A Holy Commonwealth, Preface 2
An Addition to the Preface, being a Discussion of the Answer to the Healing Question.
BEcause it is a matter of so great moment, that you pass not in impenitency to the Barre of God, (where you must all speedily appear) and that the many Thousands of this Nation, that never were actually guilty, may not make your sinnes (sinnes of such a dreadfull nature) to become their own by approbation; I thought it my duty to manifest the fallacy of all those Arguments, which I judged might most probably deceive you. And therefore supposing that thence you are likely to fetch matter of encouragement, I shall briefly discuss the wounding Answer to the Healing Question, so far as may concern your Consciences.
1. He placeth the Cause in two things; 1 p. 3, 4. To have and enjoy the Freedom (by way of dutifull compliance and candescension from all the parts and members of this society,) to set up meet persons in the place of Supream Judicature, and authority amongst them. 2. p. 5, 6. Freedom in matters of Religion, or that concern the service and worship of God.
The former is thus enlarged, p. 10. That the body of the good people in their military capacity and posture, are most properly Soveraign, and possesse their right of naturall Soveraignty.] And p. 11. [Becoming one Civill or Politick Incorporation with the whole Party of honest Men, they do therein keep the Soveraignty, as Originally seated in themselves, and part with it only as by way of Deputation, and Representation of themselves, &c.]
The second (Religious Liberty,) is (p. 5, 6, 7.) said to be that [which the Nations of the world have right and title to by the purchase of Christs blood, who by virtue of his Death and Resurrection, is become the sole Lord and Ruler in and over the Conscience, &c. And that every one might give an account of himself in all matters of Gods Worship unto God and Christ alone, as their own Master unto whom they stand or fall in Judgment, and are not in these things to be oppressed, or brought before the judgment Seats of Men. For why shouldst thou set at naught thy Brother in the matters of his Faith and Conscience. and herein intrude into the proper Office of Christ, &c. By virtue of this Supream Law Sealed and Confirmed in the Blood of Christ to all Men, it is, that all Magistrates are to fear and forbear intermedling with giving Rule or interposing in those matters.—He is to be a Minister of Terror and Revenge to those that do evil in matters of outward practice, converse, and dealings in the things of this life between man and man, for the cause whereof the Judicatures of men are appointed and set up. To exeeed these limits is not safe, &c.] And p. 7. he would have) this restraint laid on the Supream Power, before it be erected, as a Fundamentall Constitution among others, &c. and that it be acknowledged the Voluntary act of the Ruling Power, when once brought into a capacity of acting Legislatively, that herein they are bound up, and judge it their duty so to be, both in reference to God, the Institutour of Magistracy, and in reference to the whole body, &c.] So much of the Cause.
2. The Persons that he supposeth have this Soveraign Power, are sometimes said to be [the Nations of the world] and [all men whose souls Christ challenges a propriety in, to bring under his inward Rule in the service and worship of God,] &c. And the ground of it is made to be Nature it self, sometimes it is [The whole party of Honest Men adhearing to this Cause, p. 3. [And their right is double, 1. Naturall, 2. By the success of their Armes, this is restored:] [They have added to the naturall right which was in them before, the right of Conquest, p. 2. sometimes it is the whole body of the People, that the right and freedom was, and is due to, p. 4.] sometimes [the actions proceeding from hearts sincerely affected to the Cause, created in them a right, to be of an Incorporation and society by themselves, under the name of the Good Party.—These in Order to the maintaining of this Cause have stood by the Army, in defence and support thereof, against all opposition whatever, as those that by the growing light of these times, have been taught and led forth in their experiences, to look above and beyond the Letter, form, and outward circumstances of Government, into the inward reason and spirit thereof, herein only to fix and terminate, &c.] p. 9. It is [the whole Body of the adherents to this Cause,] that in the several parts of the Nations, that must choose a General Council or Convention of Faithfull Honest and discerning Men, p. 20.]
3. Lastly, The capacities wherein the persons then qualified have acted, have been very variable.—And very seldom, if ever at all so exactly, and in all points consonant to the Rule of former Laws and Constitutions of Government, as to be clearly and fully justified by them, any longer than the Law of successe and Conquest did uphold them, who had the inward warrant of Justice and Righteousnesse, to encourage them in such their actings. The utmost and last reserve which they have had, in case all other failed, hath been their military capacity; not only strictly taken for the standing Army, but in the largest sense, wherein the whole Party may (with the Army, &c.) associate themselves.
I pretend not to an infallibility in the interpretation of these words; but that they may do your Consciences no harm, I shall first tell you what we Grant, and secondly wherein we dissent from what doth seem to be here expressed and emplyed, and the reasons of this dissent shall be annexed.
1. We Grant that the Peoples Consent is ordinarily necessary to the constitution of the Government, and that their freedom is taken from them, when this is denied them.
2. We believe that notorious wickednesse, and divers particular crimes, may forfeit this Freedom as to particular persons: And if the design of this Honourable Writer were, that all Honest men indeed without partiality and division, might have the liberty of choosing and being chosen, and none shut out, but those that are proved to have forfeited their liberty; we should concurre with great alacrity and joy (so be it, that oppression make not those scruples or differences of judgment to seem a forfeiture of our liberty, which are not.)
3. We Grant that the Consciences of men are out of the reach of the Magistrates judgment; further then they are manifested by their Words or Deeds: And we grant that the Unity and Peace of the Church, must not be laid on lower Controversies, but on the Essentials of Religion, even of Faith and Communion: and that we must tolerate all tolerable differences among honest men: In well doing all men should be encouraged, In ill doing through mistakes, well meaning men must be tolerated, as far as Charity to Church and State, and to their own and others souls will bear it.
4. We believe that a Prudent Godly Magistracy, is so exceeding great a blessing to the Nation, (above any forms in wicked hands) that all lawfull means should be used to procure and secure it to us and our posterity.
But yet these following Propositions I shall manifest to be most certain truths.
Prop. 1. The free Choice of Parliament men was a thing that on all hands was granted to be our due, and therefore could not be the Cause of the Warre.
The King granted it; and all Parties in our latter Divisions do assert it: so that it cannot be the matter of any New Cause neither, because we know not of any Adversaries that it hath considerable among us, unlesse those that chose the Little-nominall Parliament. Indeed by the Disuse of Parliaments, our Rights were violated: but the Peoples Right to a free Choice was still acknowledged.
Prop. 2. That the People had right to choose a House of Commons, that should have the whole Soveraignty, or the whole Legislative Power, was none of the Old Cause.
For 1. No such thing was Asserted and Declared by the Parliament, when the Cause was stated, and the War begun. 2. They professed the contrary in their Declarations of the Cause, and in their Laws, which were Enacted by Authority of the King and Lords, as well as of the Commons. Read them, and this will be past all doubt. 3. And the Protestations and Covenant confirm it.
Prop. 3. It was none of the Old Cause, to assert any proper Soveraignty in the People, either as People, or as Godly People.
For 1. No such thing was declared. 2. The Soveraignty was stated elsewhere. 3. It was only the Rights and Liberties of the People, and not their Soveraignty that was Declared for.
Prop. 4. It was none of the Cause of our Warre, to change the Constitution of the Common wealth, into any other form than we found it in.
1. To assert, this were to lay all the guilt of the blood a… miseries of the Nation, undeservedly upon the Parliament, and to proclaim us all Rebels, that adhered to them. For it is past doubt, that the Soveraignty being mixt or distributed into the hands of King, Lords, and Commons, no part had Authority to change the Constitution. 2. On the contrary it was the Preserving of the Fundamentall Constitution that the Parliament Declared for. And particularly for the Person and Authority of the King, and for the Power and Priviledges of Parliaments, of which the Lords were part and Authors of those Declarations. It is therefore an injury of the highest Nature, against the Honour of the Parliament, the English Nation, and the Protestant Religion; if any should affirm that they raised a War to change the Government, and overthrow the Fundamentall Constitution, and that when they swore us to the contrary.
Prop. 5. The Remonstrance of the Kingdom; the Declaration of the Lords and Commons of Aug. 3. 1642. setting forth the Grounds and Reasons that necessitate them at this time to take up Defensive Arms for the Preservation of his Majesties Person, the maintenance of the true Religion, the Laws and Liberties of this Kingdom, and the Power and Priviledges of Parliament; also the Propositions and Orders of June 10. 1642. for brin…g in Money and Plate, &c. to maintain the Protestant Religion, the Kings Authority, his Person in his Royal dignity, the free Course of Justice, the Laws of the Land, the Peace of the Kingdom, and the Priviledges of Parliament against any force that shall oppose them: I say these Declarations, with two Protestations, and the solemn Vow and Covenant, do fully declare what was the Old Cause.
Though no man have more reason to know it then the Honourable Author of the Healing Question, yet no Evidences can so fully Declare it to us, as these Declarations and Protestations which were purposed to that use.
Prop. 6. It was none of the Old Cause that the People should have Liberty, and the Magistrate should have no Power in all matters of Gods Worship, Faith and Conscience.
The words of the Honourable Author I have recited before, without any exception, restriction, or limitation, that I can find, he expresly extendeth the Case to, [Matters of Religion, or that concern the Service and Worship of God,] p. 5. and to [matters of Faith and Conscience,] and [All matters of Gods Worship,] p. 6. of which he saith, We must give account of our selves unto God and Christ alone, and that [all Magistrates must fear and forbear intermedling with▪] Now that this discharging the Magistrate from his Duty, or this disabling him, or stating of his Power, and this extended Liberty in All matters of Worship, Faith, or Religion, was none of the Old Cause, nor is any Good Cause, I shall prove but briefly (yet sufficiently) here, as intending, if God will, a Treatise of that point alone.
But still remember that it is no Controversie among us, 1. Whether men should have liberty for True Religion, true Faith, and true Worship of God? For these should have more than Liberty. But whether, there should be Liberty for false Religion, false Faith, and false Worship, if the persons do but think them true? And whether the reason of this Liberty be, that the Magistrate hath not here to do? 2. Nor is it any Controversie among us, whether the Magistrate can judg of Inward Faith and Conscience immediately? or whether he should compell men to Believe? or yet to professe that they do believe when they do not? It is a work that is beyond his power to compell men to believe: else Charity would require him to do it. And we are far from thinking that he should compell them to lye and dissemble a Faith which they have not. But the Question is, Whether he may restrain them from publique practising false Worship, and propagating a false Faith or Infidelity, and from drawing others to their mind and way.
1. The toleration of Popery, by too much connivance, and the increase of Popery thereby, was one of the great offences and grievances that this (and former) Parliaments complained of and Declared against in their Remonstrances, therefore that Popery should be tolerated, or that none but Christ should judg men in all matters of Worship, or of Faith, was none of the Old Cause that was owned by that Parliament, but the clean contrary. It was liberty for Popery, that was their great offence.
2. The same Parliament made it the Old Cause, to Defend the Protestant Religion, against those that would undermine it by the foresaid encouragement of Popery: therefore they never made it the (Old Cause,) to disown their power in matters of Religion, and to give liberty for all Religions.
3. The said Parliament made it a part of their complaints, that the Masse was so openly permitted at the Queens Chappell, and so many permitted to come to it, therefore they took not liberty for the Masse, to be the Cause they fought for. I marvaile how it would have been interpreted, in the beginning or midst of the first War, if any in the Parliament had said, We fight for Liberty for the Mass, and to maintain that we have no power to hinder it, nor in any matters of Faith and Worship.
4. The same Parliament (that are the Judges of the Old Cause,) did put the Articles of Religion (and that not for an Universal Toleration, but for establishing the Protestant Cause) into all their Treaties with the King: and insisted on them above all: therefore they made it not their Cause to give liberty to the Mass, or to disclaim any power about the matters of Faith and Worship.
5. The same Parliament calling an Assembly of Divines, Authorized them but to Advise them, and that only about such matters as they should propose to them themselves: And they debated all that was propounded to them; and passed what they saw meet: therefore it was none of their Old Cause, that Magistrates have nothing to do in these things.
6. The same Parliament setled the Presbyterian Government by many Ordinances: therefore they thought they had power in such matters.
7. The same Parliament past an Ordinance against Heresies and Blaspheming; Enumerating divers that are against Faith and Worship: therefore it was none of their Old Cause to assert a liberty in such things, and to disclaim a power to restrain them.
8. The same Parliament made Laws against Popery, and put an Oath of Abjuration on them, and executed the Ancient Laws against them: therefore they did not fight for Liberty for the Mass.
9. The same Parliament made it their great Argument and Advantage against the King, that he favoured the Papists, and intended them a Toleration or Connivance: And on this supposition they had thousands that came in to fight for their Cause: therefore they made it not their Cause to fight for Liberty of all Religions, or of Popery alone.
10. The same Parliament solemnly swore themselves, and engaged the Nation in Protestations and a Covenant, to defend the Protestant Religion, and to endeavour the Reformation of Religion in Doctrine, Discipline, Worship, and Government, and to bring the Church in the three Kingdomes to the nearest Conjunction and Uniformity in Religion, Confession of Faith, &c. With much more that shews, that they made it not the cause of their War to prove that they had no power in these matters.
11. The same Parliament displaced many in the Universities, upon the account of matters of Religion, and they cast out abundance of Ministers upon the same account: therefore it was not the cause of their War to prove that they had no power in these things.
12. The same Parliament accused and condemned the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury for endeavouring to alter Religion, and introduce Popery by befriending it: And Windebanke and others were accused for befriending Priests and Jesuites: therefore they took it not to be a matter beyond their power or duty to meddle in these things, nor was liberty for Popery the Old Cause.
2. And as it is not the Old Cause, so it is not a Good Cause.
For 1. It contradicteth the expresse revelation of the will of God, in the holy Scriptures. Moses had to do in matters of Religion as a Magistrate; and so had the Ruling Elders of Israel that assisted him: And so had the Kings of Israel and Juda, as is well known. Insomuch that in Asa's daies they covenanted to put him to death that would not seek the Lord God of Israel. But of this more in due place.
2. It tendeth to the ruine of the Commonwealth: and therefore it is no good Cause. How God was provoked by Aarons Calf, and by his Sons, that offered strange fire which the Lord commanded not, Levit. 10. and what was the effect, and what benefit the Calves at Dan and Bethel brought to Israel and to Jereboams House, and the High places, and other errours about Worship, brought to the Princes and People of Juda, we need not particularly recite. Law and Providence are quite changed, if Toleration of false Worship and other abuses of Religion, tend not to the ruine of the Commonwealth.
3. That is no good Cause that vilifieth the Magistrate, and teacheth the People so to do, and sets up the Ministers of the Gospel above him, more than a Prince in worldly splendor is above a Slave. But such is the Cause that I am now opposing. The matters of Gods Worship, of Faith and Religion, are more above the matters of this world, than that comes to. If Magistrates be once taken to be such terrestriall Creatures, as that their businesse is only about these vile corporeall things, their office will be esteemed of, no better than the Object of it, or the work in which they are imployed.
4. The Decalogue was the Vitall part of the Jews Political Laws, and every Commandement of the first Table was seconded with a Penall Sanction: therefore these things belong to the Magistrate.
5. That is not the Good Cause that tendeth directly to the destruction of Faith and Piety, and the Everlasting damnation of mens souls: But such is this of Libertinism which we oppose: For, Popery, Mahometanism, In…idelity, and Heathenism, are the way to Damnation: But Liberty to preach up and to practice them, is the means to make men Papists, Mahometans, Infidels, and Heathens; therefore this Liberty is the way to mens damnation.
It's well known by experience, how ready the multitude of ignorant, unsetled and proud people are to be led into any damning course, if they be dealt with by men of voluble tongues, and that come with any advantages to deceive them. A man that will deny the life to come, or revile Christ and the Scripture, or teach men to worship Mahomet, or the Sunne and Moon, if he have liberty, and a plausible tongue, may look to have Disciples. The preaching of falsehood hath as true a tendency to damn men, as the preaching of truth hath to save them. None can be wicked against their wills: He that will bring men to damnation, must do it by deceiving them, and enticing them thither: They that most promote mens delusion in the matters of Faith and Holy practice, do most promote their damnation.
And how deadly an enemy contention is to charity and holy living, and how certainly the Liberty in question will kndle continual contentions, is a thing too evident to need proof.
6. That's not a good Cause that gratifieth Satan, and promoteth his Kingdom, and his malicious ends: But so doth the Liberty now in question: For it is his Liberty, to deceive by his Instruments, and so to damn as many as he can. When he is let loose to deceive them that dwell on the Earth, it is saddest with the Church; Satans Liberty to deceive, is not the Churches Liberty, nor purchased by Christ for us, but is a heavy judgment. As Christ teacheth and saveth by his Ministers and Doctrine, and hath liberty when his Word doth run and hath its liberty; so Satan teacheth and destroyeth by his Instruments and Doctrine, and hath liberty when they have liberty.
7. We must pray for our selves and others, that [we be not led into temptation:] Therefore it is not a good Cause to let loose Tempters by a Law, or to permit men to exercise their wit and eloquence and other faculties, to draw as many as they can to sinne; even to those sinnes that have the strongest tendency to perdition.
8. If Magistrates must give Liberty for all to propogate a false Religion, then so must Parents and Masters also: (For their coercive Power is rather lesse then the Magistrates then more; and they are no more Lords of Faith or Conscience.) But if all Parents and Masters should give such liberty, it would be a crime so horrid in the nature and effects, as I am loath to name with its proper titles.
9. A Pari: It tendeth to the destruction of an Army, to give liberty to all men to do their worst to draw them to Mutinies and Rebellion: duplicate page duplicate page It tends to the ruine of Families, that all have liberty to do their worst to tempt the Sonnes to theft and drunkennesse, and the Wife and Daughters to whoredome: It tends to the destruction of the Commonwealth, if there be liberty for all to perswade the people to sedition and Rebellion: And therefore it must tend to the destruction of the Church, and of mens Souls, and consequently of the Commonwealth in the chief respects, if all have leave to do their worst to preach up Infidelity, Mahometanisme, Popery, or any false Doctrine or Worship, against the great and necessary Truths.
10. The particular Churches by the Power that Christ hath given them in the Gospel, may judg men for Heresie and false worship; and must not give such liberty. Tit. 3. 10, 11. A man that is an Heretick, after the first and second admonition reject: Knowing that he that is such, is subverted, and sinneth, being condemned of himself. 2 Joh. 10. If there come any to you, and bring not this Doctrine, receive him not into your house, neither bid him, God speed: For he that biddeth him God speed, is partaker of his evil deeds. Rev. 2. 14, 15, 20. But I have a few things against thee, because thou hast there them that hold the Doctrine of Balaam—So hast thou also them that hold the Doctrine of the Nicolaitans, which thing I hate—Because thou sufferest that woman Jezabel, which calleth her self a Prophetesse, to teach and to seduce my Servants, to commit fornication, and to eat things offered to Idols. Elymas was struck blind for resisting the Gospel; and this (though miraculously) by the Ministry of the Apostle. Ananias and Saphira were slain for thinking to deceive the Holy Ghost. Simon Magus feared such a judgment for such another sinne: Paul wisht them cut off that troubled the Galatians. He delivered Blasphemers up to Satan. All this shews that it is not true, that Christ only is to judge such Errours, or that we are to give account to him alone. (And if Pastors may judge them as to non-communion, Magistrates may judge them as to a necessary restraint.)
Hence also it is apparent, that Pauls words Rom. 14. Who art thou that judgest thy Brother, &c. are nothing for this Libertinisme, or debasing of the Magistrate: For he speaketh not to them that call'd their Brethren to the Magistrates Barre, but to them that censured them in their own minds, or in the Church by too ri…us uncharitable censures: And yet nothi…g is more apparent then that Paul did severely censure greater errours in Faith and Worship himself, as the forementioned passages bear witnesse: He calls the Judaizers, dogs, evil workers, of the concision, &c. The whole context shews, that in Rom. 14, and 15. it is about smaller matters, yea things in themselves indifferent, that Paul doth condemn the censuring of our Brethren, either by mental or Church-censure, which is nothing to the subversion of mens Faith, by damning Heresies, or to false Worship in the great substantial Points.
Object. But he that saith, that we must give account to Christ alone, excludeth not the Church, but only the Magistrate: For Christ judgeth by the Church, and they are subordinate to him.
Answ. 1. It is expressly [the judgment seats of men] that by the Authour is contradistinguished to the judgment of Christ: And the Church, both Pastours and People are men, as well as the Magistrate. 2. The Magistrate also is the Minister of the Lord, Rom. 13. and what he doth rightly is owned by the Lord, and he is subordinate to Christ in his place, as well as Ministers are in theirs.
11. The honourable Author tell us Pag. 21. that [the desired and expected end of this blessed work in the three Nations, is the bring… in Christ, the desire of Nations as the chief …er among us.] Yea Pag. 19. That the choice of persons bearing his Image into the Magistracy, may produce to the setting up of the Lord himself, and chief Judge and Lawgiver among us.] Now either he meaneth that Christ immediately by himself shall be the Judge, or mediately by his Officers The first cannot be his sense, as I have many reasons to believe. And if it be Christ by his Officers, then either by Civil Officers, or Church-Officers. The first cannot rationally be judged to be his sense: For a Holy Magistrate is supposed to be the Means to bring in Christ as Judge: and the Means and End are not the same. And if it be the Government of Christs by Church-Officers, that is intended, I know not in particular what is intended. For if neither the Government by Bishops, Presbyters, People, or all conjunct, or any that we have had in England, be the Government of Christ, I know not what Government by man we can expect that is truly his: And therefore if we have not the Government of Christ already, I despair of having it (Though I hope we may have it better exercised by his Officers.) For I dare confidently say, that the Government by the Romane Vice-Christ, is none of the Government of Christ that we should hope for, and that I have proved it.
But this is my Argument: If the Legislation and Judgment by Jesus Christ among us be the End that our Government should aim at, then the liberty in all matters of Worship, and of Faith, is not the Good Cause; for this is against, and most inconsistent with this Government of Christ. I appeal to Reason, whether to give men liberty to preach down Christ as a deceiver, to preach up Mahomet, to worship the Sun or Moon, to deny the Resurrection, or perswade men that there is no life but this, no Heaven or Hell, and to cry down Scripture and a holy life, and all actual worship of God, &c. I say, whether liberty for these (yea or the Masse alone) be liker to be the Government of Jesus Christ, or conducing to it, then is the restraint of all this Infidelity and impiety? Doth Christ rule more when all we have leave to spit at his Name, and call him Beelzebub, and to deny his Faith and Worship, then where none are suffered to do this? This will be believed but by few that consider of it. At least when a Christian that's now deluded with the specious name of Religious Liberty, should see the practice, and hear his Saviour reviled by the Jews, and the Mahometans, and the wicked heardened in their sinne, by being told that there is no life but this, it would make his heart to turn and tremble, and then he would say, that this Liberty signifieth the Reign of Satan, and not of Christ; and that it is the loosing of the Dragon, and not the liberty of the Saints. It's an unholy Saint that would have liberty to reproach his Lord, or deny the Faith, or any Essential Article of it, or to speak against his holy Worship.
12. Liberty in all matters of Worship and of Faith, is the open and apparent way to set up Popery in the Land: Therefore it is not the Good Cause.
The Antecedent hath such evidence, that it would be injurious to a wise mans understanding, to suppose that he doth not see it (that Popery were thus likely to be set up.) And he that seeth it, and yet would effect it.—
Consider 1. How sutable Popery is to a carnal inclination, (as I have manifested elsewhere.) 2. What plausible Reasons Papists have to delude poor souls, from pretended Universality, Antiquity, &c. 3. And how few of the vulgar are able to defend their Faith, or to answer the two great Sophisticall Questions of the Papist, Where hath your Church been Visible in all Ages? and, How prove you the Scripture to be the Word of God? 4. And how it will take with the People to be told that their Fore-fathers all died in the Romane Faith. 5. And above all, what a multitude of Jesuites, Fryers, and Priests can they prepare for the work, and pour out upon us at their pleasure, from Flanders, France, Rome, and other places. And how these men are purposely trained up for this deceiving work, and have their common Arguments at their fingers ends; which though they are thredbare and transparent fallicies to the wise, yet to the vulgar, yea to our unstudyed Gentry, they are as good as if they had never been confuted, or as the best. 6. And what a world of wealth and secular help is at their becks in France, Flanders, Italy, Spain, Germany, &c. They have Millions of Gold, and Navies and Armies ready to promote their work, which other Sects have none of. 7. And what worldly Motives have their Priests and Fryers to promote their zeal? Their superiours have such variety of Preferments, and ample Treasures to reward them with, and their single life alloweth them so much vacancy from Domestick avocations, and withall, they so much glory in a Pharisaicall zeal in compassing Sea and Land to make Proselytes, that it is an incredible advantage that they get by their industry: the envious man by them being sowing his tares, whilest others sleep, and are not half so industrious in resisting them.
8. What abundance have they lately won in England, notwithstanding they have wanted publique liberty, and have only taken secret opportunities to seduce? Persons of the Nobility, Gentry, and of the Clergy, as well as of the common people, and zealous Professors of Religion of late, as well as the prophane have been seduced by them. Princes in other Countries have been wonne by them; and the Protestant Religion cunningly workt out: And what a lamentable encrease they had made in England before our Warres, by that connivance and favour which through the Queen was procured them, (though incomparably short of this absolute Liberty) is sufficiently known.
9. And it is not the least of our danger, that the most of our Ministers are unable to deal with a cunning Jesuite or Priest: And this is not to be wondered at; considering how manay of them are very young men, put in of late in the necessity of the Churches (which the world knows who have caused) and there must be time, before young men can grow to maturity, and an unfurnished Nation can be provided with able experienced men; And the cessation of Popish assaults of late, hath disused Ministers from those Disputations: The Reformation seemed to have brought down Popery so low, that we grew secure, and thought there was no danger of it: And the Papists of late have forborn much to meddle with us bare-fac'd, and have plaid their game under the vizor of other Sects; and withall young godly Ministers have been so taken up with the greater work of winning souls from common prophanenesse, that most have laid by their Defensive Arms, and are grown too much unacquainted with these Controversies. We have so much noted how Controversie in other Countries hath eaten out much of the Power of Godlinesse, that we have fallen by disuse into an unacquaintednesse with the means of our necessary Defence; and while we thought we might lay by our weapons, and build with both hands, we are too much unready to withstand the adversary. Alas, what work would Liberty for Jesuites and Fryers, make in our Congregations in a few Moneths space! I must confess this, though some will think it is our dishonour. It is not from any strength in their Cause (for they argue against common sense it self;) but from their carnal advantages, and our disadvantages fore-mentioned. It's easier to pull down then build; and to set a Town on fire than to re-edifie one House; and to wound than to heal.
10. And then if Popery should come in, what measure Protestants may look for at their hands, we need not go out of England and Ireland for proof.
I leave it t…refore to the Judgment of all men that are not fast asleep in their security, and utterly unacquainted with the advantages of the Papists, Whether this Designe of Engaging the Magistrates by a Fundamental Constitution, not to meddle with Matters of Faith and Worship, but leave them all to Christ alone, be not the present setting up of Popery in England; and the delivering all the fruit of our Labours, Prayers and Victories into the Papists hands?
And I would be resolved, Whether he that is not wise enough to know this? Or, He that knoweth it, and yet would do it? Be either of them desirable Rulers for this Commonwealth?
Obj. But Liberty for Popery and Prelacy … still excepted.
Answ. By whom? Not by the Honourable Answerer of the Healing Question. Clean contrary, it is [Matters of Religion, or that concerns the Service and Worship of God, yea All matters of Gods Worship, &c.] without any such exceptions at all. And if all Worship be out of the Magistrates reach, than so is the Masse, and the preaching for it. And if all Matters of Faith, then the Papists Faith.
But if there had been an exception against Popery put in, it would have bee… to little purpose, as long as a general Rule is laid down that condemneth that exception. For if it be the standing Rule, that matters of Religion and Faith, and all matters of Worship are out of the Magistrates power: To say then, that Popery shall be excepted from Liberty, is to say, The Magistrate shall [intrude into the proper Office of Christ] (as the Honourable Author speaks, pag. 6.) to restrain the Papists. The unreasonablenesse of this will quickly procure a repeal. And how can such a Senate deny the Papists Liberty, when they plead their own Principles, yea their Fundamental Constitution for it? It's past doubt this Doctrine delivereth up England to the Pope: I know Infidels, and also many tolerable Sects are all at work as well as Papists: But Infidels go against so much, so clear prevailing light, and make such a horrid motion to mens souls, and the tolerable Sects are broken into so many parts, and withall would use us tolerably, if they should prevail, and all of them are void of those Magazines of Learned men, and Money, and Arms, and Power at their backs, which the Papists have, that it's easie to see that the Papists (yet smiling on the Infidel) would swallow up all. I am past doubt that I shall offend by these expressions. But if it were my own case, I should hardly yeeld to die, lest my friend would take it unkindly, if I resisted him, that would amicably deprive me of my life. And should I silently see the Nation and Churches here undone, lest I give offence, when the matter is of greater consequence than ten thousand lives?
So much to the Old Cause: now of the Persons.
Prop. 7. It is not the Party that hath owned, and now owneth the fore-described Cause, that have the Right of being free Citizens, or of Composing the Commonwealth, or of Governing or choosing Governours, any more than those that own it not: Nor is any man to be divested of this Right, for not owning this Cause: And should that Party only take themselves for the free Electors of our Parliament, and divest all others of their freedom, it would be one of the most tyrannical, impious, perfidious acts, that History ever revealed to the world, and would prepare for the perpetuall shame of the Agents (to say nothing of the misery of their souls.)
I prove it. 1. Falshood and wickednesse can give none a right to Chuse, or to Govern, nor can the want of it prove men void of that Right: But the Cause here described is false an… wicked: The first branch of it [That the People have the natural proper Soveraignty.] I have proved false in this Book: But yet I insist not so much on this, 1. Because it is but [Liberty of choice] which we all maintain, that some men miscall by the name of [Soveraignty.] But for those that mean ill, as well as speak ill, their opinion subverteth the foundations of Government.
And the other part of the Cause [the Universal Liberty in matters of Faith and Worship, and the nullity of the Duty and Power of the Magistrate herein] I have proved it (and hope to do more fully) to be a wicked Cause. And if none shall have Power or Liberty in the Commonwealth, but those that own such a wicked Cause, let the world judge on what grounds you go, and what kind of Commonwealth we shall have constituted.
2. By this Rule (of confining Power and Liberty to the owners of the fore-described Cause) the Old Parliament must be excluded from all Power and Liberty, and so made slaves: For they fully signified their Judgment to be against it: Not only in all the forementioned waies and acts, but also by Acts or Ordinances aginst prophane Swearing, and for the holy Observation of the Lords Day, and divers the like about Religion.
3. And all the Parliaments that have been ever since (that which the people chose not, I call not a Parliament:) have all discovered their Judgments against this Cause.
4. So did the old Lord Protector (or General, which you will) in his time.
5. So did all the Parliaments in King James and the beginning of King Charles his time, that made such ado against the connivance at, and encrease of Popery and Arminianism (a… you may see in Mr. Rushworths Collections:) And were none of these fit to be exempted from slavery, and to be free men in a Commonwealth?
6. This very Parliament as it was before its dissolution, declared themselves of another mind, and medled with matters of Religion and Worship, as in many instances I can quickly prove.
7. The Army according to this Rule, must be enslaved, and deprived of Liberty and Power. For they have more than once declared themselves against this Universal Liberty in Religion. First in their Agreement of the People, and then in the Instrument of Government; and now in their Proposals to this Parliament, they exclude from Liberty, Popery, and Prelacy, and all that profess not Faith in God by Jesus Christ, or in the Trinity; and that professe not to believe the holy Scriptures. And if the Army also must be denied Liberty, who shall have it? when yet you describe the good Party by their adhering to the Army? Even in this cause, which the Army was against? They were indeed for too much Liberty, but not for such a Liberty as this.
8. The same I may say of all those Judges and Citizens of London, and other persons of quality, that owned the Instrument of Government.
9. Yea, I may boldly say, That it is the farre greatest part of the godly in the Land that must be disfranchized by this Rule: For the far greatest part of them abhorre the thoughts of Liberty for the Masse, and for preaching up Popery, Mahometanism or Infidelity: Most of them desired the Acts for the Lords Day, which sheweth that they are for no such Liberty.
10. And if it were a just and pious opinion, yet there is nothing in it, that our Liberties should lie upon. If men have a natural Right to their Liberties, as you intimate; how can it be proved that this Right is lost to all that do not thus debase the Magistrate, and are not for such extended Liberty? We may differ much more than this I hope, without forfeiting our Civil Liberties. Good men are as lyable to differ in judgment about a point in Politicks (which is little studied by them) as of Religion: And in Religion it self, if other differences deprive us not of Liberty, why should this only be thought sufficient. If one that believeth not a life to come, may have Liberty, why may not one who thinks that such should not be tolerated to propagate their unbelief? Are those uncapable of Liberty in England, that have Liberty in all other Christian Commonwealths? And are those uncapable of Liberty in England now, under the intended Commonwealth, that have hitherto enjoyed it, and constituted the Commonwealth? We shall then see how Liberty is promoted.
Prop. 8. Conquest doth give neither the Army, nor the friends of the fore-described Cause, any Soveraignty, or Right to deprive us of our Liberty that disowns that Cause, or any Right to Rule us, or to Resist our Rulers.
I prove it thus: 1. They fought and conquered but in the capacity of Subjects; and therefore could win no more then the Rights of Subjects to themselves. They fought not for Soveraignty to themselves, therefore they won no Soveraignty to themselves. I suppose they will not say, they fought for it; nor for more than the Securing and Improving of the Rights and Liberties which they had before.
2. What Armies win (beside their pay and lawfull prize) they win for their lawfull Governours, under whose Authority they fight, and not for themselves. If Towns and Castles won by Warre be not the Armies, but the Civil Powers under whom they serve, much lesse is Soveraignty theirs by Conquest. If any could win it by Conquest it was the Parliament, to whom the Souldiers did professe subjection.
3. The Parliament that had a part in the Soveraignty were not (justly) conquered by the Army: Therefore the Soveraignty could not be won from them by the Conquest. For the Parliament had no Warre with the Army, or none wherein the Army could have a just Cause and pretence of Conquest.
4. It is the Peoples Right to choose their Governours.
But the People of England (besides the Cavaliers) were not conquered by the Army: Therefore they have not lost their Right by being conquered, nor can be denied the exercise of it, nor can any pretend a Power of Ruling them by Conquest without their choice.
1. That we are not conquered by the Army is plain, in that we never fought against them, and therefore could not be conquered by them.
2. In that many of us fought for our Liberties as well as they.
Obj. But the Army were not Mercenary Souldiers, and therefore are not tied to the Laws of such.
Answ. Either the meaning is, that they never took pay, or else that they made not their pay their ultimate end. The first will not be said or believed. The second is a secret of the Heart: but charity binds us to believe it to be true: For it is a hard Question, Whether such a mercenary Souldier that kills men meerly for eight pence, or two shillings six pence a day (or more) be not as bad as a Cannibal, that killeth them to eat. Sure we are he is unworthy the name of a Christian, if not of a man. And it's no good consequence, that men have acquired Soveraignty, or a Right to Resist the Soveraign, because they were not so inhumane. And yet none can speak such things certainly of any but himself, because we know not the hearts of others.
2. But still they fought as Subjects, though not as such Mercenary Souldiers; and therefore as Subjects they were bound to continue in Obedience for conscience sake.
5. If Conquest be a Title either to Rule, or risist Rulers, then it is either the General only, or the Army under him that hath won to themselves this Right. If the General only, then the Army are nevertheless Subjects still: If to the Army, then either to the Officers only, or to the common Souldiers. To the Officers only it cannot be; for the same reason that will put by the General from that Soveraign or Right, will put by them. And if it did not, how should we know whether it were All the Officers, or which of them? If it be the common Souldiers that have won the Soveraignty, and so it is in the Major Vote, why then do the Officers presume to command them? Yea then they must be Ruled by them, as their Supream Governours.
6. If Conquest were a Title to Soveraignty it would belong to all that conquered: And I doubt not but there are ten, if not twenty Souldiers in the Countrey that have laid down Arms since the enemy was conquered, for one that is yet remaining in the Army that had a part in that Conquest.
7. If Conquest were such a Title, I have reason to believe that it is but a small part of the Army comparatively that have that Title, as being not in the Army at the Conquest: I believe that most of them are since come in, or very many at least.
8. You say that the Good People not in Arms, owning the same Cause, have the same Right: Therefore it is not meerly by Conquest. For they conquered not so much as we that continued in the Army, till the first Warre was ended.
9. The present Officers at this last Change were not all of a mind, that yet had an equal hand in Conquest. And how comes an Opinion to make one part of the Conquerours to be the Rulers of the rest?
10. If Conquest gave the Army Power to Rule or Resist, then it seems they had just Power to put out this Parliament when they did it, and may do so again, if they think it best: And may they do so by all future Parliaments in their time, or not? If not, how come they to have more Power over that Parliament which they served under, than over others? If they have such Power over all, then why do they not tell us so, and exercise the Government themselves.
In a word, here is no room for any rational plea for a Right of Soveraignty by Conquest. And if there were, it would be in the Majority of the Conquerours, that are not in the Army. And if there be no Right of Soveraignty, there must be Subjection, and no more Right of Resisting than other Subjects have. And if it be confined to the owners of the fore-described Cause, then the Army is excluded, that hath disowned that Cause: Or if they did own it, it seems they would lose their Power, when ever they should change their opinion.
Teach not all Armies (that say they have higher ends than money) to take themselves for the Conquerours of their Soveraigns: And teach not future Parliaments that Doctrine, lest they choose a cheaper slavery from the enemy, rather than the raising of an Army to depose themselves.
In all this, I pretend not that the Honourable Authour is any further against my Propositions, than his plain expressions satisfie the Reader: For I am not sure in this point of Conquest that I well understand him.
But I may safely conclude, That they that go against [the Laws and Constitutions of Government] and take [Successe and Conquest for their Law] and [their military capacity for their utmost and last reserve, in case all other fail,] (as he speaks, pag. 9.) have a lamentable Cause, and setting their wisdome against the Lords, and making their conceits or interest their Law, do fall under the terrible Threatnings of the Word, against the Resisters of Authority.
Prop. 9. They that pretend [the inward warrant of Justice and Righteousnesse] (as he speaketh pag. 9.) and [the inward reason and spirit of Government] for the violation of Laws or Constitutions, or Resisting of Authority, as being above [the Letter, Form, outward circumstances, and empty shadows] do reject the Government of the Lord, and become their own Governours.]
Reason 1. The Rule of Righteousnesse is without us in the Laws; and there can be no such thing as an Inward Righteousnesse, which is contrary to that outward Law, the Rule of Righteousnesse. There can be no such thing as an inward Righteousnesse, that is not conformed to the Rule of Righteousnesse, because that conformity is its essential form.
2. If it be the Intention of a good end, that is here meant by the Inward Reason and spirit of Government] it's commonly known that the means must be good as well as the end; and that a Good end will not justifie bad means.
3. Were it the proper sense of the Law that is called [the reason and spirit of it] that's distinguished from the Letter, we should all acknowledge, that the sense is the Law, and the Letter is but to signifie the sense or matter: So that all would not have failed, to cast them on their military capacity as a last reserve.
4. We all confesse that there are cases in which the Law of God may nullifie contradicting Laws of men, and the end being of Gods appointment, and the means but of mans, or else but of Positive institution, when the means ceaseth to be a means, and is inconsistent with the end, it may cease to be a duty. But 1. That will not allow men to set up means of their own, forbidden by God, and to do evil that good may come by it. 2. And I have proved that it must be a greater necessity than any could be here pretended. As it is dangerous pretending a Necessity of Violating other Laws as in the Letter; and to murder, commit adultery, steal, bear false witnesse, upon that pretence; so it is dangerous as to dishonour our Natural or Civil Father, or Resist them, much more to depose them, on such a pretence, where there is not indeed a warranting necessity.
I long thought that the too easie pleading the Reason and spirit of Gods Laws and Ordinances of Worship against the Letter and Form, would grow to the like usage of Magistracy and mans Laws. But what God hath joyned, no man should seperate. As the Body may be kept under, and used as a servant to the soul, when yet to seperate them is self-murder; and as the outward Ordinances of Worship must be used in a subserviency to the internal graces of the Spirit; but not be cast off on supposition that they are hinderances: So Magistrates and their Laws must be obeyed in a subordination to God and his Laws; but not cast off, resisted, or deposed, without and against the Authority of the Universal Soveraign.
But if all this were otherwise, yet the owners of the fore-described (evil) Cause, have nothing from the Spirit and Reason of Government, against them that have the Wisdom and Honesty to disown it.
Yea, if men should really do good to a Nation by such unwarrantable Resistance, it will not justifie them from the guilt of the sinne.
Prop. 10. For all this the Honourable Author doth assert, (pag. 10.) That [unto the wisdom of the Laws and Orders of the Soveraign Judicature, the Sword is to become most entirely subject and subservient:] Therefore so should your Sword have been to the Parliament that was violated.
They are no small fruits that would be procured by your conviction, if these evident Reasons might prevail for your Repentance.
1. Your souls would be saved from the guilt.
2. Thousands may be saved from making the sinne their own by an after-consent or approbation.
3. You will stop here, and go on no further, and no longer keep out so many faithfull Members, under the name of the corrupt Majority. And when we are set in joynt again, by your Restitution to your Subjection and Integrity, and our Rulers Restitution to their Power and Trust, and the Peoples Restitution to their Rights and Liberties, our Peace and safety will be Restored.
As I was concluding, I received two Writings: One by Mr. Harrington, expressing his just indignation against an Oligarchy, or the setting up of a self-conceited Party, in stead of a true Commonwealth. The other to Mr. Harrington in a Letter (of the same style with the Answer to the Healing Question) pleading for the Godly's Interest, and a Senate to have the Proposing and Executive Power. I leave it to the Reader, whether the way I here hold be not the true Mean between the extreams? That All be acknowledged free Citizens, that subject themselves to God in Christ, and to the true Soveraign Power: yet so as that wickednesse forfeit their Liberty.
And we must earnestly crave, that the Godly Party may not be defined by the fore-mentioned points of the ill Cause (Popular Soveraignty, and common Liberty in all matters of Worship, and of Faith, as things without the reach of Magistrates.) The lesse Humility, the lesse Godlinesse: But how little Humility have they that take all to be ungodly through the Land, that agree not with them in this bad opinion? It is [the whole Party of Honest men] that the Authour of the Healing Question would have one civil Incorporation, pag. 11. where he shews the danger to [the Army and their Governours, that may come by setting and keeping up themselves in a divided interest from the rest of the Body of Honest men.] But he that can confine the whole body of honest men, to so narrow a room as the Owners of the aforesaid Cause, will give away one of his best Arguments (his Charity) by which he should prove himself an Honest man.
And we as earnestly crave, that neither such a Senate, nor any other new form of Government, be imposed on the Nation or set up without their free consent.
And if these just demands should be denied us, and we should be unrighteously enslaved by our Brethren, we Appeal to the Justice of the most righteous God.
The snare is here laid so open to our eyes (even the Design to set up a party over us, that by a Fundamental Constitution shall be engaged to debase the Magistracy, and let in Popery and Impiety upon the Land,) that nothing but force can procure the Body of the Nation to Consent. If ever so vile a thing be done, and the name of Liberty or Commonwealth, be used as a scorn to an enslaved Peace, the Lord be Judge between us and our Oppressours.