A True Relation of the Battle and Newbury, Text
A TRVE RELATION, OF THE MOST Chiefe Occurrences, at, and ſince the late Battell at Newbery, untill the disjunction of the three Armies, of the Lord Generall, the Earle of Mancheſter, and Sir William Waller, together with the London Brigade, under the Command of Sir Iames Harrington.
Publiſhed upon neceſſity, both to undeceive the miſtaken multitude, and to vindicate the Earle of MANCHESTER, From many undeſerved aſperſions commonly caſt upon him, either through ignorance or prejudice.
Penned by SIMEON ASH, Who as his Chaplaine did waite upon his Lordſhip, in the Weſterne Expedition.
PROV. 18, 17. He that is first in his own cauſe, ſeemeth juſt, but his neighbour commeth and ſearcheth him.
PROV. 19.21. There are many devicees in the heart of a man, nevertheleſſe, the counſell of the Lord, that ſhall ſtand.
LONDON, Printed by G. M. for Edward Brewſter at the Signe of the Bible at Fleete-Bridge, M.DC.XLIV.
A true Relation of the moſt chiefe Occurrences, at, and ſince the late Battell at Newbery, untill the disjunction of the three Armies of the Lord Generall, the Earle of Mancheſter, and Sir William Waller, &c.
NOt only importunity from friends, but neceſſity in regard of others of various wayes and ſpirits, doth compell me to give in a true Narrative according to my knowledge and beſt intelligence, concerning the proceedings of the three Armies conjoyned (vid. the Lord Generals, my Lord of Mancheſters, and Sir William Wallers) both when the Battell was fought at Newbery, and ſince the Enemies retreat from thence. For not only the reports of many, but alſo a Letter ſent unto me, doe ſuggeſt; that my ſilence, now, when my teſtimony may doe good ſervice, doth give occaſion both to my Noble Lords foes and friends, to ſuſpect his faultineſſe (if not unfaithfullneſſe) in a great meaſure; becauſe heretofore I openly appeared in relating his actions in the North, when there was no need to vindicate his reputation; but now I am mute, when his fidelity to Church and Common-wealth is queſtioned, and when he is cenſured, yea clamoured againſt, as the only blame-worthy cauſe of the diſappointments lately in the Weſt. For my ſilence hitherto, I can make this juſt apologie. 1. In regard of the daily intelligence, which went from the Army to London, either by Poſt or otherwiſe, I conceived it not neceſſary, or much uſefull for me to be a weekely Intelligencer to my friends in the City, as when the Army lay before York. 2. Neither was I altogether ſilent, when I eſpied occaſion and a call to ſpeake: For within few dayes after the releeving of Dennington Caſtle, when I underſtood what clamours and cenſures were in London, through the miſreport and miſtake of our actions, I gave a ſhort and true Relation of our Occurrences, for the ſatisfaction of private friends, which Relation, was the ſumme of that which I ſhall now report: and at that time I was very farre from imagining, that my Lord, the Earle of Manchester, would by any Officer of the Army, be accuſed, as leſſe faithfull, or leſſe carefull then others, in promoting the Kingdomes good. 3. Since the Accuſation charged upon my Lord, in the Honourable Houſe of Commons, I have held my tongue, leſt I ſhould incurre diſpleaſure, by ſeeming pragmaticall, in intermedling in a buſineſſe, committed by them to examination, with expectation of a report. But now hearing, that the buſineſſe there is ſuſpended (ſome ſay ſilenced) and knowing that the lowd cryes of people, either ignorant, or diſaffected to my Lords credit, doe ſound farre and neare, to his diſhonour, I have reſorved to take the boldneſſe, to repreſent what I know, both to vindicate my Noble Lords honour, and to undeceive them (if my teſtimony may be of any credit) who are too apt and eaſie to beleeve calumnies caſt upon well-deſerving men, wanting patience to waite for truths diſcovery, by a full and impartiall triall; which in this buſineſſe, cannot be more earneſtly deſired by any: then it is by my Lord himſelfe, and by his beſt friends.
I wiſh that theſe things may be premiſed, which I ſuppoſe cannot with any colour of truth be contradicted. 1. That no motion, no march, no ſervice of the three Armies after their firſt conjunction, was made or undertaken, but according to the reluſt of the Councell of Warre. 2. That the Earle of Mancheſter, never aſſumed to himſelfe, to be accounted or obſerved, as Commander in Chiefe, but alwayes voted, as one that had but equall authority with the reſt, and acted accordingly in obſervation of the orders, concluded by common Councell. 3. That he often profeſſed unto the chiefe Commanders; that becauſe himſelfe was no experienced Souldier, therefore he would rather be guided, then guide; rather be acted by their counſels, then act on either himſelfe or them, according to his own private thoughts.
Upon Friday Octob. 25. we hoped (from the newes brought in by our Scouts) the day following, to fight with the Enemy; but the next morning drawing up our whole body, we found that the Enemies had in ſuch ſort blockt up the way to Newbery by many works, that our hopes of engageing with them were diſappointed. Hereupon it was reſolved at a Councell of Warre, that to force the Enemy to fight, our Forces ſhould in this manner be divided, (vid.) All my Lord Generals Horſe and Foote, the greateſt part of my Lord of Mancheſters Horſe, and almoſt all the Forces under the Command of Sir William Waller and Sir Arthur Heiſlerig, together with the London Brigade, did march to Speene hill: But the Earle of Mancheſter; Foot, with a ſmall body of Horſe, was left in the field on this ſide Shaw (a little village) neare to Mr Dolmans houſe, which was poſſeſſed and fortified by the Enemy. When the Army was thus divided, this order was left with my Lord of Mancheſter; that ſo ſoone as he heard of the engagement of our Friends on Spcene hill (by the diſcharging of the Canon) he ſhould fall on the Enemy on this ſide the River, that he might divert the ſtrength of the battell, from them there.
I will forbeare here, to relate the hardſhip which both parts of our Army met with, that night; becauſe that would be a digreſſion not to my purpoſe.
On Sabbath day morning early, my Lord of Manchester, with the Forces remaining under his command, were in readineſſe to aſſault the Enemy, expecting from hower to hower, to heare of the engagement at Speene hill: And here to witneſſe the Earle of Mancheſters willingneſſe to fight with the Enemy, let this be noted, which is a known truth (vid.) that in the morning, he commanded a party of about 400 Musketeeres to fall on, over the little River, on the left hand of Shaw, that he might ſoon enough divert the enemies ſtrength from Speene hill: This party of ours, tooke two of the Enemies workes, one Captaine, and ſeverall priſoners; but marching too farre, contrary to order, they were beaten back with ſome loſſe; by this ſervice, the greateſt part of the Kings Foot was drawne towards us, and ſo the worke to which we were deſigned, was accompliſhed long before our friends on Speene hill did engage. In this place, I might take occaſion truly to report, the great paines which my Lord Mancheſter tooke from morning till evening, often expoſing himſelfe to very much danger (the Enemies Drakes playing frequently upon us) in riding from Regiment to Regiment, to encourage the Souldiers, and to keep them in due order, fit for that ſervice which every moment almoſt was expected: but there are many hundreds, I might ſay, divers thouſands, who can tell the truth hereof, which proves, that my Lord was not ſo backward to fight, and ſo regardleſſe of the Kingdomes ſervice that day, as many would have the world to believe. About 4 a clock (as was gueſſed) we heard the Canon begin to play on Speene hill, at which time, my Lord commanded 2 Drakes to be drawne forth (though our Canon hitherto had not beene altogether idle) and to be planted in a convenient place to doe ſervice againſt the Enemy at Dolmans houſe, and to make way for the falling on of our Foot there, according to the order given, when our Army divided. Thoſe Drakes did good execution upon the Enemy divers times, forcing their retreat to their works about the houſe. Now we ſaw the fieting of the Muskitieres on Speene hill, which diſcovered the ſervice there to be very hot; and not long after, with joy and thankfulneſſe, we beheld the haſty, diſorderly retreat of the Enemy towards Newbery, wondering that our party did not purſue the victory. It is beſides my intention in this Relation, to report the poſture of our Army on Speene hill, or to give by a full report, the due praiſe to my Lord Generals Foot and others, who then and there, did excellent and praiſeworthy ſervice: Neither indeed, need I, to beſtow words hereon, becauſe the world hath been acquainted with theſe things heretofore. But my Lord of Mancheſters Horſe, commanded by Liev. Col. Cromwell (from whom very much was expected) did little ſervice, gained no honour in this worke this day. For my part, I know not whom to blame, I will aſperſe no man, but leave it to their judgement, who were on the ground, to judge who were blame-worthy, in being backward to purſue that happy opportunity, upon the flying, fainting Enemy. Notwithſtanding, let me here tell you, what many ſpeake; That it my Lord of Mancheſter had now been in his own perſon, at the Head of his body of Horſe, this neglect would have been charged home upon him, and concluſions would hence, confidently and clamorouſly have been inferred, that my Lord of Mancheſter was unwilling to bring the Kings Army too low, otherwiſe, now the woefull waſting warres, might in all probability have been fully well ended.
But to return unto my work. You muſt not imagine that my Lord of Manchesters Foot were all this while idle ſpectators on this ſide the River (although as I told you before, the Enemies beſt Foot were diverted from Speen hill, which might have extenuated the ſeeming fault of ſome delayes) for while our Drakes (before mentiond) were at work, a commanded party of 500 Muskiteers was drawn forth as a Forelorn-hope, to aſſault the Enemy, who being ſeconded with the ſeveral Brigades of Foot, continued in hot ſervice, until for want of day light to direct, our Souldiers wounded & killed one another. The undaunted valour of our Foot was admirable, they were indeed too forward too adventurous, overrunning their commands, unwilling to be called off. And here this is notable, that when one company of our Foot had taken one of the Works of the Enemy, another Company (through overmuch forwardneſſe and miſtake) did beat them out againe. So that our greateſt loſſe, both in regard of men wounded and ſlaine, was from our ſelves. All this while, my Lord of Mancheſter was with his Souldiers, (as mine eyes, and thouſands more can witneſſe) to countenance and encourage the ſervice: and thoſe who know what dangers he then adventured upon, and how long he continued in the field that night, yea, what care he took to prevent the miſchiefs of the night from a Neighbour Enemy, and to prepare for the continuance of the battell, which was verily expected by us the next morning; thoſe many (I ſay) who underſtood and remember theſe things, will not eaſily believe that his Lordſhip was averſe to fighting, and unwilling ſpeedily to end theſe warres, though multitudes, through ignorance, raſhneſſe, and misbeliefe, do in this manner aſperſe and calumniate him.
That night, the daunted Enemy did in the dark ſteale away from Newbery; what no tice our friends at Speen, had of the marching away of the Enemy, I cannot affirm, for reports are various; though all acknowledge, that they had ſome noiſe thereof: but this I am ſure of, that my Lord of Mancheſter had not the leaſt hint of the Enemies retreat, till near day-break in the morning; and his intelligence then, was ſingle and uncertain, from a ſtranger. Yet upon this intimation, his Lordſhip haſtned into the field, to improve opportunity, there the newes was confirmed, that the Enemy was gone indeed. Hereupon our whole body was called together; and ſo ſoon as we had in the field (near the dead bodies both of friends and foes, which lay on the ground) made our addreſſes to God, both by praiſe and prayer, according to the preſent affecting providences, we marched over the River to Newbery: all this while we neither met with, nor heard from our friends at Speen, whereupon we hoped that they were in purſuit of the ſcattered flying Enemy. My Lord of Manchester reſted not, till he met with ſome of the Commanders, who had been upon the ſervice at Speen, and with them returned to Newbery, to conſult about the improvement of the preſent Victory. Theſe particulars, which I knowingly do report, may evidence my Lords forwardneſſe, to husband advantages and opportunities, for the promoting of the publick ſervice. But though my Lord Generals Horſe, and Sir William Wallers Horſe were gone ſome hours before after the Enemy, yet my Lord Manchesters Horſe, (commanded by Lieu. Gen. Cromwel) we found in the field near Newbery, together in a body.
It would be impertinent, for me here to ſpeak of by-buſineſſes of ſmall importance, which common fame hath trumpeted abroad. The taking of the Coaches, with the Men and Horſes attending the perſons in them, was effected by my Lord of Mancheſters forwardneſſe, to furniſh Col. Birch with a party of Horſe for his aſſiſtance, whereof I am a witneſſe, being uſed as a meſſenger unto my Lord to expedite that work.
And whether his Lordſhip during our ſtay at Newbery, was not as deſirous as any others, in every kinde to ſerve the publick, I refer it to the judgement of them who were daily converſant with him. We having after ſome dayes, full intelligence, that the King was at Oxford, there recruting his Army, and hearing alſo, that he intended to fight, ſo ſoon as the additionall forces ſent for, came to him, our Army marched from Newbery on Saturday towards Oxford, and that night the Head quarter was at Compton. Upon Sabbath day the Army marched towards Blewbery, and the Head quarter that night was at Harwell, and the Army quartered in adjacent Villages, untill this time the Lord Warriston and Mr. Erem (who came to us at Baſing, being ſent from the Committee of both Kingdomes, to aſſiſt the ſervice of the Army by their counſell) can teſtifie what was my Lord of Manchesters care and carriage in his place, and unto their teſtimony thus far I might refer them, who are unſatisfied. This day at a Councell of Warre (before theſe our friends left us) it was found impoſſible for us to march with our Carriages beyond Abbington, becauſe the wayes, were judged deep and unpaſſable.
On Monday my Lord with ſome few who attended him, went to Abbington to expreſſe his reſpects to Major Generall Browne; and that acquainting himſelf with the ſtate of that place, he might the better know, how to be ſerviceable to it, and to the Kingdome in it, as occaſion might require. On Tewſday, all our Horſe were called to a Rendevouz upon Chilton-plaine (if I forget not the name of the place) where all the chief Commanders of the Army, at a Councel of Warre, concluded our returne unto Newbery, the next day. Now becauſe this act (as I heare) is much cenſured (though it was the reſult of the Councel of Warre, and we had alſo the expreſſe approbation of the Committee of both Kingdomes, I will therefore make bold to ſuggeſt the grounds thereof as they were related unto me. 1. That corner of the Countrey (being bare before we came thither) could not afford means of ſubſiſtence for our Army, and we had ſmall hope of receiving ſeaſonably ſufficient ſupplyes elſewhere. 2. By continuing there, we ſhould wholly devoure thoſe proviſions whereby our friends at Abbington (being Neighbours) might expect ſome reliefe. 3. Becauſe there was no hope of getting over Wallingford-bridge, to fight with the Enemy on the other ſide the River; and the Enemy might, by making overtures of engaging, and yet deceiving our hopes, have waſted our Army through unavoidable wants, without ſtriking one blow. 4. And our forces did daily weaken very ſenſibly, through the great ſcarcity of proviſions of all kindes, our Souldiers being under much diſcontent and diſcouragement.
Theſe reaſons (as I believe) moved our return to Newbery, upon Wedneſday, and the ſame night ſome of the Enemies came from Wallingford, into the ſame Quarters, from whence we were removed. Upon Thurſday, our Scouts brought newes to Newbery, that the Kings whole Army was come over the River, with a parpoſe to relieve Dennington Caſtle. And although many amongſt us, gave little or no credit to theſe reports; yet (of my knowledge) my Lord Manchesters cautiouſneſſe was ſuch, that hereupon he moved the drawing up of all our Horſe to a Rendevouz the next day, that we might be ready to prevent the relieving of the Caſtle.
How this his Lordſhips motion took with others I cannot ſay; but that it was diſliked and gainſai'd by Lieu. Gen. Cromwel, my ſelf, and many others can teſtifie, who heard him earneſtly diſſwading it, by words to this effect; My Lord, you Horſe are ſo spent, ſo harraſſed out, by hard duty, that they will fall down under the Riders, if you thus command them, you may have their skin…, but you can have no ſervice.
Although I dare not ſay, that Lieu. Gen. Cromwel did from unfaithfulneſſe to the publick, thus diſſwade the drawing up of our Horſe on Friday. Yet this my ſelf, and many thouſands are moſt confident of, that through this neglect followed the advantage of the Enemy, in relieving the Caſtle, and our diſappointments. For our Horſe being (through the ſearcity of proviſions) quartered at a great diſtance from one another, and ſome of our Troops being 10 miles, ſome 12, and ſome 14 miles from Newbery, they could not poſſibly (after the Alarme on Friday in afternoon) come in ſoon enough to prevent the Enemies coming to the Caſtle, much leſſe to fight with the Enemy in a convenient ground, before he came thither: whereas, if our Horſe had been brought together upon Friday (according to my Lord Manchesters motion on Thurſday, before mentioned) we might have met the Enemy with a timely and ſucceſſefull reſiſtance (through Gods mercy) at leaſt for the preventing of the Caſtles reliefe.
But I will look backward, and take up my Relation where I left it. The former intelligence received from the Scouts, and the motion from my Lord made on Thurſday, not being improved, we waited, to underſtand, what another day would bring forth: and when certaine unqueſtioned tydings came on Friday in the afternoone, that the whole Body of the Enemies Army was on their march towards the Caſtle; then Poſts were diſpatched to the ſeverall Quarters of our Horſe, to command them to come in early the next morning: but the Enemy having gained the opportunity which we loſt, the Caſtle was relieved, before we were ready to make reſiſtance: yea, the Enemy had placed themſelves in Battalia, in the field betwixt Dennington-Caſtle and Newbery, before our maine Body of Horſe were in any poſture for ſervice. It would not be to my purpoſe in this Relation, to ſpecifie how bravely a party of the Enemies Horſe did aſſault a party of ours, routed them, and did beat them to our Foot, who received the Enemy with much courage, and repulſed them bravely, who took away with them (as we heard after) the dead and wounded bodies of many, who were much eſteemed. Neither doe I intend here to tell, how the ſeverall Commanders, had now diſpoſed of themſelves and their forces. My Lord Mancheſter was with Major Skippon in the field, where all the skirmidge was that day betwixt us and the Enemy, and they both often and earneſtly called and ſent for Lieu. Gen. Cromwels Horſe, (as I am credibly informed) but they came too late; for before they marched through Newbery towards the Army, the Sunne was ſet, the Enemy was making his retreat out of the field, which mine own eyes and others beheld with much grief of heart. Major Gen. Crafford (who is knowne to be ſufficiently forward to engage) though his command was over the Foot, yet upon my Lord of Mancheſters cummand, himſelfe alſo being moved in the approach of the daring Enemy, did with 9 or 10 Troops (ſome or moſt whereof he rallied amongſt them formerly routed) charge a body of the Enemies Horſe, and cauſed them to give ground. By this it may be gueſſed what good ſervice might have been done, if more Horſe had been at hand. That night, I hearing many accuſations charged upon the Horſe which came not in, I made bold for mine owne ſatisfaction, to enquire (of a valiant Commander my worthy friend) the reaſons wherefore thoſe Horſe kept at ſuch a diſtance from ſervice that day, from whom Ireceived theſe. 1. Becauſe there was not field room for our whole Body to ſerve in. 2. Becauſe (if they had come in) in that ground, they ſhould have been expoſed to the Cannon, playing from the Caſtle, which would in probability, either have broken, or diſordered their ſeverall Bodies before they could engage. You ſee, that I am deſirous in my Narration, to give all men their right, and to keep off groundleſſe cenſures. And here I wiſh, that it may ſtill be impartially conſidered, whether yet it appear by this true relation, that the Earle of Mancheſter was more averſe to the Kingdoms ſervice, then other men, when either neceſſity or opportunity did require it.
The Caſtle being relieved, and the Enemy retreated, our Commanders in chiefe, upon conſultation reſolved that night to ſend forth about 4000 Horſe with ſome Foot, to fall upon the Enemies Rear, ſo ſoon as the Moon did ariſe, hoping by this means to regain what we had loſt the day before: but the Enemy continuing all night in a full body, that deſigne was diſappointed.
In the morning our whole Army was drawne forth, with intention and expoctation to fight with the Enemy, before his removall out of our reach. This being noiſed, my ſelf, with other Miniſters who attended the Campe, did our duty by prayer and exhortation, to prepare them for the expected battell. But when our Commanders had viewed the ſtrength and poſture of the Kings Army, and the advantage of ground which they had gained, together with the dangerouſneſſe of the paſſages to the Enemy (being both near Dennington Caſtle, and through Lanes) they with one minde at a Councell of War, judged it unſafe to engage. What paſſed in conference at the Councel of War, I know not, neither did I judge it meet for me to enquire after thoſe matters: But this I profeſſe, that I heard not any, either Officer, or other, to blame my Lord of Mancheſter, as more backward at that Councel of Want then others, to engage with the withdrawing Enemy. Afterwards, while the Army continued at Newbery, and the parts adjacent, I remember nothing of moment to be reported, but this one thing, (which if not rightly underſtood, may occaſion miſtakes, no prejudice) that whereas 3 Regiments of my Lords Foot, were ordered to march unto Baſing, to aſſiſt the Horſe in the ſervice there, they were commanded (when on their march) to returne back, according to the counſell of Sir W. Waller and Lieutenant Generall Cromwel (as they were going with my Lord in his Coach to Aldermarſton) upon theſe grounds, as I was informed. 1. Becauſe there would not in likelihood be any need of that ſtrength there at that time. 2. Becauſe their comming thither would ſtraighten the Quarters of thoſe who were already there, and conſequently, make their continuance more uncomfortable. When upon an Alarm, that the Kings whole Army, was on their march to relieve Baſing-houſe; it was ordered, that our Forces ſhould remove from Newbery to joyne with our Horſe ſent to Baſing before. Now I was neceſſitated through bodily diſtempers, to withdraw from the Campe, and therefore cannot from obſervation ſpeak of the paſſages afterwards. But I have been told againe and againe, that the calling off of our Horſe and Foot, from Baſing, was from the order of a Councell of War, no man deſerting; and alſo, that no man was more forward in giving his vote, for that Order, then Lieutenant Generall Cromwel.
This is the ſumme of what I have to ſay, concerning the chiefe Occurrences in our Weſterne expedition; wherein, though we had not ſuch happy ſucceſſe, as was deſired and expected, yet therein, thoſe acknowledged much of Gods goodneſſe, who did moſt exactly obſerve his providences in our motions and adventures. Herein I have faithfully, according to my obſervation and beſt intelligence, repreſented things, with ſpeciall references to my much Honoured Lord, becauſe through miſreports, and misbeliefe, his Lordſhip is rendred to the world, under the black clowd, of ſad reproaches. His Honour I confeſſe, is very deare unto me, and the heavy cenſures with which many doe loade and wound his eſtimation amonſt men, doe much afflict me: yet (I bleſſe God) the cauſe, wherewith his Lordſhip hath been truſted, and wherein he hath ſucceſſefully appeared, is much more deate and pretions, yea (if I know mine own heart) I would deſert his Lordſhip, and my ſelf alſo, deſerting that glorious cauſe of Jeſus Chriſt. I well remember, thoſe words, Job. 13.7. Will ye speake. wiekedly for God, and talke deceitfully for him? And therefore I am awed with the feare of God, while I am pleading for man. Yet this I doe moſt ſeriouſly profeſſe, as in the preſence of the heart-ſearching Majeſtie, that I know no cauſe, wherefore I ſhould once queſtion his Lordſhips ſidelity to the cauſe of Reformation, and that ſervice of the Kingdome, wherin he hath been proſperouſly imployed. But as the matter of his Accuſation is to me moſt ſtrange and unexpected; ſo the manner of managing it, by many, who are accounted not only ingenious but eminently pious, is to me and many, a matter of much wonder: For ſhould not thoſe who have received favours from my Lord of Mancheſter, and have ſolemnely profeſſed truth and ſtrength of reſpects to his Lordſhip, rather have ſignified in private their ſuſpition of his faithfulneſſe (if they apprehended cauſe) then proclaime to the world, offences, whereof he never heard? Might not his known meekneſſe and ſweetneſſe of diſpoſition, have encouraged them, to performe this office of faithfulneſſe, who often had the opportunity of ſecrecie to have performed it? Would not ſuch a courſe rather have anſwered that rule of our Saviour: If thy brother offend, goe and tell him his fault, between thee and him alone, &c. then to divulge (I will ſay no more) in a publick way, thoſe things wherof his own heart never ſuſpected himſelf to be ſuſpected? What Chriſtians, yea what men doe not looke for ſuch friendſhip, ſuch ingenuity, from them who converſe with them daily, and ordinarily come to eate meate at their tables? And had the prejudice of the publick long been feared, through the apprehenſion of any ill principles poſſeſſing the Earle of Mancheſters breaſt, why was not this ſooner ſuggeſted, for the prevention of publick prejudice?
I will not dare to gueſſe either at the grounds, or ends of that which now is broken forth, but ſhall leave ſecrets unto the Lord, who in his own time will make the counſels of all hearts manifeſt, and bring to light the deeds, the deſignes of darkneſſe.
Neither doe I thus expoſtulate, as yeelding to the truth of the matters, which are commonly charged upon him: for I have many reaſons to believe the contrary, ſome whereof, I ſhall briefely mention.
His Lordſhips former actions and adventures for the publick, rendred him in the opinion of the godly party in the Kingdome, as a true, truſty Patriot, both to Church and Common-wealth; and truly, I am ignorant, what ſhould cauſe people to alter that opinion, though I have of late, had more opportunities to diſcover him, then other men.
His Lordſhip hath often, in the hearing of many witneſſes, thus expreſſed himſelfe ſolemnely, I could contentedly part with halft my eſtate, upon condition the diſcipline of Chriſt was eſtabliſhed, and a good Miniſtry ſetled in every Congregation of the Kingdome, yea with thoſe couditions, how gladly could I betake my ſelfe unto a Country life, and leave all other contentments in the world. Oh how frequent, how conſtant have his breathings beene after peace, with the perfecting of that Reformation which is hopefully begun. And therefore it is a thing incredible to them who know him, that he ſhould take any courſe, to continue the Civill (or rather uncivill) warres of the Kingdome, which doe continue and increaſe confuſions. I know no man, who attends the Campe, leſſe ſelf-ſeeking, and more deſirous to iſſue the Warres, in a comfortable Peace, then my Lord of Mancheſter.
And this is to my ſelfe, an evidence of my Lords innocency, in regard of what is laid to his charge; that when friends had ſuggeſted to him by Letters, Lieutenant Generall Cromwels purpoſe to accuſe him (as was gathered from intimations looking that way) he ſolemnely proteſted, that his integrity was ſuch, that he could not believe any ſuch matter: Yea though he did caſt about in his own thoughts, what matter of juſt exception might be laid in againſt him (for he was farre from expecting falſe accuſations) he profeſſed ſeriouſly, he could not imagin what it might be; except it were ſome old complaints, in reference to Major Generall Crafford, and ſome late eſtrangements from Liev. Gen. Cromwell, ſince his heates expreſſed at Lincolne, which gave occaſion of juſt offence.
And when upon his comming to London, his Lordſhip underſtood in generals, that unfaithfulneſſe, and unwillingneſſe to improve opportunities and counſels for the publick good, againſt the common Enemy, was laid to his charge, by Liev. Gen. Cromwell; this was his Lordſhips anſwer: I pray God forgive him, for he knowes in his conſcience, that he hath wronged me, in ſpeaking untruly. And theſe words falling from a friend, How much will your Lordſhip ſuffer in your honour, by meanes of this asperſion? His Lordſhip returned this reply, My defence is from God, who ſaveth the upright in heart. Theſe things, which of my credit are truths (unto which many more might truly be added) I leave to the conſideration of the ingenious, calme, unbyaſſed Chriſtian, how farre they may at leaſt perſwade the ſuſpenſion of cenſures and clamours, till my Lord hath vindicated himſelf from his accuſations.
But it will be ſaid. There is no ſmoke, but it argues ſome fire. And the reports of people, yea of good people, againſt my Lord of Mancheſter are ſo common, that doubtleſſe all is not right.
I doubt not but Gods hand is in my Lords ſufferings of this kinde, who hath learned to juſtifie God when injured by men. He hath expreſſed his deſire to know Gods meaning in the Rod, and hath profeſſed his willingneſſe to ſee, that he might reforme, whatſoever others eſpy blame-worthy in his courſe. But the opinion and language of the multitude, is no good argument to prove him guilty in that kinde and meaſure, as charged. It is an evill to be lamented, that people are ſo apt, with credulity to take up evill reports againſt their Brethren. Beſides, the world underſtands, that divers perſons acted by principles oppoſite to one another, are yet both violently contrary to the wayes of my Lord of Manchester: from hence the duſt may be raiſed and continued, which for the preſent doth darken his repuration, which was wont to ſhine forth more brightly, and which God (I hope) in his good time will cleare againe.
I might here take occaſion, to mention many ſtrange palpable untruths, ſtanderouſly raiſed and ſpread, yea, conveyed by Letters beyond the Seas, to blaſt the credit of them, who deſire to walk with God: and no reaſon here can be imagined, but their difference in indgement and practice from them, in ſome matters of Church-government. But that Scripture doth check me. Tell it not in Gath, and publiſh it not in Ask…lon, lest the uncircumciſed triumph. The Lord heale our breaches, reconcile our differences, and knit our hearts together in more ſtrong brotherly love through Chriſt.
My ſelfe expects ſevere cenſure from many people for this ſervice, which (in the judgement of many worthy godly friends) I had a call to diſcharge: but I hope the ſincerity of my heart through Gods grace will ſupport me under ſuch burthens, if they ſhall be caſt upon me.
If my faultineſſe ſhall be diſcovered, the Lord I truſt will ſo farre preſerve me, that I ſhall not adde ſtubbornneſſe to weakneſſe. And if any ſhall paſſionately and unchriſtianly throw ſtones at me, and caſt dirt in my face, I hope, that my God will make me able to pity them, and to pray for them, and to learn more humility and circumſpection in my converſation.
FINIS.
End of the text · Simeon Ashe, A True Relation of the Battle and Newbury (1644)