Commentaries, Commentary on Judges · Chapter 1 · Verses 8-11

Commentaries · Commentary on Judges · Chapter 1 · Verses 8-11

p. 148 And the children of Iudah fought againſt Ieruſalem and tooke it & ſmote it with the edge of the ſword and ſet the citie on fyre.

9 Afterward the children of Iudah deſcended to fight againſt the Chananites, that dwelte in the mountaine, and in the ſouth and in the lowe countrey.

10 And Iudah went agaynſt the Chananites, that dwelt in Hebrō (and the name of Hebron before was Kiriath Arba) and they ſmote Seſay Ahimman and Thalmay.

11 And from thence they went to the inhabiters of Debir (and the name of Debir before was Kiriath Sepher.)

The things which are now red vntounto the xvii.A briefe rehearſal of things in the booke of Ioſua verſe are moſt part tranſferred hither out of the booke of Ioſua the .xv. chap, and are now declared by a certain briefe rehearſall of things, and it is done to this end, that we might vnderſtand that y^e tribe of Iudah had obtayned Ieruſalem when Ioſua was yet liuing ſo that it was the eaſier for him to lead away Adonibezek captiue thither. And theſe be the things which are repeated in thys place out of the booke of Ioſua. The conquering of Ieruſalem, Hebron, and Debir, the matrimony alſo betwene Achſa & Othoniel and y^e departure of the Kenites from the citie of Palmes. That al theſe things (I ſay) are now declared by a certaine repetition, it is therby manifeſt, bicauſe it is written in the booke of Ioſua, that the king of Ieruſalem was taken, & we read in the end of the xv. chap. that the ſame citie of Ieruſalem came into the handes of the people of God, and that the children of Iudah dwelt in it with the Iebuſites. Beſides that theſe things which are now rehearſed of Hebron are contayned in the .x.xi. and about the end of the xiiii. chap. in the booke of Ioſua. And y^e hiſtorye of Achſe and Othoniell is red in the xv. chap. of the ſame boke.How farre this parentheſis extendeth. This repetition therfore or parentheſes extendeth to theſe wordes: And Iudah wet with hys brother Simeon, &c. In which place y^e author returneth to make mention of the actes which the tribes of Iudah and Simeon ioyned together dyd at this time performe. Which thīg alſo by this appeareth the more manifeſt, bycauſe ſtrayghtway is declared how Gaſa was taken, which citie is ſayd in the xi and xiii. chap. of Ioſua to hauehave yet remained in y^e hands of the enemies,The per…erfect tence is expoū ded by the preterpluſperfecte tence. & is numbred among thoſe cities which were not conquered vnderunder Ioſua. Wherfore the wordes of the preterperfect tenſe which are red in this repetition are to be interpreted in that time paſt, which we call the preterplus perfecte tenſe, that the order of the hiſtorye might be made more playne and manifeſte.

They ſmote them with the mouth of the ſword. This is a Metaphor in this maner of ſpeche, very often tymes vſed in y^e holy ſcriptures, wherin by y^e mouth of the ſword we ought to vnderſtād the edge therof, bycauſe it ſemeth to deuour and conſume thoſe thinges whych are ſmytten, in maner lyke a mouth. And wher it is ſaid that They ſet the city of fyre, we muſt vnderſtand it by this figure Hypallege, when the thing is cleane contrary, for fire is throwne into the city, and not the city into the fyre. Neither ought this to be vnderſtand thus, as though they had then burned the whole citye. For it is wrytten in the booke of Ioſua, and afterward it ſhal be expounded in this booke, that that city was after that inhabited by the tribe of Iudah and Beniamin, and alſo the Iebuſites, yea and the caſtle therof which was very wel fenſed was not deliuered vp to the Iſraelites,The city of Ieruſalem was taken when Ioſua was yet a lyue. tyl in Dauid his time, as it is declared in the latter booke of Samuel. Neyther ought that to moue you bycauſe it appeareth not in the booke of Ioſua that the city of Ieruſalem was taken. For although this be not plainly and manifeſtly ſpoken, yet may it be vnderſtand by thoſe thinges which are there intreated of, namely that the king of Ieruſalem was taken, and that Iudah dwelled in that city, neither could he yet caſt out the Iebuſites from them. Al theſe thinges I ſay are ſignes that the city was taken at that tyme, although it was not yet poſſeſſed fully and in al partes.

It ſeemeth alſo ſomewhat obſcure, that it is wrytten that Iudah deſcended, when he ſhould go fight againſt the Chananites, who dwelled on y^e mountaines. When as we accuſtome in going to mountaines to aſcend, and not to deſcende. But we muſt vnderſtand that thoſe countries wer ful of mountaines. Wherefore when the hoſt remoued from one mountaine to an other, it muſt nedes deſcend firſt into the valley, from whence it might afterward aſcend vponupon an other mountaine. Thou wylt peraduenture aſke whether Iudah at that tyme cōquered the plaine or the valley which was betwene? No verely. He aſſaulted them in dede, but he could not ouercome them. For we ſhall heare in thys chap. that thoſe which were not ouercome of Iudah in the valley, had yron Chariotes, ſo that by that meanes they were not ouercome.

And Iudah went againſt the Chananites, that dwelt in Hebron. Theſe thnges are now therfore repeated, that we ſhould vnderſtande that it was not of neceſſity that the city Hebron ſhould be taken of Iudah then when the Iſraelites were in this iourney on warfare, which they tooke in hand after the death of Ioſua, namelye at that tyme, wherein the publique wealth was gouerned by elders without any certaine Iudge, Ioſua being yet alyue.

Why Hebron was called the city Arba.And the name of Hebron before time was called Kiriath-Arba, and they ſmote Seſay, Ahimman, and Thalmay. The reaſon of the name of this city is not of eueryevery man taken a like. The cauſe of the diuerſity is this word Arba whych in his vſuall and proper ſignification ſignifeth the number whych the Latines cal Quatuor, It is not certain that Adam and his wyfe were buryed in Hebron.& the Grecians foreign which is foure. Now ſome ſuppoſe the number of foure to be referred to the foure couple of men wyth theyr wiues, which they ſay wer buried in that city. Yet the holy ſcriptures make mē cion but of three: for in the booke of Geneſis & .23. chap. we reade that Abraham and Sara wer buried there, & alſo in the .35. & .49. chap. of the ſame booke we rede of Iſaac and Rebeckaes burial there. And laſtly in the .50. chap. we fynde that Iacob was caried thither, & he him ſelfe before that had there buried his wife Lea. But concerning Adam & Eue his wife, whō they hauehave added vntounto theſe, we can finde nothing thereof in the holye ſcriptures. For that which they alledge out of the .14. chap. of Ioſua maketh nothing to the purpoſe, for y^t the word Adam in that place is not the name of the firſt man. Wherfore they can gather nothyng p. 15out of that place, but that Arba was a certaine great man among the Anakims. Theſe are the words there: Ha Adam Hagadol be Anakim Hui, that is: he was a great man among y^e Enakims. But our interpretour tranſlateth it thus: Adā was counted the great among the Enakims. Wherby it appeareth y^t he thought that Adam was a proper name. But he was two wayes deceaued: firſt he dyd not marke that the article Ha is ioyned to the word Adam, which is neuer ioyned with proper names. Wherfore it muſt needes be a common name, whych muſt be referred to that woord Arba, for that name was put a litle before. The other errour is bycauſe we reade no where that the firſt man was reckoned amongſt the Enakims, that is to ſay Giauntes.

The opinion of others is that Hebron was called the City Arba, bycauſe it was inhabited of .4. Giauntes, namely Seſay, Ahimman, and Thalmay vntounto which three brethren they adde Annak their Parent. But the opinion of theſe men is eaſely confuted, bycauſe that in the .14. chap. of Ioſua toward the end, it is by manifeſt wordes declared that this word Arba is the proper name of a Giaunt. Wherfore it is manifeſt enough that this woord muſt not be referred to the number of four. And by that meanes not onelyonly this latter ſentence, but the firſt alſo is confuted, which would hauehave this name Arba to hauehave a reſpect to the foure couple of men with their wyues, buried in the old tyme in that City. And vndoubtedly for the ſame cauſe alſo, the opinion of others is not to be allowed, which do thinke that the City was ſo called, bycauſe although it were but one City, yet it conſiſted of foure Cities, and that this woord Arba is all one wyth this greeke woorde foreign whiche is foure Cities. Wherefore I iudge it beſt to thyncke that it was ſo named of the buylder thereof named Arba, Arba had three chyldren.who how he came by that ſurname it is vncertaine. OnelyOnly this we maye gather out of the ſcriptures, that what ſo euer he was, he had three chyldren which are called in this place and alſo in the booke of Ioſua, Sehai, Ahimman and Thalmay. And it is very lykely that they were deade long tyme before Ioſua. And when they were now dead, then was there mencion made of them, bicauſe their families which ſeme to hauehave bene of a wonderful huge ſtature were deſtroyed by Caleb and Othoniel. And this is the reaſon why I ſuppoſe that theſe three brethrē liued not in Caleb and Othoniels tyme, bycauſe this Citye as it is written in the booke of Numbers, was a moſt auncient city, and was buylt .vii. yeares before zoham that is, Thamin the kingly Citye of the Egiptians. And in zoham dyd Moyſes and Aaron woorke the wonders before Pharao. And if ſo be it was the kingly and noble city then, it muſt nedes be built long time before. Wherefore if Hebron were built before it, and had the name thereof of Arba, how could his children be on lyue at this time? It cannot be ſo. Beſides thys, Abraham had a lodging in this City, & bought there a double caue. And from that time to Ioſua his time wer almoſt .400. yeres. It is not therefore very likely, that the ſonnes of him which builded ſo auncient a city ſhould lyue tyl Ioſua his tyme, vnles any man wyl fayne that the ſame city was built long time before, & called by an other name, & then in proceſſe of tyme caſting away the firſt name, it ſhould be named by this moſt ſtrong and mighty Giaunt. But whether it be thus or no, neither ſkilleth it much, neither ſemeth it curiouſly to be ſought for.

But this might ſomwhat moue ſome, bycauſe Arba, wherof we now ſpeake, is called in the .15. chap. of Ioſua, the father of Enak. For if he had .3. ſōnes which were named as well here as in the ſame booke of Ioſua, it wil then he doubtfull who that ſame Enak was.What Hanack ſignifieth. In which thyng (ſauyng the iudgement of a better learned) I would thinke might be anſwered, that it was not a proper name but a cōmon, wherby at that time men of huge ſtature, but ſuch as were noble & excellently adourned, wer called. For this word Enak in hebrewe is to gird or to compaſſe, and is chiefly referred to chaines which are worne about the necke for comelynes ſake. And thereof is this name Enak deriued, & in the plural number hath both the maſculine & feminine forme, & it ſignifieth a chaine, and is tranſferred to noble & worthy men, whom thou mayſt cal chained. Wherfore Seſay, Ahimman & Thalmay may be called the ſōnes of Arba, who was not called the father of them onelyonly, but alſo the father of Enak, bycauſe eueryevery one of his ſōnes was noble,Why giauntes were called Enakim & wore a chaine, or was a Giaunt, for Giauntes alſo were called Enakim, either bicauſe they wore chaines, or els bycauſe they were of a notable ſtature of body, for it may be that that word was applyed to all kynde of ornaments. Of them is mencion alſo made in the booke of Numbers .13. chapter.

By how many names giaūtes are called in the holy ſcripturesSeing we are now by chaunce in hande with giauntes, and that there is often mention made of them in the holy Scriptures, it ſhall not be vnprofitable, ſomewhat to ſpeake of them. Fyrſte we muſte knowe that they are called by diuerſe names in the holy Scriptures as Enakim, Eimim, Zemaſmim, Nefalim, Rephaim. Why they were called Enakim manifeſtly appeareth by thoſe things which we hauehave ſpoken before. And they were called Eimim, of the terror which they draue into others by their loke, They were called Zemaſmim, of miſchiefe, bicauſe they truſting to their owne power and might, were diſpiſers of lawes, iuſtice, and honeſty, and euer went about wicked actes. For Zemah in Hebrue ſignifyeth miſchiefe. They were alſo named Rephaim. Bycauſe they made men which met them to be after a ſorte amaſed, for that worde ſignifyeth ſometimes the dead. Laſtly they were called Nefalim as oppreſſors, bycauſe they aſſayled al men tyrannouſly, of this worde Nafal which is to fall or ſubuerte. Some thinke that they are ſometimes called Geborim: but bycauſe we vſe to referre y^e worde to power, and properly ſtrong men are called Geborim, therfore I woulde not put it among theſe.

When glaūtes began. Auguſtine.Furthermore if thou wilte demaunde when giauntes beganne to be, if we may follow Auguſtine de ciuitate Dei, the .xvi. boke and xxiii. chapter. We muſt ſay that they beganne before the floude. And therfore we beleue him, bycauſe he hath proued it by the teſtimonye of the holy Scriptures: for it is written in the vi of Geneſis that giauntes were at that time on the earth: whoſe kind although it was kept after the floude, yet as he beleueth they were not in ſo great number.Whether Giauntes were begotten of mē Beſides this it may be doubted concerning their procreation and parents: for there are ſome whiche thinke that they were not begotten of men, but that Aungels or deuils were their parentes. And this ſentence they ſay is confirmed by that which is written in the booke of Geneſis. The ſonnes of God ſeing the daughters of men that they were fayre, they tooke them to wiues, and of them were borne moſt mightye men or giauntes. Concerning this fall of the Angels many of the old writers agree that it was bicauſe they vſed company with women, and among other is Lactantius in his ſecond booke and xv Chapter. For his opinion was (as it is there written) that God feared leaſt Sathan to whom he had graunted the gouernement of the worlde ſhoulde vtterly hauehave deſtroyed mankinde,Lactantius. and therfore he gaue vntounto it Angels for tutors by whoſe induſtrye & care it mighte be defended. But they being prouoked as well by the wilineſſe of Sathan, as alſo allured by the beauty of fayre women, committed filthines with them. Wherfore they were throwen downe from their dignitie and made ſouldiers of the deuill. This was Lactantius opinion, but yet he ſayth not, that Giauntes were borne of thoſe copulations of Angels with women but earthly deuils which abide on the earth to our greate hurte.Euſebius of Ceſaria Euſebius of Ceſaria in hys .v boke de preparatione euangelica, doth nothing in a manner diſagree from them. For he alſo ſayth that Angels which fell, begat of women whom they filthilye loued thoſe deuils, which afterward troubled the world many wayes, and to thē p. 16he referreth al theſe which the Poets and hiſtoriographers hauehave writtē to hauehave bene Gods, & hauehave eyther in Metre or in Proſe made mention of their battailes diſcordes, luſtes, and ſundrye and grieuous tumultes,Auguſtine. But Auguſtine in his xv boke de ciuitate Dei. xxiii. Chap. thinketh that this opinion of theſe old men can not be gathered out of that place of Geneſis. Men of the ſtocke of Seth were called the ſonnes of God.For he ſayth that thoſe which are there called y^e ſonnes of god, were in very dede men, namely cōming of y^e ſtock of Seth. For whē they worſhipped god truely and ſincerely, and called vpō him holily and purely, being adorned w^t his fauor & grace, they are called by y^e ſcriptures y^e ſonnes of God.What was the fal of the ſonnes of God. But whē at y^e length they began to burne in filthy luſt with thoſe women which came of the ſtocke of Cain, and by that meanes fel into fellowſhip with the vngodly, taking them to their wiues and cleauing alſo to ſuperſtitions and wicked worſhippings, they were chaunged from y^e ſonnes of God not only into men, but alſo into fleſhe. And thys will I ſay by the way,Aquila. Aquila tranſlating theſe words out of Hebrue, They wer not (ſaith he) y^e ſōnes of God, but the ſonnes of Gods: for thys cauſe ſo called (as I ſuppoſe) bycauſe their progenitors were holy men,Simmachus. but their children miſerably fell from god and godlines by inordinate louelove of women. And Symmachus tranſlateth it, The ſonnes of the mightye. But nowe to Auguſtine againe, he conſtantly affirmeth that there can be nothing gathered out of that place of Geneſis concerning the carnall copulation of Angels with women, but thinketh rather, that farre contrary may be proued by the wordes of God written in the ſame place. For whē the ſcripture had there ſayd, that there were Giaunts on the earth, and that the ſonnes of God (as it is ſayd) were gone out of the right way, and Giaunts were brought forth, there is added: And god ſayd, my ſpirite ſhal not abide in man for euer, bicauſe he is fleſh. By this ſentence he declareth, that thoſe which ſo ſinned were called men, and not only as they were by nature, but alſo they were called fleſh, wherunto by their filthy luſte, they did to much cleaue. But they which be of y^e contrary opinion do thinke that they do bring a ſtrong witneſſe of Enoch which was the vii. from Adam, of whom Iudas maketh mention in his canonicall Epiſtle.Enochs booke Auguſtine. For in the booke which is intituled to be Enochs booke it is writtē that giauntes had their of ſprings of Angels and not of mē. But Auguſtine anſwereth vntounto this, and ſayth that that booke is altogether Apocripha, & therefore ſuch fables as are rehearſed in it, are not to be beleued. It is not to be doubted he ſayth but that Enoch wrote ſome godly thinges, when as Iudas the Apoſtle manifeſtly teſtifieth the ſame: But it is not neceſſary that we ſhould beleue that all thinges which are written in that Apocriphal booke ſhoulde be of hys writing, Foraſmuch as they hauehave no ſure authoritie. Neither, although Iudas brought thence ſome one certaine ſentence, is it ſuppoſed that therfore he by his authoritie hath allowed the whole booke: Vnleſſe thou wilt ſaye that Paule allowed all the things which were written by Epimenides, Aratus and Menander bicauſe he brought one or two verſes out of thē.Ierome. Which thing Ierome in his expoſition vpō the firſt chap. of the Epiſtle to Titus declareth to be a very abſurde thing and worthily to be laughed at. And now as concerning Enoch, it ſemeth meruelous, how he being but the vii. from Adam could write of thoſe things of the altercation betwene Michael and the deuil, for the body of Moyſes, when as if there wer any ſuch thing (as there is no doubt but there wer) they muſt nedes hauehave come to paſſe a thouſand and almoſt .500. yeares after. Vnleſſe we wil ſay y^t thoſe things wer reuealed at that time by ſome notable ſtrength of prophecy.

Neyther is it to be forgotten, that thoſe whiche do thinke that giauntes had Angels to their parentes & not men, do therfore ſeme to ſuppoſe ſo,The reaſon of them which thought giaūts were not borne of men. bicauſe they thinke it is not poſſible, y^e huge giauntes can be borne of mē of vſual bigneſſe & ſtature. Wherfore ſome of thē hauehave gone ſo farre, y^t they hauehave affirmed that the firſt mā was a giaunt, and y^t Noah alſo & his childrē were Giaunts bicauſe they beleued not that y^e kind of mē could be either before or after y^e floud, except their firſt progenitors had bene ſuch, if it were thought they ſhould be borne of men. But Auguſtine proueth that to be falſe & ſayth,Auguſtine. A womā giaūt that a litle before the ouerthrow made by y^e Gothes, there was a womā at Rome of a giauntes ſtature, whō very many out of diuerſe countreyes came to ſee. Which womans parents neuertheleſſe exceded not y^e cōmon accuſtomed ſtature of other men.The naturall cauſe of y^e great ſtature of giāts But as touching the cauſe of this huge bigneſſe of giaūtes, if we ſhould loke vpō nature thē can we bring no other reaſon, but a ſtrong naturall heate, & alſo a moyſture which abundauntly & largely miniſtreth matter, for y^e heate doth extende y^e ſame not only into length, but alſo it poureth out & ſpreadeth it both to breadth & alſo to thickneſſe. Giaunts therfore begā before the floud, they wer alſo before the accō panieng of the ſonnes of god with the daughters of men, & after that alſo continued their generation. Men therfore begat them, and had a naturall cauſe ſuch as we hauehave ſayd. There were alſo ſome without doubt after the floud, for there is mencion made of them in the booke of Num. Deut. Ioſua, How huge the giauntes wereIudges. Samuel, Paralip, and other holy bookes. Concerning their bigneſſe & ſtature we may partly geſſe and partly we hauehave it expreſſedly deſcribed. The coniectures are bycauſe Goliah had a cote of male weing v.m. ſicles, and a ſpeare like a weauers beame, and the Iron or top of his ſpeare weighed 600. ſicles. We coniecture alſo that Og kyng of Baſan was of a wonderfull bigneſſe and that by hys bed, whiche being of Iron contayned 9. cubites in length. And the Iſraelites compared with Enachim ſeemed as graſſehopers. Theſe he ſignes wherby we may iudge howe bigge theſe men were. But the bigneſſe of Goliah is deſcribed properly and diſtinctly in the booke of Samu. For it is ſayd that he was 6. cubites and a hande bredth highe.A cubite with the Grecians & Latines. And a cubite with the Grecians is two feete, but with the Latines a foote and a halfe. Some alledge the cauſe of this difference to be, bycauſe the meaſure may be extended from the elbow to the hand, being ſome tymes cloſed, and ſometymes open or ſtretched forth. And thus much as concerning the ſtature of giauntes, ſo farre as may be gathered by the holy Scriptures. But we read among the Ethnickes farre more wonderfull thinges,The Ethnikes opinion of gianntes. Philoſtratus. The common ſtature of men in our tyme. The meaſure of a foote. & ſuch which ſeeme to ſome incredible. Philoſtratus writeth in his booke of noble men, that he ſawe the carkaſe of a certain giaunt which was 30. cubites long, and an other 22. cubites long, and certain other alſo 12. But the cōmon ſtature of men in our tyme paſſeth littell aboue .5. feete. And the meaſure of a foote agreeth both with the Grecians & with the Latines, for they both geue to eueryevery foote 4. hand breadthes: and eueryevery hand breadth conteineth the breadth of 4. fingers, that is, the length of the litle finger. But if the laſt fingers, the thombe I ſaye and the litle finger ſhould be ſtretched abroade, then eueryevery foote cōtaineth but two hand bredthes. I thincke it not amiſſe alſo to declare here what Auguſtine writeth in the .15. Auguſtine.booke de ciuit. Dei. 9. chap. where he reproueth thoſe whiche obſtinatly contend that there were neuer any men of ſo wonderfull huge a ſtature, and teſtifieth y^t he him ſelfe ſawe vponupon the coaſte of Vtica a tooth ſo great, that being deuided, it might eaſely be iudged to be an hundred fold bigger in forme and quantitie thē vſuall teth in our tyme are,Vergil. he alſo declareth in the ſame place, that there were in oldetyme very many ſuch bodyes of men, by the verſes of Vergil whiche are written in the 7. booke of Aenedos, where he ſheweth how Turnus tooke vp ſo great a ſtone from the groūde and threw at Eneas that 12. ſuch men as the earth bringeth forth now of dayes could ſcarſely lifte, whiche place he tooke out of the 6. boke of Iliades of Homere. We may adde alſo vntounto theſe, the verſes which the ſame Vergil hath writtē in y^e firſt of the Georgikes, he ſhall wonder at the great bones digged out of the graues. Moreouer Auguſtine bringeth Pliny the ſecond, who affirmeth in his 7. Plinybooke, that nature the longer it procedeth in her courſe, p. 17the leſſer bodyes doth it bryng forth dayly.Cipriane. Whether the bodies of men hauehave decreaſed from the floud to our tyme. And he maketh mencion alſo of Homere whiche made complainte ſometymes in his verſes. To whom I might adde the teſtimonie of Cipriane againſt Demetrian. But if I ſhould be aſked the queſtion, whether I thought that the bodies of men whiche were brought forth after the floud are leſſe than thoſe whiche were before the floud, I would peraduenture graunt vntounto it:Aulus Gellius but that they hauehave alwayes decreaſed from the floud euen to our tyme, I would not eaſely conſent to that, and eſpecially bycauſe of Aulus Gellius wordes whiche he wrote in the third booke, where he ſayth, that the meaſure of the growth of mans body is 7. feete, whiche ſeemeth alſo to be the meaſure at this day in mē of the bigger ſort. But leſt I ſhould diſſemble any thing, we read in the Apochriphas of Eſdras the 4. booke about the ende of the .5. chap. that our bodyes are leſſer nowe, and ſhalbe eueryevery daye leſſe, bycauſe nature is alwayes made more weake. And the ſame doth Cipriane (as I hauehave a litle before ſayd) ſeme to affirme. But why I would not ſo eaſely aſſent thereunto, this is the cauſe, for that I can ſe almoſt nothing altered in our time from the meaſure whiche Gellius defineth.Pliny. But now to Pliny agayne who ſayth in his 7. booke, that in Crete, when a certayn mountaine was rent by an earth quake, a dead body was founde ſtanding whiche was 46. cubites long, whiche ſome beleued to be Orions body, other ſome Othus. It is alſo left in writing that the body of Oreſtes being digged vp by the commaundement of an oracle, was 7. cubites long. But that whiche Beroſus affirmeth,Beroſus. that Adam & Seth his ſonne were giauntes, and Noah alſo with his children, as it is put without teſtimony of holy ſcriptures, ſo may it alſo be reiected.

Now it ſeemeth good to declare,Why GOD woulde hauehave ſo huge giauntes ſome tymes. for what cauſe god would hauehave ſome men ſometymes to be borne with ſo huge bodies. It was done for this cauſe Auguſtine thincketh in his boke before alledged 23. chap. to leaue a teſtimony vntounto vsus, that nether the beauty of the body, neither the bigneſſe of ſtature, nor ſtrength of the fleſh are to be accompted among the chief good thinges, when as they are no leſſe commune to the godly ſometymes than they are to the vngodly. They ſurely which are deſirous of godlineſſe will iudge that ſpirituall good thynges are farre to be preferred before them,Forme and ſtature auayle nothing to ſaluation. partely bycauſe they are an helpe vntounto vsus to ſaluation, and partely bycauſe they make vsus more noble in dede than others. And that giauntes had no helpe by their huge ſtature to ſaluation, he confirmeth it by that which Baruch the Prophet hath writtē in the .3. chap. There are giauntes from the beginning of the worlde, famous men, expert in warres: thoſe hath not the Lord choſen, neither hath he geuē them the way of knowledge, but they hauehave periſhed bycauſe they had not wiſedome.Giauntes toke not godly cauſes in hande to defende. Alſo if a man ſhall read ouer the holy ſcriptures, he ſhall neuer almoſt fynd that they tooke in hand any good or godly cauſe, whiche they would defend, and for the whiche they would fight: yea he ſhall rather ſe that by their peruerſeneſſe and pride, they hauehave alwayes ben agaynſt God. So did Og king of Baſan behaue hym ſelfe, ſo alſo did Goliah and his brethren. All theſe were moſt deadly enemies to the people whom God loued and had choſen from the reſt to be peculiar to him ſelfe.Giaūtes were ouercome in battaile of weake perſons There is an other thing alſo beſides, whiche may much confirme our faith, for the holy ſcriptures do alwayes declare how ſuch mōſtrous giaūtes were filthyly ouercome in battaile, and that by feable men and very vnexpert in warlike affaires, namely by Dauid being yet but a ſhepheard, & the people of Iſrael which were thē but yong beginners in matters of warre, wherby the ſpirite of god doth admoniſhe vsus to be of a conſtaunte and valiaunte corage when for godlineſſe ſake we muſt fight againſt ſuch monſters. We muſt hauehave no regarde there to our owne ſtrength, ſeing that the holy oracles do ſo often declare, that it is god whiche deliuereth ſuch beaſtes into their handes whom he defendeth. Whiche thinges ſeing they are ſo, this without doubt cometh to paſſe, that we ſhoulde by no meanes be affeard of tyrannes, whiche are almoſt alwayes agaynſt God, and truſt to their owne great might, when they defend vngodly partes, and thincke that they can robbe and ſpoyle as they liſt them ſelues the flocke of Chriſt which is feable and weake: ſeing the might of gods word & power of his ſpirite will make vsus mightie and inuincible agaynſt them thoughe we be neuer ſo lowe and weake of nature. Moreouer if we ſhould follow humane reaſon, beyng compared with thē, we ſhould eaſely ſeeme either wormes or graſhoppers: but being hedged & fenſed w^t the might of god, we ſhall not only be ſuperiours, but alſo, (to ſpeake as Paul ſpeaketh to the Romaines) we ſhal ouercome alſo. For Chriſt will ayde vsus, who bindeth the ſtrong armed man, & taketh away the moſt riche ſpoyles which he had gathered, he hath luckly wraſtled with the deuill and his members, & we by him ſhal hauehave good ſucceſſe in our warres, and ſhal obteyne a farre more noble victorye than that whiche the Poetes hauehave fayned that their gods obtayned of the Ciclops Titans, Why Giaunts hauehave reſiſted God.and other giauntes, whiche were (as they fable) deſtroyed by the lightnings of Iupiter at Phlegra. It is a playne token why gyaūtes in the old time & mighty princes now of dayes do w^t the wiſe men of this world reſiſt god: ſurely bicauſe they cleaue & truſt to much to their own ſtrength, whereunto they ouermuch ſtickīg,God accompliſheth his thinges by humble perſons & not by giauntes. there is no miſchief which they dare not enterpriſe, there is nothing which they thincke is not lawful for thē to do. But god voucheſafeth not by ſuch men to accompliſh thoſe thinges whiche he hath decreed to bring to paſſe, but to ſet forth his might & power farre abroad he vſeth rather to accompliſh ſuch things as he hath decreed to do by Dauid and any abiect perſones.

Whether Og were the laſt of al the giaunts.Of this thing I would thincke that I had ſpoken enoughe, but that there is a certein place remayning to be expounded: namely how it ſhould be written in Deut. that there was no more of the giauntes remayning but only Og king of Baſan. I am not ignorante what R. Salomo fableth, but his expoſition is ſo childiſhe, & ſo worthy to be laughed at, y^t I am aſhamed to rehearſe it. I iudge therfore that it was not ſpokē abſolutely & ſimply, that there were no more remayning but he, as thoughe there were no more giauntes in all the worlde but he: but it is meant that he onelyonly was remayning in thoſe places namely beyonde Iordane. The Moabites alſo draue Giauntes out of their coaſtes.Moreouer we muſt vnderſtand that not onelyonly the Iſraelites deſtroyed the giauntes out of thoſe regions but alſo the Moabites as it is written in the ſecond chap. of Deut. draue them out of their coaſtes, which muſt alſo be thought to hauehave ben brought to paſſe by them thorough the fauour of God: for it is in the ſame place written that god gaue vntounto the Moabites thoſe regions to inhabite. Now will I returne to the wordes of the holy hyſtory.

And from thence they went to the mountaynes of Debir, and the name of Debir before was Kiriath Sepher. Why this citie is called the citie of Letters.It is commonly tranſlated the citie of letters, and therfore would they hauehave this citie ſo called, bycauſe the firſt letters wer found there, or els bycauſe learning or good ſtudies floriſhed in that Citie, as they do at this daye in vniuerſities, where good ſciences are openly taught. Some thincke that lawyers liued there, whiche kept the recordes of iudgementes. There be ſome alſo whiche write that there was a notable library there. R. D. Kimhi affirmeth that Debir in the Perſian language ſignifieth a letter, but y^e worde Sephir in Hebrew ſignifieth not properly a letter or a figure but rather a litle boke or ſcrolle written vponupon. The Hebrues do make mencion that Othoniel did in this place expound certein rules of the lawe, whiche before that tyme were almoſt blotted out, and of that dede was the citie ſo afterwarde named, but this cā ſcarſe be probable, bycauſe it ſeemeth that that citie had that name before the Iſraelites poſſeſſed it. We muſt know moreouer that this citie alſo was taken when Ioſua was a lyue, whiche is ſhewed in his owne booke.

And that by no meanes can be fayned to be ſayd there by preuenting or (as they ſay) by anticipatiō. For it is written in the .11. chap. And Ioſua came at y^e tyme & p. 18deſtroyed the Enakims from the mountaynes, namely Hebron, Debir and all the mountaynes of Iudah. If theſe things ſhould hauehave ben mencioned in y^e place, as things whiche ſhould come to paſſe ſone after the death of Ioſua, then had it not ben well ſpoken, to hauehave ſayd, And Ioſua came at that tyme. And this I thincke the reader ſhall playnly ſee proued, if he will not thincke it paynfull, diligently to read ouer the 10, and 15. chap. of Ioſua.