull and prophane Blaſphemers of the Name and Majeſty of God; let vagrant Rogues, Idelers, and the common Nurſeries of all baſeneſſe and miſcheif [Alehouſes] feele the juſtice of the Law. And while you are together, bethink your ſelves of ſomething of your own, for the better ſecuring of the County againſt invaſion and inſurrection: of ſomthing for the advance of your own Manufactures and Commodities; for the bettering of the condition of the poor (that, that ſhame of men Beggars and begging may ceaſe amongſt us) and whatever elſe may give an advancement to righteouſneſſe and peace, and we on the Bench ſhall joyne with you, and the God of Righteouſneſſe and peace direct us all. Amen.
FINIS.