Commentaries, Commentary on Judges · Chapter 8 – Chapter 9

Commentaries · Commentary on Judges · Chapter 8 – Chapter 9

¶The .viii. Chapter.

1. THen the mē of Ephraim ſaid vntounto him: Why haſt thou done thys vntounto vsus, that thou calledſt vsus not, whē thou wēteſt to fight with the Madianites? And they chode with him ſharpely.

2 To whom he anſwered: What hauehave I nowe done in compariſon of you? Is not the gleanyng of grapes of Ephraim better, then the vintage of Abiezer?

3 God hath delyuered into your handes the Princes of Madian, Horeb, and Zeeb: and what was I able to do, in compariſō of you? And when hee had thus ſpoken, then their ſpirites abated towarde hym.

The Ephraits nobler thē they of Manaſſes.THe Ephraites enuied Gideon, bicauſe great glorye redounded vntounto hym by this battaile. That Tribe was much more noble then the Tribe of Manaſſes. For Iacob when he bleſſed the ſonnes of Ioſeph, ſtretching out his hands preferred Ephraim which was the yonger, before Manaſſes, whiche otherwyſe was the firſt borne. Wherfore it is no maruail, if they now tooke it hainouſlye, that they of Manaſſes caryed away the victory without their conduct.

Is not the gleanyng of grapes of Ephraim. Gideon aunſwereth verye wittely, and by gentle woordes aſſwaged the ſpirites of the Ephraites. By the name of ſpirite I vnderſtand violence, which proceded of arrogancy and hautynes of mynde, as we reade in the Goſpel: Bleſſed are the poore in ſpirite. Hereby it appeareth that a gentle anſwer breaketh anger. That which ſprang of enuy, he ſo ſemeth to hauehave taken it, as though they had bene ſtyrred vp by a certain honeſt emulation, and deſired that they alſo might be authors of the libertye of the Iſraelites. They which be enuious, are wont to be ſory for this, bicauſe they want ſome good thing, which they ſee other hauehave alreadye obtayned. Gideon ſheweth them, that the matter is not ſo as they thinke for: when as the greater part of this victory redounded vntounto them. VVhat hauehave I done (ſayth he) that may be compared wyth your acte? I beganne the warre in deede, but ye hauehave ſlayne Horeb and Zeeb, which was the principalleſt thing in this battayle. The gleaning of your grapes, are better then my wynepreſſe. For the two Princes, whom ye hauehave both taken and killed, are of much more price then the reſt of the multitude, which I hauehave vanquiſhed. And if a regard ſhould be had vntounto the Tribe or family, the leaſt part of the tribe of Ephraim is better, and ſtronger, then all the power and ability of the Abiezerites. Gideon telleth them not that he was peculiarly choſen of God vntounto this office: for that woulde more hauehave prouoked them to anger. Wherfore he thought to geue place to the deſyre of glory, wherwyth they burned, and to their enuiouſnes. And yet in the mean time he lieth not: for aſmuch as the tribe of Ephraim was moſt ſtrong. Neither could Gideon by himſelfe, or by his own power performe thoſe thinges which they did, althoughe by the fauour and helpe of God he dyd greater thinges.

¶Of the affections of enuy and emulation.

BVt I thinke it good ſomewhat to ſpeake of the affections, namely of Enuye & Emulation, & ſuch like. Affections (as it is wel knowen) pertain vntounto the general word of quality, & ar contayned in that forme, which is cōmonly called Paſsio, & paſsibilis qualitas. And amongſt thoſe ther are two more groſſe & very cōmon,Foure principall affections whych followe knowledge. Delectation (I ſay) & Sorow. Their chief place is in the ſynowes, which are diſperſed in a maner throughout the whole body. VntoUnto which, when either agreable things to nature, or things contrary ar applied, then either we hauehave a delectatiō, or els a grief. Farther, ther ar other affectiōs which folow knowlege, p. 142by whiche as their nature is, the heart altereth hys mocion by mouing the pulſe either vpwarde or downeward, accordyng as knowledge doth receaued good or euil, & that either preſent or els nye at hand. For when we fele that good is preſent, 1the heart therewith is ioconde, and is affected pleaſauntly.Laetici…. And this affectiō is called Gladneſſe. But if we perceaue that the good is not preſent, but not far 2from vsus, yea at hand and very nyghe to be obteyned,Spes. then are we ſtirred vp by hope to attayne it, and the heart is in like ſorte pleaſauntly moued. But when 3we ſee that euill is preſent, the heart flieth awaye with a heauy mocion,Dolor vel Aegritudo. foreign. for it is contracted, it abhorred it, and is vexed: and this affection is wont to be called both payne, and grief, in Greeke it is called foreign, ſo called as the Stoikes thinke, as thoughe it were foreign: that is conſumption: for euen as the body of him that is ſicke waſteth away by ſickeneſſe, ſo the mynde ſemeth in a maner to weare away with ſorow. There is alſo an other knowledge of euill, not now beyng preſent, 4but whiche already is at hand. The heart flyeth from that alſo,Metus. The foure affections whiche hauehave their begynnyng of Grief & payne. Miſericordia. Nemeſis. Inuidia. and by hys mouyng very manifeſtly declineth from it: and ſuch an affection is called Feare.

Of thoſe foure principall affections, theſe are now to be entreated of, whiche hauehave their begynnyng of Heuyneſſe, or Grief. And they alſo are reckened to be foure. Mercy, Nemeſis, Enuy, and Emulation, of whiche Ariſtotle in his Rethorikes hath written many goodly thinges.

But before we entreate particularly of them, one thing is to be enquired of: Whether Affections are to be counted good or euill. The Stoikes affirme that they are euill, and they hauehave vniuerſally condemned affections,Aemulatio. Whether affections be good or euill. The Stoikes. this reaſon leadyng them thereunto, bycauſe by them the mynde, iudgement, and ſound Counſell is troubled. For they ſo diſtract and ſhake the mynde or reaſon, that it can not at pleaſure and quietly hauehave the contēplatiō of thinges naturall and diuine, neither orderly and rightly determine of things to be done. Farther, bicauſe by their wayght they oftentymes driue men to perpetrate filthy and vniuſt things: yea and they hurte the body alſo, when they are very vehement. Theſe in a maner are the reaſons of the Stoikes. The Peripatecians teache muche otherwiſe, that is, that thoſe things are not true, which the Stoikes affirme,The Peripatecians. but when affections are not chaſtiſed & kept vnderunder by reaſon, then are they ſuffred immoderatly to runne at randon. For euē y^e affections, if they be kept in with certain bondes, are both good and profitable, as beyng the matter of vertues, and whiche are by nature appoynted for their whetſtones. For anger bringeth no ſmall helpe vntounto ſtrength, and mercy is ſet vnderunder the vertue of clemency. And in the ſame maner it may be ſayd of many other.

But this ſentence wherin the Philoſophers do ſo diſagre,What the holy ſcriptures affirme of affectiōs muſt be decided by the iudgement of the holy ſcriptures. They write, y^e man both as touching ſoule and as touching body was created of God. And they adde, that all things were good, what ſoeuer God created. Wherfore for aſmuch as he planted affections in man, but not euill and corrupt, as now we hauehave them, but right and ſound, which ſhould obey and ſerue reaſon, they muſt of neceſſity be good. Farther the lawe of God doth eueryevery where commend vntounto vsus mercy, and preacheth repentaunce, whiche can not conſiſte without payne and grief of the minde. Dauid alſo writeth, and Paul repeteth it, be ye angry, but ſinne not. Yea and whiche more is, affections are aſcribed euen vntounto God, as Anger, Mercy, Grief, Repentance, &c. which things althoughe they are not properly ſpokē of him, yet this muſt we marke, that in the holy ſcriptures that is neuer attributed vntounto God, whiche in a man is of it ſelfe vice, or of his owne nature ſinne. This ſo diſcuſſed, let vsus nowe entreate of mercy.

¶Of Mercy.

MErcy is a grief of the minde, which we take for the aduerſity of other men,Cicero. Ariſtotle. or (as Cicero ſaith) a grief takē for an others mās miſery. Ariſtotle teacheth, that Mercy is ſtirred vp, if we ſee any ſuffre greuous things which they hauehave not deſerued. For if wicked men be iuſtly puniſhed, Mercy is not therfore ſtirred vp. Farther he thinketh, that thoſe caſes whiche we pitye, ſhould be terrible, otherwiſe if they be but light, we are by them litle or nothing moued. Laſtly that they are touched with mercy, which do thinke that ſuch things may ſometymes happen either vntounto themſelues or to ſome of their friendes. Which is the cauſe, that Ariſtotle ſuppoſeth, that they which are in proſperity, and do iudge themſelues happy, are not prone vntounto mercy, yea they ar wont to ſcoffe & mocke thoſe which are in miſery, as they which thinke nothing can hurte them. Likewiſe he remoueth this affection from ſuch as are deſperate and in a moſt miſerable ſtate, bycauſe they are not afrayd that any worſe thing can happen vntounto them, then that whiche they hauehave already. Wherfore they ſeme in that deſperate fortune to hauehave become men without ſenſes. But if this were true, a man might doubt, by what meanes mercy can be aſcribed vntounto God, for aſmuch as he without controuerſy is moſt bleſſed, and nothing can hurt hym. But to this might be anſwered, that mercy is not properly attributed vntounto god, but by a metaphore taken of man, bycauſe he doth thoſe things,Mercy is alſo to be ſhewed vntounto thoſe which iuſtly ar puniſhed. which mercifull men are wont to do. For they helpe the afflicted, which ſelf ſame thing god alſo doeth. But in this thing I agree not vntounto Ariſtotle, whiche will not hauehave mercy to be ſhewed vntounto thoſe whiche are iuſtly puniſhed. For Samuel mourned long time for Saul, whō God reiected not vnworthily, but moſt iuſtly. Chriſt alſo wept ouer the deſtruction of Ieruſalem which was at hand vntounto that City, not vndoubtedly without deſerte, but iuſtly. Neither thinke I this true, that ſinnes, which ſome mē commit, do not ſtirre vp mercy, but onelyonly calamityes & aduerſityes do ſtirre vp mercy. For holy men are no leſſe grieued for other mēs cauſes, whē they fal into grieuous ſinnes, thē they are when they be oppreſſed with euil fortune, yea they ar ſo much the more grieued, as that euil is more pernicious, and leſſe able to be cured. Wherfore we can not deny, but that mercy is a good affection, for as much as it obeyeth the worde of God and reaſon, eſpecially ſeyng the Lord by his own mouth hath pronounced, that the mercifull are bleſſed, bycauſe they alſo ſhall obtayne mercy.

The other affection which hath his beginning of Heuineſſe or Grief, is called Nemeſis: Nemeſis.the ſame hath no Lattin worde, although of ſome it be called Indignatio, that is Indignation, which yet by that word do not expreſſe all that affectiō: for Indignation extendeth farther than Nemeſis. Holy men oftē tymes ar ſicke of Nemeſis.But leauyng the word, let vsus thus define the thing. Nemeſis is a grief, which is taken for y^e proſperity of wicked men, bycauſe they ſeme vnworthy of that fortune. Iuſt and holy men are ſicke oftentymes of this affectiō. Dauid when he ſaw the vngodly floriſhing, ſaid: My fete were almoſt moued. Abacuk alſo, was grieued that the vngodly were of ſuch force, that they could oppreſſe the ſaintes, and deuoure the iuſt. And Iob ſemeth in a maner to complayne vntounto his friends for the ſame thing. Farther Plutarche in the lyfe of Homere praiſeth this affection,Plutarche. and by occaſion therof he far preferreth the Peripatecians in diſputing of Affections before the Stoikes, & eſpecially by the iudgement of Homere, who affirmeth that God at the length will angerly puniſhe, after that the wicked hauehave a certayne while floriſhed. Howbeit this is to be obſerued, that men are not grieued with this affection, for that they ſhall ſuffer any loſſe, by reaſō of the proſperous ſucceſſe of the wicked, or bycauſe that they by their power can hurt them. For if they were in this maner grieued, thei ſhould not be troubled with Nemeſis, but rather with feare. But Nemeſis is then, when a man for the lucky ſucceſſe of the wicked, is moued with aſtomake & hatred of the vnworthineſſe of the perſon.

How mercy & Nemeſis agree and differ.This affection in two things cōmunicateth with Mercy: firſt bycauſe either of them is a Heuineſſe: farther, bycauſe eche of thē is ſtirred vp by the vnworthineſſe of the thing. Mercy, bycauſe good men are grieued and oppreſſed, and Nemeſis, bycauſe wicked men lyue happely. But in this afterwarde they differ, bycauſe p. 143Nemeſis hath a reſpect vntounto proſperous fortune, & Mercy vntounto ſharpe fortune. Wherfore Nemeſis is in a maner a meane affection betwene Enuy & Mercy, for of either it ſemeth to take ſomewhat: of mercy it taketh vnworthineſſe: of Enuy proſperity, which it hath a reſpect vntounto.Ariſtotle. Farthermore Ariſtotle teacheth y^t none are affected with Nemeſis for other mens vertues: for if otherwiſe they of vicious and corrupt men, become iuſt, moderate, ſtrong, and temperate men, we are not then angry, bycauſe when they are adorned with vertues, they are no lenger counted wicked men. But then at the laſt we are affected with Nemeſis, when thoſe good things come vntounto wicked mē, with which we thinke y^e good mē ought to be rewarded, as are riches, honours, power, fauor, & ſuch like. But godly men muſt wiſely deale with this affection, that when their myndes are affected with it, bycauſe of the felicity of the vngodly, let them hauehave a regarde vntounto God, which is the true gouerner and diſtributer of all good things. Wherfore if men ſhould beſtow theſe outwarde goods vponupon the vnworthy, their vniuſtice might iuſtly be reproued. But ſuch a reprehenſion hath no place in God, bycauſe he doth all things moſt iuſtly. This thing Dauid when he did not diligently conſider, ſayd: My fete were almoſt moued. As though he ſhould hauehave ſayd: By reaſon of this Nemeſis I had almoſt grieuouſly fallen.We muſte ſeldom geue place to Nemeſis. Inuidia. Inuidenciae. Cicero. How enuy and enuidēce differ Enuye. The definition of Enuie. Wherfore we muſt ſeldome geue place to this affection, leaſt we ſeme to reprehende the Prouidence of God.

Now muſt we ſpeake of enuy. Cicero thinketh that it ſhould rather be called Enuidence, for they among Lattin men are ſayd to be ſicke with Enuy, whiche are enuied. But Enuidence pertayneth to them, which conſume away with this diſeaſe. And therfore he thinketh that Enuy or Enuidence is therfore ſo called, bycauſe that they which are enuious, do to much looke vpō other mens fortune. Enuy therfore is a grief which is takē for an other mās proſperity, eſpecially of thoſe which are equal & like vntounto vsus. For a poore mā enuieth not a king, neither do beggers enuy noble men. We enuy thoſe that are like & equall vntounto vsus. And the likeneſſe is to be vnderſtand, as touching kinred, riches, beawty, age, witte, dignity, and ſuch like. The cauſe of Enuidence is not, bycauſe we feare that ſome hurte is at hand of thoſe whom we enuy: for that ſhould be feare. But of a certayne hatred and ſtomacke we can not abide the proſperity of other men, eſpecially of our matches and like. And therof Enuy is the cauſe.

Enuy is euermore counted euill, and it is by the holy ſcriptures grieuouſly reproued. For it is moſt manifeſtly againſt Charity. For the Apoſtle ſaid vntounto the Corinth. the 1. chap. Charity enuieth not.Charitye foreign. For Paul taketh not properly there y^e worde foreign whiche is turned enuy. But to the Galathians he more playnly forbiddeth enuy, writing: Be not ye made deſirous of vayne glory, prouoking one an other, and enuieng one an other: Where not only Enuy is reproued,Deſire of glory is the mother of Enuy. but the mother of it is alſo ſhewed, namely deſire of glory. As alſo we may in this hiſtory perceaue. For the Ephraites enuied Gideon, bycauſe the glory of ſo great a victory ſemed to redound vntounto him. And this affectiō is of force in all thoſe things, wherin we deſire to excel. Neither abſteyneth it alſo from vertues: for y^e enuious perſons would not that his matches and like ſhould excell him in any ornament of vertues. But the cauſe why enuy is conuerſant among like, is this, bycauſe although the proſperous fortune of like or matches, doth take away none of our goods, neither maketh vsus leſſer then we are, yet the Enuious perſon ſo thinketh of the good things of other men, as though by them his honor & dignity, gayne,Of foreign. and other ornamentes were darkened. And this is not to be left vnſpoken of, y^t eueryevery enuious perſon is one that reioyſeth in an other mans hurte: for he reioyſeth in the aduerſity of his equall.EueryEvery enuious m…nne is foreign that is one that reioy…eth at another mas… Yet are not theſe to be counted for one and the ſelfe ſame vice, ſeyng they pertayne vntounto contrary mocions of the mynde. For Enuidence is a grief or ſorow, when he that reioyſeth in an other mans hurte is affected with ioy. Yet are theſe vices, although they be diuerſe, otherwiſe ſo ioyned together, that there is no enuious man whiche is not moued with the reioyſing in the hurt of an other. And hereby it manifeſtly appeareth that Enuidēce plainly is contrary vntounto Mercy. For it lamenteth an other mās miſery, but the enuious man reioyſeth therin, bicauſe of the diſeaſe of reioyſing in the hurt of an other wherewith he is ſicke.Nemeſis is ioned alſo with foreign They that are affected with Nemeſis want not alſo this motion of the mynde. For he which is ſory for y^e proſperous ſucceſſe of wicked men, the ſame man is alſo affected with pleaſure, when he ſeeth them oppreſſed and vexed. The Latines hauehave no worde to expreſſe this kynde of ioye, wherewith both the enuious man, and he that hath Nemeſis is affected, in beholding an others mans proſperity.

Of emulation.Laſtly we muſt entreate of Emulation, which is a grief of the minde, whiche we conceaue for good things whiche happen vntounto other, whiche we want, which we thinke ſhould beautify vsus, & would gladly attayne vntounto them. By this motiō of the minde we deſire not, that other mē ſhould be depriued of their ornamēts, but that grieueth vsus, bycauſe we our ſelues are deſtitute of thē. And it is a point of a good nature, in this maner to be affected: therfore Emulation is numbred among laudable Affections.Emulation is counted among laudable affections. Cicero in his Tuſculan queſtions, defineth it to be a grief, which procedeth of that, that an other enioyeth that good thing whiche we deſire. The ſame writer obſerueth alſo, that Emulation is ſometymes ſo taken, that it nothing differeth from Enuidence: wherfore it is ſometymes reproued. But if the definition therof be receaued, as it is now alledged, it is an affection laudable, bycauſe it maketh men better: for it vſeth to bring forth the imitacion of good things.We muſt beware that Emulation degenerate not into enuy. Cicero. Riuality is the enuy betwene two louing one woman. The matter wherin Emulation is occupyed. Emulatiō hath hope ioyned with it. The Ephraites were ſicke of Enuy, and not of Emulation. But we muſt take hede, whiche vndoubtedly is eaſely done, that it degenerate not into Enuy, and Emulatiō procede not ſo farre, that we ſhould wiſh that men fortunate and noble, and alſo wiſe men, might be ſpoyled of theyr ornamentes & good things. Wherfore Cicero ſayd, that that Emulation is laudable, which is not like vntounto riuality. For this is the nature of thoſe that be Riuales, ſo to enioy their delightes, that they vtterly exclude all other. But addyng theſe cautions, Emulation is both good and holy. Wherfore Paul exhorted the Corinthians to emulate Charity, and the chiefeſt giftes. This affection is chiefly occupied about vertues, and al thinges which are had in honour and admiraciō. For that which a man contemneth and diſpyſeth, he vſeth not to emulate. Emulation hath Hope cōtinually ioyned with it, of obteyning that which it deſireth. For if a man ſhould diſpayre, it is not poſſible that he ſhould emulate. And thus much of theſe affections.

Wherfore we gather that the Ephraites were moued with enuy againſt Gideon, bycauſe they would hauehave him depriued of the glory whiche he had gotten. Neither contended they ſo, bycauſe they ſtudyed to do the like, although peraduē ture they made that their pretence. But Gideon maketh not mentiō vntounto them of his vocation, labour, induſtry, louelove of his countrey, his good acte, & ſuch other thinges, which might hauehave ſerued to the amplifieng of hys deſerte towarde the people, and of his dignity. For by that meanes he ſhould the more hauehave moued them to enuy: but after a ſort he gaue place vntounto them, & interpreteth their affection, as though it were an honeſt emulatiō. And teacheth them, y^t they hauehave now y^e fruit of this affectiō, bycauſe they had not only imitated him, but they had done more then he had accompliſhed. But now let vsus returne vntounto the Hiſtory.

4 And Gideon came vntounto Iorden to paſſe ouer, he and the 300. mē that were with him, weary, yet purſuing them.

5 And he ſayd vntounto the men of Succoth: Geue, I pray you, morſels of bread vntounto this people that are at my fete, for they are weary: & I will follow after Zebah and Zalmonah Kinges of Madian.

6 And one of the princes of Succoth ſayd: Are the handes of Zebah, and Zalmonah now in thine hande, that we ſhould geue bread p. 144vntounto thine army?

7 Gideon then ſayd: Therfore, when the Lorde hath deliuered Zebah, & Zalmonah into myne hand, then I will beate in peeces your fleſhe with thornes of the wilderneſſe and with briars.

8 And he went vp thence vntounto Penuel, and ſpake vntounto them lykewiſe, and the men of Penuel aunſwered hym: as the men of Succoth aunſwered.

9 And he ſayd alſo vntounto the men of Penuel: when I come agayn in peace, I will breake downe this Tower.

10 Nowe Zebah and zalmonah were in Karkor, & their hoſtes with thē, about fiften thouſand, al y^t were left of all the hoſtes of the childrē of Kedem: & they which wer ſlayne, were an hundreth & twenty thouſand men that drew ſwordes.

11 And Gideon went thorough them that dwelt in tabernacles, on the Eaſt ſide of Nobah, Iogbehah, and ſmote the hoſte, for the hoſt was careleſſe.

12 And when zebah and zalmonah fled, he followed after them, and tooke the two kynges of Madian, zebah and zalmonah, and diſcō fited all the hoſt.

13 So Gideon the ſonne of Ioas returned from the battayle, before the ſunne roſe vp.

After a long parentheſis the hiſtory returneth vntounto the iuſt order of y^e thing that was done, and declareth in what ſorte the ende of the battayle was. When the Madianites and they of the Eaſte had wounded themſelues one an other, and a few of them whiche remayned, fled away: Gideon purſued after them, & paſſed ouer Iordane. And bycauſe he had laboured all the night, and ſawe that his thre hundreth men were weary, he would ſomwhat refreſh them. Therfore he required meat of y^e city of Succoth for his fellow ſouldiers.Two Succoths. And Succoth lyeth beyond Iordane in the tribe of Gad. Iacob builded it, when he departed from ſaluting his brother Eſau. Whiche I therfore ſpeake, bycauſe there is an other place which is likewyſe called Succoth, but it belongeth vntounto Egypt, and is numbred among the firſt mention places of the children of Iſraell.

Gideon deſireth that he might hauehave geuen him Kichroth, that is round peces of bread for his weary ſouldiers. Vndoubtedly, if he had required great plenty of bread or meat generally, they of Succoth might after a ſorte hauehave ben excuſed. But by name he deſired onelyonly bread. Wherfore they whiche would not do that, can not but be condemned of great inhumanite.He bringeth two cauſes of hys requeſt. He bringeth two cauſes of hys requeſt: my fellow ſouldiers, ſaith he, are weary, namely bycauſe for the publique health they hauehave laboured all night: wherby he ſignified that they were not vnworthy of their reward. Farther we purſue the Madianites, puttyng our ſelues agayn in daunger for the health of the Hebrues. Either of theſe cauſe were ſufficient ynoughe to allure their beneuolence.

The princes of Succoth aunſwere, namely one for them all, and therfore it is ſayd in the ſingular nūber, Vaiiomer, and he ſayd. Wherby is ſignified that onelyonly the princes and ſenators of this city were in the faulte, and therfore they were at the length (as afterward ſhalbe declared) puniſhed by Gideon, and he threatned them only, as it is here written. They do not onelyonly refuſe to geue bread, but alſo they ſcorne the man. Are, ſayth they, the handes of zebah and zalmonah in thy power? Thou ſpeakeſt vntounto vsus with ſo greate a ſtouteneſſe, and ſo deſireſt bread, as though thou haddeſt already taken them. Gideon was griuouſly angry with theſe mockes for ſo vnworthy a contempt, and he freely and playnely foreſpake, what he would do agaynſt them.

If theſe vngodly and rude men had bene wiſe, they would hauehave ioyned them ſelues vntounto him, to aſſiſte his endeuor in fighting for the common health. But this they do not impudently deny bread whiche men vſe to geue vntounto ſuche as are weary and hungry, although they be ſtraungers. A wonderfull diuerſity vndoubtedly of things: The Madianites which were ſtrangers, were afrayd and fled: but thoſe whiche were Iſraelites, mocke Gideon the conquerer. If thou wilt ſaye they were ignoraunt of hys vocation: we may aunſwere, that they could not denye, but that his worke was good. But graunt that they doubted of the vocation and principality of Gideon, what excuſe at the laſte can theyr moſte wanton deriſion hauehave? For ſo did Nabal the Carmilite behaue hymſelfe towarde Dauid, when he required ſome meate of hym for hys Souldiers, makyng mencion of hys fayth, and the fidelitye of hys men, in ſafegardyng hys thynges. But he dyd not onelyonly denye vntounto hym that humanity, but ſent awaye the meſſangers laden with contumelyes. The thynges which Gideon required, were iuſte and honeſty.Stipēdes and victuales are due vntounto an hoſte whiche goeth on warfare. For ſtipendes and vittailes are due vntounto the Magiſtrates, for as muche as he laboureth for the publicque vtility. Wherefore Paul ſayeth: Therefore ye geue vntounto hym tribute, bycauſe he is the Miniſter of God, namely in defendyng the innocent, and puniſhyng the guilty. Wherefore they of Succoth were bounde to geue thoſe thynges whiche were deſired, by the duety of iuſtice. For the ſame Apoſtle writeth, render vntounto eueryevery man that whiche is due: to whome tribute belongeth, tribute, to whom cuſtome is due, cuſtome, &c. The Ethnikes alſo ſaw this, whē as there are many ciuiles lawes extāt, whiche doo both weyghtely and moſte iuſt prouide, that Souldiers ſhould hauehave vittayles founde them, when they goo on warfare. And howe muche they ſynned in mockyng ſo greate a man, we may gather by the wordes of Chriſt, who ſayeth: If a man ſaye vntounto an other man foole, or Racha, be ſhalbe guilty of iudgement and Counſell: how muche more ſhall he be condemned, whiche wantonly ſcoffeth and mocketh hys Magiſtrate? Some prynces dyd ſeuerely puniſhe thoſe whiche with contumelyes reproched euen theyr images: what ought this man to doo with thoſe, whiche ſo mocked hym to hys face? Theſe thynges I therfore ſpeake, that we ſhoulde not thinke that Gideon did vniuſtly threaten them. It is not for priuate men to reuenge theyr owne iniuryes: But it is the office of the Magiſtrate to reuenge both hys owne iniuryes and other mennes, and in reuengyng hys owne, he reuengeth alſo other mennes iniuryes. For what ſouer contumely is committed agaynſte a prince, it redoundeth vntounto the publique wealth and all princes. Gideon at thys preſent dyd onelyonly threaten, yet he ſtayed not there, leaſt by occaſion of reuengyng of hys owne iniury, the commodity of the victorye, whereunto he was called by God, ſhoulde be hindred. He differred therefore that whiche belonged vntounto hymſelfe: but with ſpede he proſecuteth that, whiche chiefely pertayned to the delyuery of the publicque wealth. But princes at thys daye do otherwiſe, who rather make warre amonge themſelues, and that for very lyght cauſes, then they will take in hande a common cauſe and defence agaynſte the Turke. Yea and there are ſome, and thoſe of the Cardinalles, whiche write that they will (if they can) call backe Ceſar himſelfe from that courſe of victory, wherwith he might obteyne agayne euen the City of Conſtantinople, and to puniſhe the Germaynes and Engliſhemen, and other whiche fell from the Churche of Rome.

Furthermore, Gideon is for thys thyng to be prayſed, namely bycauſe, althoughe meate wanted, and he was deſpyſed of the Hebrues, yet he deſiſted not from that vocation, wherein he was conſtituted by GOD. But nowe both prynces and miniſters of the Churche will not abyde in theyr office, vnleſſe thynges neceſſary for theyr lyuyng be moſte aboundantly miniſtred vntounto them. He threateneth thornes and briars vntounto the princes of Succoth. For that Citie p. 145whiche the Ethnikes call Trogloditis, had a deſert in the circuite therof,Why he threa… neth thornes & briars. Penuel. wherin grewe many thornes and briars. Penuel is of Strabo called the face of God: in which place Iacob wraſteled with y^e aungell, and ſayd at the laſt: I hauehave ſene the Lorde face to face, and my ſoule hath eſcaped ſafe. The menne of Penuel in mockyng Gideon imitated them of Succoth, and bycauſe they puttyng theyr confidence in the Tower whiche they had, did ſo ſcoffe at Gideon, therefore he threatened to ouerthrowe it after hys victorye. But howe thys Capitayne of GOD got meate, it is not written: and peraduenture GOD ſo ſtrengthned him and hys hoſte, that without meate he perfectly obtayned the victorye whiche he had begon.

He fyndeth hys enemyes lyuing in ſecuritye: it was nyght when he paſſed ouer Iordane: and they had but euen nowe eſcaped out of the borders of the Iſraelites, and they thought y^e Gideon would be in quiet at the leaſt for that nyght. Theſe were the cauſes, that they ſo ſecurely reſted themſelues. There were fifttene thouſand ſouldiers together, as certayne ſmall remnauntes: for at the begynnyng there came one hundreth and twenty thouſand fighting men, which ſtoode in the brunte, and bore weapons. Whereby we may eaſely gather what a greate number there were of boyes, ſcullions, and vnprofitable men, whiche vſe to followe hoſtes. When the two kynges were taken, Gideon returned, when the Sunne was eleuated, that is, after his ryſing: by whiche kynde of ſpeakyng, we manifeſtly know, that this warre, as it was begon in the night tyme, ſo alſo was it finiſhed by nyght.

14 And he tooke a ſeruaunte of the men of Succoth: and enquired of him: and he wrote to him the princes of Succoth, and the Elders therof euen ſeuentye and ſeuen men.

15 And he came vntounto the men of Succoth, and ſaid: Behold Zebah and Zalmonah by whom ye vpbrayded me, ſaying: Are the hands of Zebah and zalmonah now in thy hande, that thou deſireſt, that we ſhould geue bread vntounto thy weary men?

16 Then he tooke the Elders of the City, and thornes of the deſert and briars and brake with them the men of Succoth.

17 Alſo he brake downe the Tower of Penuel, and ſlewe the men of the City.

Gideon required of this fellowe beyng either a younge man or a ſeruaunte, to deſcribe vntounto hym the names of the princes or Senators of Succoth. He truſteth not his memory, but will hauehave their names written, and ſtudieth for this thing onelyonly, not to commit any thing by anger with a furious minde. And therfore with mature deliberation he would puniſh onelyonly the guilty, and not deſtroy the vnguilty together with the guilty. He ſawe that onelyonly the heades of the City reſiſted him, wherfore he determined to puniſhe them alone. Theodoſius, A fall of Theodoſius.an Emperor otherwiſe moſt worthy of prayſe, fell grieuouſly, bycauſe in the City of Theſſalonia, for the kyllynge of one Souldier, whiche bare rule vnderunder him, he commaunded a great number of Citezins to be ſlayn without any choiſe, wherby both the guilty, and the innocent were killed. Wherefore he was corrected by the authoritye of Ambroſius beynge Byſhoppe,The Emperor corrected of the Biſhop. and compelled to publique repentaunce: and by the commaundement of the ſame man of GOD he made a lawe, whiche is yet in the Code, that the ſentence of death beyng pronounced agaynſte any man, ſhould be ſtayed the ſpace of thirty dayes, before he ſhould be put to execution. But nowe a dayes it oftentymes commeth to paſſe, that ſome publique wealth is moſte grieuouſly oppreſſed, if two, thre, or foure Citezins thereof hauehave offended: all priuileges, liberty, and other ornamentes are in a moment taken awaye.Why he ſaued the kinges of Madian on lyue. Farther we muſte conſider, that Gideon did raſhely ſaue one lyue Zebah and Zalmonah whome he had taken: for he woulde ſhewe them vntounto the menne of Succoth and Citizens Penuel, that GOD had deliuered them vntounto hym. He vexed the princes both with thornes and briars, as he threatened, that by theyr euill they myght learne, howe muche and what they had offended.Thornes are vnlucky plāts. Iodeach is in thys place not onelyonly to inſtruct, but (as I ſuppoſe) it ſignifieth in Lattin animaduertere whiche is to puniſhe. Thornes are counted euen of the Ethnikes among vnluckly plantes: and therfore it is no meruayle, if they be occupied in puniſhementes. But whether he ſlew them, or onelyonly chaſtiſed them, by the wordes of the Hyſtory it appeareth not. But of Penuel it is manifeſt ynough, both that the tower was ouerthrowē and the Citezins ſlayne, bycauſe either they ſcoffed more wantonly than the menne of Succoth did, or els truſtyng to the fenſe of the place they reſiſted Gideon, wherefore when they came to the battayle they were ſlayne: or els let vsus graunt that they of Succoth alſo periſhed with thornes and briars.

18 Then ſaid he vntounto Zebah and Zalmonah, What manner of men were they, whom ye ſlew at Thabor? and they aunſwered: As thou art, ſo were they: eueryevery one was like the children of a kyng.

19 And he ſayde, they were my brethren euen my mothers children. As the Lorde lyueth, if ye had ſaued theyr lyues, I would not ſlaye you.

20 Then he ſayde vntounto Iether his firſte borne ſonne, Vp and ſlaye them. But the boye drew not hys ſworde: for he feared, bycauſe he was yet a childe.

21 And Zebah and Zalmonah ſayde, Riſe thou, and fall vponupon vsus, for as the man is, ſo is his ſtrength. And Gideon aroſe, and ſlewe Zebah and zalmonah, and tooke awaye the ornamentes, that were on the camels neckes.

Nowe is ſet forth the puniſhement of theſe two kynges of Madian, whiche Gideon had therefore ſaued on lyue, to ſhewe them vntounto thoſe Iſraelites, whom he had determined to puniſhe, when he had obtayned the victory. Firſte he aſketh them, what manner of men they were, whom they ſlewe in mount Thabor. They aunſwered that they were like hym, and ſo comely and beautiful, that they myght appeare to be the chyldren of a kyng. And that maye alſo be vnderſtande of one of them, when as it is ſayde Echad: we maye alſo vnderſtande it of eueryevery one of them. There are ſome alſo which thynke that thoſe that were ſlayne were in ſemblance and beauty lykened vntounto the children of Gideon, Gideon was exceding beaufull.whome therefore they called a kynge, bycauſe they ſawe hym beare dominion in the hoſte. Hereby is gathered that Gideon was excedyng beautifull. But when hys brethrē were kylled, we can not finde by the holy Hiſtory. But it myght be, that they committed thys acte nowe when they came to make thys warre, or els before when eueryevery yeare they inuaded the lande of the Iſraelites in the tyme of harueſt. Of mount Thabor we hauehave before ſpoken, when we entreated of the victory of Barak and Deborah.

It was not lawfull to ſaue theſe kyngs on lyue.As the Lorde liueth, if ye had ſaued their lyues. Gideon mought hauehave ſaued theſe kynges lyues, if they had not ſlayne hys brethren: but bycauſe they had ſlayne them it was not lawfull. For in the booke of Numbers there is a lawe, wherein it is ordayned, that the nexte of kynne muſte not ſuffer the bloude of hym that is dead vnpuniſhed, not that a priuate man ſhoulde kyll a murtherer, but he muſt be brought vntounto the Iudge that there the cauſe beyng knowē he myght be puniſhed. And therefore Gideon beyng a Magiſtrate ought by that p. 146lawe to puniſhe them. Otherwyſe he myght hauehave let them goo, for as muche as they were not Chananites, whom GOD had commaunded, that they ſhoulde not ſpare. Wherefore Gideon ſweareth nothyng contrarye to the woorde of God. And he ſayde vntounto Iether. He commaundeth hys firſte borne ſonne, beyng then a younge manne, to ſlaye them, but he feared, neyther durſte he drawe hys ſwoorde: The two kynges diſdayne, & would not be kylled with the hande of a chylde, euen as Abimelech would be ſlayne of hys Armor bearer, leaſt he ſhould ſeeme to be kylled of a woman. Farther, they eaſely ſawe, that they ſhoulde bee longe in payne or they were dead, when as the chylde by reaſon of want of ſtrength coulde not rid them out of theyr lyfe quickely.Why Gideon willed his ſōne to kil y^e kings. And Gideon peraduenture dyd for thys cauſe commaunde hys ſonne to doo thys thynge, to inflame hys hearte, euen from hys tend…r yeares agaynſte the enemyes of the peopl of GOD, as it is written of Hannibal, who from a chylde vowed hymſelfe agaynſt the Romaynes: Or elles he dyd it to learne hym from hys tender age to obey the lawe of God, wherein was commaunded that the bloud of the next of kynne beyng ſhed, ſhould be reuenged.

But might not he hauehave committed that office vntounto a hangeman? why would he ſo vrge hys ſonne? To thys maye be aunſwered two wayes. Firſte that in the olde tyme it was not vncomely to ſlay the guylty. Farther,The Hebrues had no hangemen. that it is not ſene that the Hebrues had hangemen. And vndoubtedly, that thys was no office amonge the Hebrues, this teſtifieth, bycauſe in the lawe it is written, that a blaſphemer beyng taken, was ſo ſtoned to death, that the hande of the wytneſſes dyd throwe the firſte ſtone agaynſte hym: neyther was the puttyng to death of any body committed to any peculiar hangeman. And there are many examples whiche teſtifye that it was not ignominious to ſlaye the guilty. Saul when he woulde hauehave the Prieſtes ſlayne, called not hangemen to doo it, but turned to the noble men whiche were with hym, and commaunded them to inuade the Prieſtes: who reuerenſyng theyr miniſtery and dignitye, durſt not obey. OnelyOnly Doeg the Edomite durſt execute ſo greate a wycked acte, who was not of leaſt eſtimation with the kynge. Samuell alſo with hys owne hande ſlewe kynge Agag the pryſoner. Ioab in lyke manner when he had cought holde of the horne of the altar, was ſlayne of Banaia the chiefe Capitayne of the hoſte. Wherefore it ſeemeth that the Hebrues in that auncient tyme hadde no hangemen.

But as muche as maye be gathered by the Hyſtoryes of the Ethnikes,Lictores, were miniſters appointed to execute corporall puniſhment. Plutarche. Lictores began at Rome vnderunder Romulus, who (as Plutarche wryteth in hys lyfe) were called ſo eyther of ligando, that is of byndyng, or bycauſe the Grecians callem them foreign, or foreign, bycauſe they executed a publique office. Romulus gaue them Roddes bounde together to cary, and to them was an axe ioyned. They had alſo cordes to bynde the Citezins withall, that beyng bounde, they myght eyther beate them with roddes, or ſtrike them with the axe. But the men of more auncient tyme wanted thys office: eueryevery man executed it without any infamy, as it was by the Magiſtrate commaunded hym. And in verye dede that woorke of puniſhyng malefactors, hath in it no diſhoneſtye or vncomelyneſſe, For if it be honeſt, for a iudge or prince to geue ſentence of death agaynſt euyll doers, why then ſhall it not be iuſte and honeſt to execute the ſame ſentence? Yea and GOD hymſelfe in puniſhyng, vſeth not onelyonly euyll ſpirites, but good ſpirites.

But thou wilte ſaye,Why Lictores and hangemen are of the commō people euill ſpoken of. why are Lictores and hangemen commonly ſo euyll 1ſpoken of? Firſte, bycauſe the common people are afrayde of them, neither would any manne be puniſhed for hys wicked actes: hereby it commeth that the ſyght of the hangman driueth into them a certayn horror. And that the people were ſo affected, y^e maner of y^e publique wealth of Rome declareth, where whē ambicious men flattered the people more then was meete, they ſent away the hangeman out of the market place, and iudgement houſe of Rome, as euen the Oration of Cicero for Rabirius teſtifieth.The Romaynes vſed not a hangeman for their Citezins. The Citezins of Rome were not beaten with roddes, nor put to death. Theyr extremeſt puniſhement was baniſhement, they were caried into ylandes, & at the length condemned to y^e working of Mettalles. But the latter Romayne lawes, whiche are in the digeſtes, blotted out that exemption: for in very dede it was vniuſt. For a faulte worthy of death ought not to be wynked at, althoughe a Citezin of Rome were the author of it. And there were two principall lawes whereby the backe and head of the Citezins were prouided for,Portia lex & Sempronia. the lawe I ſaye Portia, and Sempronia, whoſe power and defence neuertheleſſe Paul (as we rede in the Actes) vſed, and ſo eſcaped both roddes and bondes. This is one cauſe why Lictores and hangmen are ſo hated.

2The irregularity of the Canoniſtes.An other cauſe hereof in the Papiſticall opinion of irregularity, whiche as the Canoniſtes wyll hauehave it, is contracted of eueryevery murther. Theſe men thinke that a man can not ſo iuſtly kyll any man, that he may be promoted to the holye Miniſterye: when as yet the Inquiſitours of the herecticall prauity (as they terme it) doo dayly cauſe an infinite number, and thoſe innocentes, to be kylled. The Popes Legates alſo in gouernyng of Cityes, and Prouinces, and makyng warres, althoughe they be Cardinalles and Byſhoppes, doo ſtyll continually cauſe bloud to be ſhed. But in the meane tyme, with greate hypocriſie they take hede, that the ſentence be geuen by a laye Iudge (as they call hym) and ſo they wrappe themſelues out of that irregularity. But the holy Scriptures do not ſo teache. Moſes ſayde vntounto the Leuites, whiche with hym had kylled ſo many, ye hauehave conſecrated your handes: ſo farre was it of that they ſhoulde be depriued of the holy Miniſtery. But the Pope ſaith, that Dauid for ſhedding of bloud, was in the olde tyme prohibited to builde the Temple. But in this place we muſte marke the miſterye wherin Salomon ſhadowed Chriſt, the peacable king. For he was by hym expreſſed, whiche hath gathered together the Churche, the true Temple of GOD without weapons, vntounto the true and euerlaſtyng peace. But bloude beyng iuſtly and ryghtly ſhed,Bloud ſhed iuſtly & rightly, reſtraineth not from the holy miniſtery. reſtrayneth not from the holye miniſtery. For Pinhas who was hygh Prieſt, thruſt thorough two moſte vnpure whoremongers. Elyas, a man of the ſtocke of the Leuites, ſlew with hys owne hande the Prophetes of Baal. And Samuell, a man of the ſame tribe, dyd hymſelfe kyll Agag the king, & yet neither of them both were reiected frō theyr office. Neither do I therfore ſpeake theſe thyngs, to commend the promotyng of murtherers vntounto holy orders: but thys only I oppugne, that eueryevery ſlaughter & eueryevery murther maketh a man ſo irregular (as theſe menne ſaye) that he can not be ordeyned a Miniſter of the Churche. What if a man hauehave bene a Iudge or a Magiſtrate, or in iuſte warre hath fought for hys countrey, can not he therefore be ordayned a Miniſter of the Churche? Peraduenture he hath obteyned excellent giftes of God, and is endewed with ſingular doctrine, adorned with a pure lyfe, inſtructed with dexterity of gouernyng, and godly eloquence: can not the Churche (as theſe men moſt abſurdely thynke) vſe hys gyftes? Vndoubtedly that was not obſerued in Ambroſe, he was ſeruaunt vntounto Ceſar, and decided matters in the lawe beyng Pretor of Millan, and yet was he by violence taken to be a Byſhop. I knowe that Paul requireth that a Byſhoppe be no ſtriker: but no manne doubteth, but that that is to be vnderſtande of an vniuſte murther or violence. But what ſhould a man here doo? all thynges are by the Papiſtes handled ſuperſticiouſly.

3Nowe the thirde cauſe why Lictores and hangemen are euyll ſpoken of, is this, bicauſe very many of them liue wickedlye and filthy, and were before tyme noughty men.Ariſtotle. Howbeit the office defileth them not: but rather by theyre faulte they pollute an excellent office. Ariſtotle in his .6. boke of Politikes the laſt chapter p. 147ſayth, that good men abhorre this kind of office, namely of puniſhing of mē,foreign. bycauſe it hath a hatred annexed vntounto it. For they doe oftentimes incurre the hatred of men. But in my iudgement, a good and godly man ought not for that cauſe to abhorre his adminiſtration. I remēber an aunſwere of Chriſippus, A ſaying of Chriſippus.who being demaūded why he excerciſed not the office of a magiſtrate. If I excerciſe it not rightly (ſayd he) I ſhal diſpleaſe god: but if I do rightly, I ſhal diſpleaſe men: but I wil do neither of both. He ſemed to ſome to hauehave aunſwered very prudently, but me thinketh he anſwered foliſhly. For he ſhould rather hauehave aunſwered cōtrarily that the publike welth ought to be gouerned, and that rightly, to pleaſe both God and good menne: but a wiſe and good man muſte not hauehave a reſpecte vntounto wicked men. By theſe thinges it is now manifeſtly ſhewed, that Gidion in that he himſelfe killed the kinges of Madian, committed nothing that was not decent for him, neyther that he commaunded his ſonne to do any fylthy acte.

22 Then the men of Iſrael ſayd vntounto Gideon: Reigne thou ouer vsus, both thou and thy ſonne and thy ſonnes ſonne, bycauſe thou haſt deliuered vsus out of the hand of Madian.

23 And Gideon aunſwered them: I will not raygne ouer you, neither ſhall my chyld reigne ouer you, the Lord ſhal raigne ouer you.

The people …eceauinge a benefite at Gideons hand, would hauehave made him king, that they might not be coūted ingrate. But ſeing gratitude is a vertue, it ought to hauehave no vniuſt thing ioyned with it: whiche theſe men obſerued not. For they appoynted not theyr kyngdome by the lawe of god. In Deut. the .27. chap. it is written, that he ſhould be a king whom god had choſen.It pertained vntounto god to elect a king. Neyther perteined it vntounto the people, to appoint a kinge whome they would. Wherfore that which they doo now, is not frely to geue any thing that is theyr owne, but to geue y^e which is an other mans. The right to appointe a king, belonged to god, and not vntounto men: which thyng alſo Gideon wyſely ſaw, neyther was Chriſt ignorant therof, when they which were filled with bread, came vntounto him to create him a king,Chriſt refuſed a kingdōe offred vntounto hym. What manner of men the olde Romayne biſhops were. he wayghed the maner of his vocation, and for that his kingdome was not of this worlde, and vnderſtoode that they vſurped an other mans right, and were not moued therunto: By iuſt cauſes, he put of from himſelf ſuch a burthē. The ſame things happened in a maner vntounto y^e biſhops of Rome. Which at the beginning were holy: for very many of thē wer notable by conſtancy of faith, & martirdom. Farthermore their church was kindled with feruentnes of charity, & towards the poore moſt liberal, ſo that it ſent almes euen into the eaſt part, to the Ilands and metalle places, where the holy confeſſours of Chriſt liued in exile. All which thinges got that chaire much fauor and grace with the faithful.Gregorius. Wherefore the ſupreame power and kingdome in the church was in a manner offred, ſome times vntounto thoſe biſhops: which they like Gideon refuſed with a great ſpirite & ſinguler modeſty. Of which thing alſo what Gregorius the b. of Rome iudged, I will briefly declare. In his .4. boke of Epiſtles. in the .32.34.36.38. & .39. Epiſtles he of that matter writeth at large, both vntounto Mauritius the emperor, and alſo to Conſtantia Auguſta, likewiſe to the Patriarkes, Alexandrinus, and Antiochenus, yea and to Iohn the Patriarche of Conſtantinople, and laſtlye to Anianus Deacon of the ſame church.

In the time (ſayth he) of Pelagius my predeceſſor, Ioannes Conſtantinopolitanus when he had aſſembled a ſinode, by an other pretence, claymed vntounto him ſelf the title of the vniuerſal ſupreame Patriarch, which thyng Pelagius toke in euil part, and therfore made the acts of that Sinode fruſtrate. Farther, he commaunded his Deacon which was his deputye, whome he had with the Emperoure, that he ſhould not communicate with Iohn, being ſo arrogant and proud. Gregorye ſucceded Pelagius and decreed the ſame things, & writing vntounto the emperor, ſayth, Peter the chiefe amonge the Apoſtles, neuer called himſelfe vniuerſall Apoſtle, and neuertheleſſe Iohn byſhop of Conſtantinople now goeth about to cal him ſelfe the vniuerſall Patriarch: & ſtraightway he crieth out: O times, O maners. And this reaſon he addeth to theſe things, if the vniuerſal head be ſo ordeyned of men, by the ruine or corruption of ſuch a head, the church alſo ſhall periſhe together. Of this place Neſtorius was once biſhop, who beleued moſt wickedly of the ſonne of god. Macedonius had the ſame dignitye, who beleued not that the holy ghoſt was god. If thoſe Patriarches had then beene vniuerſall Biſhops in the church, the whole church had fallen alſo with them.

Let none of the papiſtes cry that it is no ſtrong argument: bicauſe it is none of ours, but Gregories their father: let them cry out againſt him, who afterward addeth: That he which maketh himſelfe vniuerſall biſhop, taketh away from other biſhops their office, for where anye man is vniuerſall byſhop, he leaueth no office of a biſhop vntounto others. This alſo is the collectiō of Gregory, and not foūd out by vsus. And vndoubtedly if a man at this day loke rightly and more nighly vp on the thing, he ſhal ſee that the biſhops of the weſt doe gouerne theyr churches onelyonly by the ordre geuen them by the biſhop of Rome.Gregory counteth it for an abſurdity that the Pope ſhould be preferred before the Emperour. Gregory afterwarde addeth that Iohn preferreth himſelfe aboue the Emperor: which thing Gregory coū ted for an abſurdity. But oure men now a dayes thinke it neceſſarye that Ceſar ſhould be ſubiect to him: yea they hauehave oftē times reſiſted emperors, many times wearied them, and ſometimes moued them out of theyr place. And yet Gregory theyr father deteſteth and inueigheth agaynſt it, as a thinge vniuſt and not to be ſuffred. And writing vntounto Auguſta he is yet more vehemēt, ſaying that the ſame belongeth vntounto Antechriſt. Wherfore let not our mē meruayle, if we ſometime cal the biſhop of Rome Antechriſt, for aſmuch as their Gregory, calleth him by y^e moſt goodly title, which wilbe vniuerſal biſhop.

The ſinode of Chalſedonia erred.The Sinode of Calcedonia, as the ſame Gregory ſayth, gaue vntounto the ſeat of Rome this prerogatiue, namely vntounto Leo the firſt of that name. Howbeit no mā vſed it, becauſe our elders being men moſt holy, ſaw it was not meete for anye mortal man. OnelyOnly Chriſt is the vniuerſal hed of the church For he is the ſmal grayn of muſterdſede, whiche hath increſed into abrode and large tre, that it ouerſpreadeth the whole world: and he is that little leauen, wherwith thre peckes of meale wer leauened. And the ſtone hewed out without handes, whiche is become ſo great a moūt that it hath filled al thinges. Wherfore Chriſt him ſelf, for as much as he is able to be with vsus, is to al vsus the vniuerſal hed, to whom eueryevery one of vsus cleaueth as membres. Moreouer Gregory admoniſheth Alexandrinus and Antiochenus, that they ſhoulde receaue no Epiſtles, whiche had written in them a tittle of ſo great pride. And he ſayth, that to receaue ſuch a title, is to fall from the fayth. Now let our men go, and obtrude this yoke, whiche by the teſtimony of theyr Gregory we can not receaue, except we ſhould go back from faith: Namely in attributing that to a manne, which we muſt beleue is propre and peculiar vntounto Chriſte. Neither doubteth he to affirme, that this Iohn tranſgreſſed the decrees of Chriſt, the rules of the Apoſtles, and Cannons of the fathers. All theſe things ſayth he, hath he violated in the vſurpation of this one title. And he addeth, what wilt thou aunſwere vntounto Chriſt in the laſt day of iudgement, thou that haſt arrogantly takē vponupon thee his office, and wilt hauehave al his members ſubiect vntounto thee? He commaunded, that we ſhoulde not call anye a father vntounto vsus vponupon erth. But thou commandeſt men to cal thee vniuerſal father. In what eſtimation therfore haſt thou the wordes of the Lord?

An error of GregoryHowbeit in collecting of theſe places of Gregory, I thinke there ar ſome thinges which ar diligently to be takē hede of, namely two: of the which the one is, that he ſayth y^t Peter was the chief membre of the vniuerſal church: & Paule, Andrew p. 148and Iohn, were heades of ſingular churches. This I therefore admoniſh you, forbycauſe the Apoſtles wer not byſhops of ſinguler churches, for they wandred abrode thorough out the whole worlde, they founded churches & wan ſondry nacions vntounto the Lord, and al they were members,Another error of Gregory. and that principal mē bres of the vniuerſal church. Wherfore this ſētēce of Gregory is not to be admitted. The other thing, which I iudge is to be obſerued, is that Gregory doth teſtify that this his Iohn did fyrſt vſurpe vntounto himſelf the title of vniuerſality,Theodoretus. which aſſuredly I cannot be perſwaded of. Foraſmuch as Theodoretus in his booke de haerecibus, when he writeth of Neſtorius, oftentimes ſayth, that he was made vniuerſall patriarke. Yea and Iuſtinianus in ſuis nouellis, attributeth that title to diuerſe Patriarches. And (to ſpeake as the thing is) I ſuppoſe, that Gregorie this prety little ſaynt would hauehave had the thing or matter of an vniuerſal biſhop, although he reprehended the name and title. For as the hiſtory of thoſe times teacheth, and his epiſtles teſtify, he abſtained not from gouerning of other churches He ſhewed indeede that the name ſhould be auoyded, namely leaſt the patriarch of Conſtantinople by that title ſhould eyther preferre himſelfe, or be equal vntounto the byſhop of Rome.

But before theſe times, Ciprian wythſtoode the churche of Rome,Cipriā reſiſted the church of Rome. whoe ſought then to clayme vntounto it ſelf ſome tiranny, and he iudged that appellatiōs ſhould not be brought vntounto the ſeat of Rome, but would hauehave Eccleſiaſtical cauſes iudged in eueryevery ſinguler prouince: namely, that they which in any place wer condemned by the iudgement of byſhops, ſhould not be reſtored by the ayd of the ſeate of Rome: when as yet he chiefly reuerenced the church of Rome, & acknowleged it as y^e Matrix in theſe our regiōs. And aſſuredly to hauehave it in great eſtimacion, is a farre other thing, then to graunt vntounto it tiranny or dominion aboue al other. For to the firſt we may after a ſort agre, but to the other we muſt not aſſente, vnleſſe we will fall from the fayth. Afterwarde in Auguſtines time, when he was preſent at the Sinode of Africa, The counſel of Afrike reſiſted the church of Rome.there was great and longe alteration about this thinge, and at length the biſhop of Rome coulde neuer proue (whiche thing yet he chiefly endeuored to do) that this power was geuen him in the councell of Nice, that menne from all partes of the worlde mighte appeale vntounto him. Wherefore if it were eyther for lacke of knowlege or of ſome raſhnes, or by the people, or by flaterers geuen to any byſhop of Rome, it ſhould by the example of Gideon, Leo, and Gregory hauehave bene refuſed.

We muſt not truſt vntounto the inconſtancy of the common people,The inconſtancye of the common people. which is alwayes moueable now they wyll hauehave Gideon to raigne, a litle afterwarde you ſhal ſee that they were moſt vngrate againſte him: for (as the hiſtorye declareth) they ſlew his children. Gideon refuſeth not the principality, as though he would not labour in the publike wealth:What the Popes oughte to hauehave before theyr eyes. but bicauſe he vnderſtode that it was no lawful vocatiō: which the Popes alſo ought to regard. He had before his eyes y^e law in Deut. now alledged. The Pope ought alſo to loke vponupon the words of Chriſt: Kinges of the nations (ſayth the Lord) bear rule ouer theyr ſubiectes: but ye ſhal not do ſo: and being demaunded, who ſhould be greateſt, he aunſweared, that he which was loweſt, and which more ſerued others. This is to gouern the church, not to commaund, but to ſerue. Peter himſelfe alſo taught miniſters not to beare dominion ouer their flocke.Who are in the church to … uerenced aboue other. And Paule hath written that Chriſt is ſet the hed of the church, & not men: although in it they are aboue other to be much made of, & to be honored, whych more then other profet the faythfull, and are more largely endewed with good gracious giftes: and as Chriſte required of Peter, doo more depely louelove him: and which ar more aboundantly endewed with thoſe qualities, which Paule to Timothe and Titus requireth in biſhops. If we highlier honor ſuch men in the church aboue other, not as lords, not as vniuerſal biſhops, not as heads of the church, but as excellent miniſters thereof, the authority and obedience of the word of god ſhould therby be nothing diminiſhed.

An error verye hurtful in the church.But they do not ſo. They hauehave fixed the exellency and dignity of the miniſters of the church, vntounto chayres, places, and cities, howſoeuer he be in greater price & honor, which ſytteth in thoſe chayres or places, and what manner of man ſo eue… he be in lyfe and manners. And ſo is there no regarde had to the graces and giftes of God, but onelyonly to the place and ſeate. This vndoubtedly was the fountayne, ofpring, and beginning of al euils and ſuperſtitions. Our elders thought it good, that in cities which were more famous, where marchandiſes were traded, and were aſſemblies of men, where Proconſuls or Preſidentes gouerned, there alſo the biſhops ſhould be of greater authority and iuriſdiction. Whereby cuſtome obteined, that thoſe Churches and chayres were had in greater honor.

But (as it commeth to paſſe) ambicion crepte in, and in thoſe places byſhoppes were ordeyned, not alwaye ſuche as were more worthye, but ſuch as were better fauored of Princes. And oftentimes the better learned and more holy were geuen ouer to ſmall and abiecte biſhoprikes. When Auguſtine was Biſhop of Hippouerhegium, one called Aurelius gouerned the moſt honorable church of Carthago. And who knoweth not that Auguſtine in doctrine, maners, and authoritye, farre excelled Aurelius? The ſame thinge happened vntounto Gregorius Nazianzenus, who was byſhop in an abiect place, namelye in Saſſimis, when as many other, not to be compared with him, obtayned the chief chayres. After this way & maner the biſhop of Rome began to be preferred aboue other, namelye bycauſe of the moſte ample dignitye of the citye:The cauſe why the biſhop of Rome was preferred before other. whyche cauſe neuertheleſſe he vnderſtanding that it was no firme groundſele of the honor which he had obteyned, he hath fained other cauſes of his excellency. And firſt he pretendeth that he had this priueledge by y^e councel of Nice: which yet he could not proue before y^e fathers of Africa, bicauſe in that Sinode the charge onelye of ſuburbe churches was committed vntounto hym. Not a charge to beare dominion, but to geue counſel to admoniſh, and if there wer any things of more waight, to referre the ſame to the counſell. As to the biſhop of Alexandria the ſuburbe churches of Egipt, and to the byſhop of Antioch of the ſuburbe churches of the eaſt parties. And it was not geuen the biſhop of Rome, to be the vniuerſall paſtor. Neyther is it poſſible that a weake and mortall man ſhould feede the flocke of Chriſte in all countries.

Farthermore the biſhop of Rome boaſted, that he was ſet to be the head of the church:The biſhop of Rome canot be hed of the whol church. whych cannot be meete for any man. For from the heade ar deriued mouinge and ſenſe by the ſinewes, into al members, as Paule very well teacheth to the Epheſians and Coloſſians. But no man can performe that, as of himſelfe, by cloſures & ioynts to quickē the mēbers of y^e church w^t the ſprite of god. It lōgeth onelyonly to chriſte,Magiſtrates & princes may be called heads of the people. to deſtribute vntounto his mēbers ſpiritual mocions, illuſtracion of the minde, and eternall life. Indede kings and magiſtrates may be called heads of the people, bicauſe they gouerne ciuily, and from them we may looke for good lawes and ciuyle mouinges: but in the church men entreat not of ciuile life, but of ſpiritual and eternall life, which we cannot loke for, but at gods hand, neyther can any mortall men quicken the members of the church. Kinges & magiſtrates when they are godlye, in my iudgemente oughte to hauehave the chiefe place in the church: and to them it pertaineth, if religion be il adminiſtred, to correcte the defaultes. For therfore they beare the ſword to maintayne Gods honor. But they cannot be heades of the churche. Paule to the Romaines and to the Corinthians, where he maketh rehearſal of the members of the churche, putteth ſome to be eyes, ſome noſes, eares, hands, and feete: but he adorneth none with the dignity of the heade, who yet to the Epheſians ſayth this of Chriſte, that god had geuen hym to be the head of the body of the church.We muſt not make the church two headed. Let the papiſtes ſhew writen in any other places of the holy ſcriptures, that Chriſt gaue an other hed vntounto y^e church, & they ſhall hauehave the victory. But I know aſſuredly they cānot. For if that could hauehave bene done the church ſhould be a two hedded monſter. But it is a ſporte to heare what Iohn, ſometimes B. of Rocheſter in defendyng the Pope aūſwered p. 149to this. To graunt two heads of the Church (ſayth he) is not abſurd: for the Apoſtle writeth, the man is the head of the womā, & neuertheles eueryevery wife hath byſide her huſband which is the head, an other head alſo. Wherfore he concluded that we may thus affirme of the church, namely that it hath both Chriſt and the Pope to be head. But this man faileth by a falſe Sillogiſmus of equiuocatiō. For ſpeaking now of a head, as it is attributed vntounto the Church, he falleth to a natural head. In matrimony the huſband is the head of the wife, not the natural hed,How the huſband is the hed of the wyfe. but as touching aeconomical life. But the natural head of the woman, is the beginning of her natural life. And vndoubtedly if we looke vponupon the natural head in the church, we ſhal finde that it is not one head: but looke howe manye men there be in it, ſo many heades ſhal there be: for there is none without an heade in it. And when we ſpeake of the head of the Churche, we muſt keepe our ſelues in the Metaphore: and as it ſhould be abſurde and monſtrous, for one man to hauehave two natural heades, ſo ſhal it be iudged as portentous, for the Churche to hauehave two Metaphorical, that is ſpiritual heads. We muſt alwaies, whē we entreate of any thing, perſiſt in the ſame order and kinde: which thing if wee doo not obſerue, we ſhal eaſily be deceaued by equiuocation.

But let vsus returne to the Pope,Of the keyes foundation of the Churche. who leaſt he ſhoulde ſeme to be deſtitute of teſtimonies of the holy ſcriptures, taketh two places out of them. Whereof the one is: VponUpon this rocke I wil builde my Churche, and wyll gyue the keyes. &c. But that place pertaineth to al thoſe which confeſſe the verity of faith: for Peter, when the Lord demaunded what the Apoſtles beleued of him, aunſwered in the name of them al, that he was the ſonne of the liuing God. Wherefore, that which Chriſt ſpeaketh vntounto him, pertaineth to all them, whych together wyth him beleue and profeſſe the ſame ſelfe thing. For the keyes are geuen vntounto the Church. And in Iohn, the Lord after his reſurrection gaue them vntounto all them: at the laſt alſo, when he ſhould aſcend vp into heauen, he ſent them all alike to preache throughout the world. And as touching the foūdation, the Church hath no other foundation but Chriſt. For Paul vntounto the Corinth. ſayde: No man can lay any other foundation, then that which is already layde,How the Apoſtles are called foundations of the Church. which is Chriſt Ieſus. And if at any time the Apoſtles be called foundacions of the churche, that is to be vnderſtand, bicauſe they in the firſt time of the Churche cleaued vntounto the foundation, as the firſt and greater ſtones, not bicauſe the Churche leaned vntounto them as to the principal foundation.

The other place which they bring out of the ſcriptures, is,Not onelyonly to Peter was the cōmaundement geuen to feede the flocke of Chriſt. bicauſe Chriſt ſaith vntounto Peter, feede my Lambes. But they are excedingly deceaued: for it was not the office of Peter onelyonly, but alſo of the other Apoſtles, to feede the flocke of the Lord. But it was ſo ſayd peculiarly vntounto Peter, bicauſe he had denyed the Lord thriſe, and therefore he might hauehave ſeemed to hauehave fallen from the fellowſhip of the Apoſtles, vnles he had of Chriſt bene reſtored by certaine woordes. And that not onelyonly he, but alſo other ought to feede the ſhepe of Chriſt, his own woordes teſtify, which be writeth in his Epiſtle, wher he admoniſheth other Miniſters to feede the flocke of the Lorde. But graunt, that the Lorde gaue vntounto Peter anye principal thing: what hath the biſhop of Rome common with him? Let hym declare his ſpirite, and as Peter hath labored for the Church, let hym alſo labour: which thing if he performe, then wil we acknowledge him, not as an vniuerſal biſhop, but as a good Miniſter of Chriſt.The ſpirite of Chriſt is not boūd to chairs He ſayth that hee hath the chaire that Peter had. What ſeate I pray you ſpeaketh he of? The holy ghoſt is not bounde to ſeates. But graunt that it were ſo, Antioche had Peter ſitting in it before Rome had. For that church he planted, and long whyle gouerned. But they ſay that he was ſlayne at Rome. But the Iewes crucified Chriſt himſelfe at Ieruſalem, which is a thing of greater waight. Wherfore if we ſhould follow this argument, the biſhop of Ieruſalem ſhould be preferred aboue all other. Yea, and Peter, as it is written to the Galathians, was not the Apoſtle of the Gentiles, but of circumciſion, as it was agreed betwene Paul, Iames, Iohn, and Barnabas. Neither do we euer reade that Peter preſcribed the other Apoſtles any thyng, or that they depended of him. Yea Paul moſt manifeſtly teſtifieth, that he receaued nothing of Peter. Farther, it is certaine y^t Peter was ſlain vnderunder Nero, & Iohn liued euen to the time of Traiane. And they ſay that Cletus, Linus, and Clemens ſucceded Peter at Rome. What then, ſhal we thinke that Iohn the Apoſtle was ſubiect vntounto Clemens? And of neceſſity he ſhould be ſo, if the Byſhop of Rome be the vniuerſal head or general biſhop. But who wil ſay that this may be ſuffred? Moreouer,An Epiſtle of Clemens. lyes may be confuted with lyes. Our aduerſaries bring the Epiſtle of Clemens, which is a fained Epiſtle, as a thing certaine. We wyl gratefy thē in this thing,Clemens Iacobo …ratri domini, Epiſ copo Epiſcorū, & regnanti Eccleſiam que eſi Hieroſolymis, & omnes que ſūt vbique, Dei prouidentia. and we wyll now graunt that to be true, which is falſe. Let them marke his ſuperſcription, which is written after thys maner: Clemens to Iames the brother of the Lord, by the prouidence of God y^e biſhop of biſhops, & gouernour of the Church which is at Ieruſalem, and of al the Churches eueryevery where. What wyl they ſay here? The biſhop of Rome aſcribeth his title vntounto the Byſhop of Ieruſalem, and attributeth this vniuerſall charge of all Churches vntounto him, and not to himſelfe. This argument maketh verye muche agaynſte thoſe, which hauehave vntounto the Churches obtruded this Epiſtle for true, & ratefied it. But that can nothing hurt vsus, which is takē out of that epiſtle, againſt our doctrine. For we know that it is a fayned thing, as that which was neuer alledged by any of the fathers. And in it the ſame Clemens affirmeth, that he hym ſelfe wrote the litle booke called Itenarium Perri: which booke (as it is ſaid in the Decrees) is counted among the Apocripha bookes. But of this thing I hauehave ſpoken ſufficient, & theſe thinges hauehave I rehearſed, onelyonly that we might vnderſtand, howe much Gideon is to be preferred before the Antechriſtes of Rome.

Whither the gouernment of God bee excluded by humane Magiſtrates.Here is put forth an other queſtion, whether the rule and gouernmēt of God be therfore excluded, bicauſe the Magiſtrate of a publike wealth, or of Ariſtocratia, or of a kingdome, is geuen vntounto a man. The cauſe of the doubt is, bicauſe when it was ſayd vntounto Gideon: Thou ſhalt raygne ouer vsus: he anſwered, I wyl not raygne ouer you, but the Lord ſhal raign ouer you. It is not hard to diſſolue this queſtion propoſed: foraſmuch as the adminiſtration, wherwith God gouerneth publike wealthes, hindreth not the Magiſtrate, which is his Vicar & Miniſter. And aſſuredly God raigned together with Dauid and Ioſias: and the Iſraelites at that tyme had a certaine Magiſtrate, and one of their own, with whom alſo God himſelfe alſo gouerned. Wherfore the wordes of Gideon do not teach this, that God cannot raigne there, where as is a lawfull king. But this thyng onelye he regarded, that the preſent ſtate of thinges, whiche was inſtituted by God,When God is ſayd to gouerne pub. wealthes. ought not to be altred without him. Ther was a publike wealth then in Iſrael, they had Senatours, and in al places ther wer Iudges appointed: wherfore the forme of the publike wealth could not by men be chaunged, w^tout great offence. If ſo be thou wilt demaund, when it is to be thought that God doth gouern & rule in other Magiſtrates? I anſwer: Then, when this is onelyonly prouided for, that Citizens may liue vertuouſly. And foraſmuch as piety is of al vertues y^e moſt excellent, the Lord doth then raigne, whē althings ar referred vntounto it. Farther, as touching ciuil actions, when to eueryevery man is rendred his own, & Magiſtrates gouerne not for their own commodity, but for the publike vtility.

When the thing is otherwyſe, ſhall wee ſaye that God raygneth or no, as when Nero, Domitianus, Commodus, Heliogabalus, and ſuche wycked men wer gouernours?A diſtinctiō of thoſe thynges which are done vnderunder Magiſtrates. Did God then ceaſe from gouerning of the worlde? I thynke we muſt make a diſtinction of theſe thinges, which are done in thoſe kingdomes, of the good thinges I ſay from the euil: foraſmuch as there is no Empire ſo vitiate and corrupt, but that it ſtil retaineth in it many good thinges. Let vsus looke vponupon the gouernment of Nero, & we ſhal ſe ther in a maner, an infinite number of wicked and miſcheuous actes, where yet many partes alſo of Iuſtice flooriſhed. p. 150Prouinces were gouerned by Pretors, and Preſidentes, which execute lawes, not altogether vniuſtly. It was lawful for Paul to appeale vntounto Rome, neyther could the Hebrues by the lawes be permitted to iudge him as they luſted themſelues. And the ſame Paul, when he had ſhewed that he was a Citizen of Rome, eſcaped both from bondes and from ſtripes. Wherefore ſeing in a gouernment moſt corrupt, very many good and profitable thinges flooriſhed, the ſame coulde come frō none other but from God. It is therfore manifeſt that god at that time forſooke not the care and adminiſtration of thinges.

But if thou go forward and aſke,How God ordereth himſelf toward the fauts of Princes. whether the vices and corruptions of Empires are to be referred vntounto God: I wyll anſwer, that the true cauſe of ſynne is in man, but the wil of God doth neither allow thoſe vices, nor cōmaunde them in his lawes: yea, he prohibiteth and deteſteth them. But he vſeth them to puniſh the wickednes of the people: for, for the ſynnes of the people, he maketh an hipocrite to raygne, and in his fury he geueth kinges. For ſuch thinges are euyl and ſynnes, and hauehave in them a conſideration of puniſhments: & as they are puniſhmentes, they pertayne vntounto the iuſtice of God.

But when Princes are ſo corrupt, what is to be done? We muſt obey,Whither it bee lawfull to ryſe vp againſt euyl Princes. but vſque ad aras, that is, ſo farre as religion ſuffreth. Maye priuate men take vponupon them to alter a corrupt Prince? They may do it in admoniſhing, in geuing coū ſel and reprouing, but not by force of weapons. Yea, Citizens may fight for the defence of the publike wealth, as long as it laſteth. Wherfore Pompeius, Cicero, and Cato, are not lightly to be condemned, for that they reſiſted Ceſar, going about to ſtyrre vp inſurrection, althoughe at that time the publike wealth was very corrupt. But when he had once obtained the Empire, he ought not by priuate men to be depriued with weapons. Wherfore Auguſtus ſaid vntounto Strabo, who ſpake euil of Cato, being then dead, that he was a good Citizen, which contended that the preſent ſtate of thinges ſhould not be chaunged. In the publyke wealth of the Hebrues, which flooriſhed in the time of Gideon, God gouerned in very deede. It was (as I hauehave ſaid) Ariſtocratia, where Elders were choſen by common voices, to do iuſtice: in which office, vnles they rightly behaued themſelues, they were both puniſhed, and put out of their roume: but if there happened any hard warre, God himſelfe rayſed vp Iudges, but they were not choſen by the people, neither did the children ſuccede the Parentes in that office. After this maner did God gouerne the Hebrues. The wordes of Gideon ſufficientlye declare, that the Iudges exerciſed not the office of an ordinarye Magiſtrate. It was in the Lord to rayſe vp for the time whom he would,What we muſt conſider when any thing is offred vntounto vsus. therfore the Lord ſaid vntounto Samuel: They hauehave not reiected thee, but me, that I ſhould not raigne ouer them. Hereby we gather, that when anye thing is offered vsus, we muſt alwayes weigh, whither the ſame be good of his own nature, and whither it bee lawfully geuen, and may lawfully be vſed. Which if it be not, let vsus put awaye from vsus, whatſoeuer is offred, as Chriſt reiected Sathan, when he promiſed hym all the kingdomes of the world, neither receaued he the kingdome offred him by the people. Thys the Pope conſidereth not, who for his vnlawfull Supremacye or tyranny, continually warreth, and there is nothing which he attempteth not: ſo farre is he of to refuſe theſe thinges. &c.

24 Againe Gideon ſaid vntounto them: I would deſire a requeſt of you, that ye would geue me eueryevery man the earings of his pray (for they had golden earinges, bicauſe they were Iſmaelites.)

25 And they ſayd: we wyl geue them. And they ſpread a garment, and dyd caſt therein eueryevery man the earinges of hys pray.

26 And the weyght of the golden earinges that he required, was a thouſand ſeuen hundreth ſyckels of gold, beſides collers, & pomanders, and purple rayment, that was on the kinges of Madian, and beſyde the chaynes that were about their Camels neckes.

27 And Gideon made an Ephod thereof, and put it in hys City, in Ophra. And all Iſrael went a whooring after it in the ſame place, which thing was the deſtruction of Gideon and hys houſe.

Here is ſet foorth an example of a moſt grieuous fal, very much to be lamented. A man holy in miracles, and notable in faith, filthelye falleth. Euerye man therefore is admoniſhed, not to truſt vntounto his former lyfe, and thinges that hee hath well done.

Kim his opiniō of the Iſmaelites and Madianites.They had golden earinges, bycauſe they were Iſmaelites. Kimhi thinketh that the Madianites and Iſmaelites were al one, which he ſaith is confirmed by the booke of Geneſis, wher it is written that the brethren of Ioſeph ſold him to the Madianites, and ſtraightway it is added that the Iſmaelites ſold hym in Egipt, wherfore he gathereth that they were al one, namelye which had theyr ofſpring of Agara. And ſhe (as ſome ſay) was Ketura the handmayd of Sara, & afterward the wife of Abraham. But the Chaldey Paraphraſt interpreteth the Iſmaelites, Arabians, and not Madianites. Yea and Ioſephus in his booke De antiquit. by the children of the Eaſt he vnderſtandeth Arabians. They turne this Hebrue woorde Scheharonim lunulas, y^t is litle Moones, wherof is mēcion made before. For in the Arabike toung Schehara ſignifieth luna, that is the Moone. The other woord Netiphoth is deriued of Nataph, which ſignifieth to drop. For that woord ſignifieth a drop, namely that is odoriferous. That was encloſed in ſmal veſſels either of gold or of ſyluer, that with them both the necke might be adorned, and the noſe fylled with a moſt ſwete ſmel.Of the vſe of carynges. But the ornament of earinges was moſt auncient, and vſed in the time of Abraham. For his ſeruant gaue vntounto Rebecca bracelets, when he deſired to hauehave her for a wyfe, for Iſaac his Maiſters Sonne. The Romanes alſo ſometimes vſed them, as we may gather out of Platus in Epidico: Doeſt thou not remember (ſayth he) that I brought thee an earing on thy byrth day? The Egiptians alſo vſed them: for it is written of Cleopatra, that ſhe tooke from her eare a moſt precious pearle, and diſſolued it in vineger, whē ſhe contended with Antonius for a ſumptuous preparation of a banket. The Carthaginenſes alſo wer decked with bracelets, as Plautus in Penulo teſtifieth. For thus he writeth: And as I ſuppoſe, they hauehave no fingers on their hands, bicauſe they go with ringed eares. Gideon tooke alſo purple garmentes: but whither he vſed them to his purpoſe,Ephod. it appeareth not. He made an Ephod. The Hebrewe woord Aphad is to binde, or to gird, whereof this nowne is deriued, ſignifieng a garment which compaſſed the ſhoulders, and then it was bound together, and it after a ſorte girded together the inward coate. Gideon did therfore make this ornament, to be a monument of the victory which he had gotten, as ſome write: in which thing if he ſought his own glory, he cannot but be blamed. But if this were onelyonly his deſyre, to keepe in perpetual memory the benefite of God, he is not to be accuſed, for as much as oftentimes ſuch monumentes were erected, as y^e holy ſcriptures teſtify. Iacob erected a ſtone, whē he went in to Meſopotamia, and whileſt he fled from Laban in Gilead, he builded a great heape of ſtones together. And it were to long to rehearſe all the monumentes or tokens, whiche were in the old time ſet among the people of God, that the memory of the benefites of God ſhould not be forgotten. Gideon made an Ephod, and vſed a ſygne, not ſo apt and conuenient.Wherin Gideon ſynned. He mought hauehave written a ſong, as Barac and Deborah did, or erected a pyller, or ſome ſuche like thyng.

God had not commaunded in the law, to make an Ephod to this vſe, but onelyonly that the Prieſtes ſhould put it on, when they ſhould doo ſacrifice. Neyther is it needeful now to deſcribe the forme of this garment, for as much as in Exodus p. 151it is moſt manifeſtly ſet forth: this thing onelyonly I wil admoniſh you of,Twoo kynde of Ephodes. that there were two kindes of it, as the holy ſcriptures declare, & as Ierome both to Marcella, & to Fabiola, & againſt Iouinianus the firſt booke teſtifieth. There was one which onelyonly the high Prieſt vſed. It was made of purple violet coulour, ſylke, & ſcarlet, it had gold wrought in it, & ſūdry kindes of moſt precious ſtones. There was alſo an other which was called Ephod bad, that is a linnen Ephod, whyche the Leuites alſo vſed in holy ſeruices. Wherfore in the .1. of Samuel the .2. chap. we reade, that Hanna made eueryevery yeare for Samuel a litle coate and an Ephod, when ſhe had then offred him vntounto the Lord, to miniſter at the tabernacle. Yea and Dauid being girt with an Ephod, daunced before the Arke of the Lord. The children alſo of Dauid were girt with an Ephod. But Gideon made his a pontifical and precious Ephod, for the other kinde was ſimple & of linnē, wherefore he ſhould not hauehave neded ſo great coſt to make ſuch a one. For there wer gathered (as the hiſtory teacheth) a thouſand ſeuen hundreth (as manye expound thē) ſicles of gold. Some ſuppoſe that Gideon did therfore make an Ephod, that euē as Micha durſt take vpō him, to hauehave a holy miniſtry at home in his own houſe, ſo did Gideon now attempt the ſame. But of this ſentence we wyll afterwarde ſpeake, when we declare Auguſtines minde of this thing. But nowe following the interpretation which we hauehave alreadye begon, which is of thoſe which ſay, that Gideon made this, to remaine as a ſigne and monument of the benefite of God geuen vntounto the Hebrues, this I iudge is to be added, that the vulgare men began to hauehave in admiration the ſigne which was ſet vp, and as they wer prone to ſuperſtitions, they iorneyed thither, and offred peace offringes there, whych thing was a ruine and ſnare vntounto them: for by title and litle they fel into idolatry. Neither was Gideon without blame. For he erected y^e monument, & abuſed the ſigne: & when he ſaw how the people fel, yet tooke he not away that monument, but rather winked at it. Ezechias afterward did more rightly, who when he ſaw the people offer inſence vntounto the braſen ſerpent, he brake it downe. Certaine Rabbines labour to excuſe Gideon, bycauſe wyth a good mynde he cauſed the Ephod or monument of the benefite of God to bee made, but the Iſraelites miſuſed it. But they go about that in vaine, for as much as the ſcripture ſayth, that it turned to the deſtruction of Gideon and his houſe.

Auguſtine intreating of this place,Auguſtine. thinketh that the figure of Synechdoche is here to be vnderſtand, ſo that by this word Ephod, al prieſtly ornamentes may be noted, as though Gideon would in his Citye hauehave an holye miniſtery: which was plainly againſt the wil of God, who had appointed to be worſhipped at the Arke of the couenant. That was no other thing, then to plucke away men from the tabernacle of God, & after a ſort to deuide the church. Gideon & the people did not (ſaith Auguſtine) ſacrifice vntounto idols, but with theſe garmentes they conſtituted a worſhipping vntounto the true God in Gideon his houſe, that is in Ophra. But foraſmuch as they did otherwiſe then God had preſcribed, they fell therfore into a certaine kinde of Idolatry. And that Gideon worſhipped not idols, it doth not onelyonly hereby appeare, in that he ouerthrew the altar of Baal, cut downe his groue, and offred vponupon the alter of God, the bullocke conſecrated vntounto Baal, but alſo bicauſe the people al his life time (as we ſhal ſtraightwaye heare) are ſayde not to hauehave woorſhipped Baal.

This woord whooring is to be vnderſtand Methaphorically,The Methaphore of who… tyng. which is a thing very cōmon in the ſcriptures. For the Church is the Spouſe of God, and therefore it ought to worſhip him onelyonly, and to depend onelyonly of him. Wherfore, euen as a maried woman, if ſhe leauing her own huſband, follow other men, is counted an harlot and vnchaſte: euen ſo alſo the Churche, when it forſaketh the worſhipping of the true God, and geueth place to ſuperſticions, is iuſtlye called a harlot and an adultreſſe. And this is it whiche is nowe wrytten, that the chyldren of Iſrael went a whooryng after the Ephod, inſtituted by Gideon.

Wherefore Auguſtines opinion is, that Gideon would hauehave had God worſhipped ſo in his country, that the ſame thynges might ther hauehave bene done, which were done in Silo, where the Arke was. Which opinion, although it can not be confuted by the ſcriptures, yet it appeareth not very lykelye: For we reade not that he had Prieſtes with him. Neither doo the Hebrue Doctors (who otherwiſe are diligent in expreſſing of thinges done) attribut theſe thinges vntounto him, but rather agree with the other ſentence, namely that he conſtituted it for a monument of the victory which he had obtained, which afterward was an occaſion of ſuperſtition. Wherefore it ſemeth to be ſpoken more probably, that this erected ſigne was had in admiration of the fooliſhe people, ſo that they thought it to be a place very meete to doo ſacrifice there, and eſpeciallye for the offring of peace offeringes vntounto the true God, which ſeemed not woorthy of reprouing. For at that time it was lawfull to doo that in a maner euerye where, but ſuperſtition dayly creeping more abroade, they began to attribute more then was meete vntounto that ſigne, as to a thing deuine, and which had in it ſome power of God, and for that cauſe they offred ſacrifices, and did incenſe vntounto it, keping neuertheles a pretence of the worſhipping of God, and the name of God the Lorde, as in the time of Ezechias they did incenſe and ſacrifice vntounto the braſen ſerpent.

Whence came the begynnyng of reliques and inuocation of the dead.And in the ſame maner we rede happened at the beginning of the ſepulchers, bones, and reliques of holye men. The Chriſtians buried the dead bodies of the Martirs, as honorablye as they coulde, and to hauehave the memorye of them kept, they began to hauehave places of prayer at their tombes, not vndoubtedlye where they would woorſhip and inuocate the Martirs, but where they might heare the woord of God, receaue the Sacramentes, and exhorte one an other to defende the faith. And in deede that place ſeemed not a litle commodious for ſuch a purpoſe: For the ſepulchres of Martirs ſeemed to admoniſh & inflame the myndes, to enterpriſe the ſame battailes, and to behaue them ſelues moſt conſtantly for the name of Chriſt. Wherfore it was thought that in aſſembling to the Sepulchres of Martirs, two commodities were gotten. Firſt, bicauſe ſome honour might be geuen to ſo great Confeſſors, whileſt the memory of them was not ſuffered to be forgotten, but with verye great ioy thankes were geuen vntounto God for their happy victory. The other was, bicauſe men might bee ſtirred vp to enterpriſe the like,The beginning of the images of Sayntes. and to hope for the like gifts at Gods hand. And after the ſame maner began the images of Chriſt and of the Apoſtles priuatelye to bee made, namely that their death, which ſemed vntounto the world full of ignominye, myght be made more honorable, and that the memory of them might flooriſhe, and by beholding of thoſe images ſo ſet vp, men might be prouoked to the iuſt and laudable imitacion of them. If the thing had abidden within theſe bondes, it might hauehave bene borne with al, neither was there any thing there which might iuſtly be condemned: but euen as the act of Gideon was turned at the length to idolatry, ſo in ſucceſſe of tyme folowed the inuocation of Martirs at their ſepulchers, and the images of ſaintes began to be ſet vp and woorſhipped, not onelyonly in priuate places, but alſo in temples.

The act of Gideon was a ſnare to him, and to his houſe, for both hee ſynned, and his children (as we ſhal heare) were horribly ſlayne. It brought alſo great miſery vntounto the Iſraelites. For from this ſuperſtition they fel by litle and litle to the open worſhipping of Baal, wherfore they were moſt grieuouſly oppreſſed of their enemies: howbeit as long as Gideon lyued, they woorſhipped not Baal. Hereby we gather, that al worſhipping of God, inſtituted without his woorde, is to him vnacceptable, and to vsus moſt daungerous. There is but one God, and he wil be worſhipped but one way, namely as he himſelf hath cōmaunded. And if to the worſhipping of him, ther be any thing to be added by the decree of men …o… comelines ſake, and for a iuſt and ciuil order, the ſame ought to bee but lyttle,Gideon ſinneth two wayes. and alſo mutable, as it ſhall bee thoughte good for to aduaunce edification. Wherefore Gideon ſynneth twoo wayes, both in that hee abuſed the Ephod p. 152which he made for a ſigne, and alſo bicauſe when he ſawe ſuperſtition to come thereby, he prohibited it not. The good intent of Gideon excuſed not his act, although he had a ſhewe of piety. Leo the firſt of that name,Leo the fyrſt. in his Sermon of the Paſſion of the Lorde, ſayth that Peter, when he cut of the eare of the ſeruant of the highe Prieſt, was moued with a godly mocion. But what godlye mocion coulde it be, which Chriſt reproued, yea and ſo reproued it, that he affirmed that he which ſo drewe the ſwoorde, ſhould periſhe with the ſwoorde? What other thing was this, then to hauehave a zeale of God, but (as Paule ſayth) not accordyng to knowledge. Paule alſo the Apoſtle, when he afflicted and deſtroied the Chriſtians, thought that he dyd God high ſeruice.

Theſe thinges hauehave a ſhewe of a good intent (as they call it) or of godlynes, but they are not in very deede that which they ſhewe for. Euen ſo encreaſed the pompe of the Maſſe, by no other meanes, then by a ſhewe of a good intent. For it ſeemed good vntounto our Elders to adorne the Supper of the Lord. Wherfore this Pope added this thing, and an other that thing, ſo that at the lengthe the thyng came to thys poynte, that theſe additions excluded the inſtitution of Chriſt, in ſuch ſorte that it may ſeme to be any other thing els, then the Supper of the Lord, for thoſe thynges are obſerued which men hauehave inuented: but that which Chriſt willed, namelye that brethren ſhould communicate together, and celebrate the memory of his death, this I ſay is aboliſhed.

But why the woorſhippinges inſtituted by mans inuention are to bee abiected, this is an aſſured reaſon:Why worſhippings inuented by man, are to be abiected. bycauſe in woorſhipping of God we muſt do all thinges chiefely throughe fayth, but it is of no force if it want the word of God. Wherefore if rites which are retayned for the woorſhipping of God, lacke hys woorde, faith may not be geuen vntounto them, and therfore ar they rather ſynnes, then woorkes pleaſing God. For all that is not of fayth, is ſynne,The authority of the fathers is not ſufficiēt. as the Apoſtle ſaith. But they ſay that in thoſe woorſhippinges, the authoritye of the Fathers, which were preſent at Counſels, ought to be ſufficient, neither ought we to eſteeme their ſentences of any leſſe value then the holy ſcriptures. But I wil turne the ſame to them againe, and aſke whither they thinke Gideon was a holy man? That they cannot deny, foraſmuch as the Epiſtle to the Hebrues the xi. chapter notably teſtifieth him ſo to be. I wyll demaunde of them alſo, whyther Aaron were a holy man? They wil not deny it I ſuppoſe: when as hee was of God appointed to be the highe Prieſt, and the fellowe of Moſes in woorking of miracles. And yet for all that either of them, when they inſtituted a woorſhipping without the woord of God, are greuouſly accuſed by the holye Scriptures. Let them therefore ceaſe to obtrude vntounto vsus the Saintes: but when we require the woord of God, if they wil that we ſhould beleue them, let them bring foorth the holy ſcriptures. We know that rites and worſhippinges inſtituted euen by God himſelfe, are not acceptable vntounto him, when they are done without fayth, as Eſay, Ieremy, and Dauid moſt manifeſtly teache, howe muche leſſe wyll hee receaue thoſe thinges which are inuented of men, whiche for that they are not grounded on his woord, doo vtterly want fayth?

¶Of a good Intent.

BVt bycauſe there is ſomething alledged of a good Intent, whereby ſome go about to excuſe Gideon, I thinke it good briefelye to touche thoſe thynges, which are neceſſary, as concerning it.

As touching the ſignification of the woorde, Intent ſignifieth a motion of the mynde, whereby by ſome meane we tende vntounto an ende, as if a man ſhoulde ſtudy by geuing of gifts or by ſeruices to attain vntounto any honor. For the nature of thinges is in ſuch ſort, that many thinges are ſo connexed together betwene themſelues, that by the one is made a ſteppe vntounto the other. For by medecines & drinkes we attaine vntounto health: by ſtudies, reading, & teachers, vntounto wiſdome. Wherfore an intent is an action of the wil, for it is his office to moue and ſtirre vp the mynde. And foraſmuch as the wyl doth not perceaue the thinges that he deſireth, before that it hath the knowledge thereof, it moueth not, nor forceth the minde before knowledge, which raygneth in the power of intelligence or vnderſtanding. It perceaueth both the end, and thoſe things which ſerue to the end, and miniſtreth them vntounto the wyl. Therfore Intent ſtirreth vp to the end, as to a terme,The definition of an intent. by thoſe thinges which vntounto it are directed. Let this be his definition. A wyl tending vntounto the ende by ſome meanes. Wyl, which is his generall woord, is an act of the power that wylleth. The differrence is taken of the obiect, namely of the ende, and theſe thinges which are ordeined vntounto it: as nowe as touching Gideon, his intent was a motion of his wyll, to keepe the memory of the victory geuen him, by the Ephod which he had made. In will therefore he comprehended at once both the end and the meane.

There is bothe a good intent & an euyll.An Intent in deuided into a good intent and an euyll. And to a good intent this is chiefely required, that the ende be a thing iuſt and good: which yet is not ſufficient. For if a man ſhould ſteale to geue almes, he vndoubtedlye ſhoulde ſet before his eyes a good thing, but bycauſe the meane is euyll, therefore the intent can not be called good. But if the ende bee both vnlawfull and euyll, then ſhall the intent alſo be euyll. Wherefore that the intent be good, both the ende and the meane muſt be honeſt and good thinges. Howbeit certayne thinges are by theyr nature ſo euyll, that we can neuer vſe them rightly. As theft, periury, adulterye,An euill intent of two kyndes. and ſuche lyke. Wherefore the Apoſtles rule muſt alwayes be firme, that wee muſt neuer doo euyll thinges, whereby good thynges maye followe. Therefore an euyll intent is two maner of wayes: that is, eyther by the naughtyneſſe of the ende,Twoo thinges are required in a good intent. or els of the meanes. But the intent can neuer bee good, except bothe ende and meane be good. Thus farre the Philoſophers and ſchoole Deuines agree wyth vsus. Nowe muſt we ſee wherein they differ from vsus.

The Philoſophers doo thinke that the righteouſnes of the ende and meanes dependeth of humane reaſon or naturall vnderſtanding, as though it were ſufficient to put a difference betwene iuſt thinges and vniuſt: but that we denye, and requyre fully fayth and the woorde of God,Auguſtine. as ſure rules, whych thyng Auguſtine teſtifieth in many places, and eſpeciallye vponupon the .xxxi. Pſalme, where he ſayth: Doo not count thy woorkes good before faythe, whyche are nothyng els, then (as me thynketh) great ſtrengthes, and a moſt ſwyft courſe out of the waye, and he which ſo maketh haſte, runneth headlong to deſtruction: Wherefore a good intent maketh a good action,Faith directeth the intent. but fayth directeth the intent. Wherefore we muſt take heede, when we purpoſe any woorke, that our hart hauehave a regarde vntounto fayth, whereby it may direct his endeuours.

The ſchoole Deuines wyll eaſelye graunt that fayth gouerneth the intent, and maketh it good. But we differ from them for three cauſes. Fyrſt, bicauſe we 1affirme that faith dependeth onelyonly of the woorde of God: but they wyll hauehave it to leane vntounto Fathers and Counſels,Faith muſt not cleaue vntounto fathers & coūſels and that in no caſe maye be graunted vntounto them, foraſmuche as fayth muſt bee conſtant, and vtterlye without errour: whych twoo thynges are not founde in the Fathers and Counſels, bicauſe they ſpeake thinges one contrary to an other. Fathers very often ſtryue wyth Fathers, and Counſels are againſt Counſels: and thoſe Fathers are rare, yea in a maner none, whych hauehave not ſometyme erred, and that in thinges moſt waightye, and very many Counſels hauehave neede of amendement. Doth not the ſcripture by expreſſe woordes teſtify that all men are lyers?

2The other thing, wherein wee can not aſſent vntounto the Schoolemen, is, bycauſe by a good intent they affirme that our woorkes are made meritorious, yea and that of eternall lyfe. Which thing how farre of it is from the truth, the nature of merite may teache vsus: whereof I mynde not nowe to ſpeake.

3The thyrde thing wherein we differ from the Schoolemen is, bycauſe they p. 153wyl hauehave the worke to be made good by an habitual good entent as they ſpeke:The habitual entent of the Scholemen. That is to ſaye, done without any good mocion of the hart. They fayn that our actions do pleaſe god, as prayers, reading of Pſalmes, and geuing of Almes, although in act we thinke nothing of God, & they ſuppoſe y^t thys habitual entent which they place in him, is ſufficient inough. So that if thou ſhouldſt demaūd of him, whych doth theſe thyngs, why he doth ſo? he may be redy to aunſwer, that he doth it to the glory of god, eſpecially whē in doing of it he hath not a cōtrary mind or repugnant will. But this can we not graunt vntounto them, for aſmuch as in this negligence, wherby when we work we think not of god nor of his glory, the commaundement of god is violated, which commaundeth vsus to louelove god withall the hart, withall the ſoule, and withall the ſtrengthes. Wherfore we rather counſell that this maye bee knowleged a ſynne, then to be counted a good woorke.

But bicauſe they perceiued that theyr ſayinges hauehave ſome abſurdity, they added, ſo that in the beginninge of that woorke, we thinke ſomewhat of god and his glory, and ſo that that which is purpoſed, be directed vntounto hym. But no man doubteth but that the begynning of all thoſe thinges whiche we do, oughte to be good: but afterward, if fayth follow not thoſe thinges whyche we hauehave well begonne, and if when we are working, we hauehave not a reſpect vntounto god and his glory, we ſhall runne hedlonge into ſinne, which may not be diſſembled. Farther, if we ſhould worke as we ought to do, and as the law requireth, yet ſhould we (as Chriſt ſayth) be ſtill vnprofitable ſeruants: ſo far is it of, that we can clayme vntounto our ſelues any merites. Wherfore ſo long as we deſiſt from thinkinge vponupon the honor and glory of God, we fall, neyther are ſuch falles to be diſſembled, but rather to pray that they may be turned frō vsus, foraſmuch as of their own nature they are ſinnes,Fayth is not ſufficient in h… bite, but we muſt beleue alſo in acte. although vntounto the beleuers for Chriſtes ſake they are not imputed vntounto death. Wherfore let there be added to our workes a good entent: But yet ſuch an entente as is adorned with faythe, and let vsus performe the ſame not in habite but in acte. Wherfore the Lord ſayth in the Goſpell of Mathew the .6. chap: The lyght of y^e body is y^e eye. And if thyne eye be ſymple, y^e whole body ſhal be lyght. But if the light which is in thee be darknes,Auguſtine. how gret ſhal the darknes thē be? Theſe things Auguſtine (in his queſtions of the Goſpels, y^e .2. boke, & .15. queſtiō, and agaynſt Iulianus in y^e .4. boke, & 20. chap.) iudgeth to be vnderſtāded of a good intent. And in like maner writeth he in his .10. Tome, the .2. Sermon, where he entreateth vponupon this place, we muſt not do righteouſnes before men, to be ſeene of them. The intent (ſaith he) is alwayes to be applied vntounto the glory of God, but the wyll to hauehave it knowen vntounto men, is to be auoyded, but ſo much as ſhall ſeme to pertayne to the honour of God. And to that tendeth that whych Chriſt ſpeaketh: A good tree cannot bringe forth euel frutes, neither an euil tre, good: for as much as the tree ſignifieth the entent. Wherfore this act of Gideon done of a good intent (if thoſe thinges be true whyche we hauehave ſayde) cannot be excuſed, when as fayth gouerned it not.

28 Thus was Madian brought low before the children of Iſraell ſo that they lift vp theyr heds no more: and the lande had quietnes .40. yeares in the dayes of Gideon.

29 Then Ierubbaall the ſon of Ioas went and dwelt in his owne houſe.

30 And Gideon had 70. ſonnes which came out of his thigh: for he had many wyues.

31 And his Concubine that was in Sechem, bare him a ſonne alſo, whoſe name he called Abimelech.

When we heare that the earth had quietnes, we maye note two metaphores. The firſt Metaphore is, whereby the land is taken for them that dwell vponupon it. The other is, whereby ſilence is put for peace: for that in peace the cryes of ſouldiers, the noyſe of weapons, the blaſt of trumpets, and the running to and fro of horſemen and fotemen are not harde. Auguſtine in this place doubteth, howe it could be,Auguſtine. that God ſuffred ſuperſtition and idolatrye ſo longe vnpuniſhed. And he bringeth two anſweres therfore. Firſt, that Gideō did indede ſtreyghtwayes as ſone as the warre was finiſhed,Why the puniſhmente was differed 40. yeares. gather a maſſe of golde, but he made not the Ephod by and by, but longe after, namely towarde the end of his life: or that the Ephod was made as ſone as the victory was accōpliſhed, but the people fell not to idolatrye, till aboute the latter tyme of his life. An other cauſe he addeth, becauſe in that ſuperſtition the name of God was kept, neyther was the worſhipping of Baal and other gods of the Gentles admitted for that, as long as Gideon liued, the Hebrewes came not to that miſchief, & therfore god delt not ſo ſharply agaynſte them. And it was no ſmall benefite to geue them peace for .40. yeares: of which thing, ſeying I hauehave ſpoken before in the former iudges, I ſhal not nede now to repeate the ſame agayne.

Ierubbaal wente and dwelte in his houſe. He coueted not a perpetuall rule, as did Ceſar, who after v. yeares did agayn, couet to continew vntounto himſelf the prouince of France other. v. yeres. But Gideon when he had obteined peace, ceaſed from warres, and diſmiſſing his hoſt, led his life at home in his owne houſe, in a manner like a priuate man. Suche are vprighte mindes whiche indeede wante ambicion.

In his commē taries vponupon the 1. of Samuell the 25. chap.He had .70. children, for he had many wiues. Of hauinge many wiues I will not nowe ſpeake muche, bycauſe it is to be entreated of in an other place: this is ſufficient to be ſayd at this preſent, that god in the old lawe permitted the ſame after a ſort vntounto the fathers.

VVhichWhich came out of his thigh. This is therefore written, leaſt peraduenture we ſhould ſuſpecte that of thoſe .70. children ſome were adopted. Beſides the 70. whiche he had of his wiues whiche were many, he had Abimeleche by hys concubyne.

¶Of Matrimony and hauing of Concubines.

THe place doth now admoniſh me, ſomwhat to ſpeak of hauing of cōcubines, wherof is often mencion made in the hiſtories of the old teſtament. But fyrſt muſt we define Matrimony, that therout we may gather the vſe of concubines: for vnleſſe the nature of it be manifeſt,Of Matrimonye. Marrimonium coniungium, nuptie connubium. The definition of matrimony. we can not ſe how that hauing of a concubine differeth from it. Matrimony, mariages, wedding, and wedlocke ſygnify al one thing. And Matrimony (as it is had in the .i. boke Inſt. Iuſtin. whē mēcion is made of the power of the father, and in the degeſtes de ritu nuptiarum, is defined to be a coniunction of man and womā, an inſeperable conuerſation of life, and a communication of gods law and mans law. But this diffinicion muſte be perfected by the holy ſcriptures. Wherfore we muſt adde, that this coniunctiō of man and woman was inſtituted by god, for the bringing forth of children, for the taking away of whoredome, & that therby humayne life might hauehave helpes and commodityes. In this difinicion vndoubtedlye the coniunction of man and woman holdeth place in the matter. The inſeperable conuerſation of life pertaineth vntounto the forme, for with this purpoſe and will man and wife muſte marye together. For though by adultery that copulation be taken away, yet when the matrimony is contract, they ought both of them to hauehave this in theyr mind, that beyng once ioyned they muſt abide & liue together. This belongeth alſo to the forme, that the cōmunication of gods law and mans law be had betwene them. For they muſt be both of one religion, & cōmunicate humayne things one w^t an p. 154other. For the wife goeth into the famely of the huſband, and with the huſbande is counted all one fleſhe. Yea and the ſubſtance of either parties are made in all poyntes cōmon, but the efficiēt cauſe of this ordināce was god himſelf, euen frō the beginning, who made vntounto Adam a helper. And the end (as we hauehave ſayd) is the procreation of children: for god ſayd, Increſe and multiply. But as touching the other ende, namelye for the aduoydinge of whoredome, Paule in the .1. to the Corrinth. hath very well and playnly written.

If thou wilt demaund,Whither bōds or writings ar required to contract matrimony or no. Ierome. whither bondes or writynges are required for the cō tracting of matrimonye, we maye au…ſwere, that they are not required. For the conſent of eyther party is ſufficiente, as it is had in the Authentikes, and in the Code, where entreaty is made of mariages. But that whiche Ierome writeth to Oceanus, that hereby a wife is diſcerned from a concubine, bycauſe a wyfe muſt hauehave bondes and a dowry, which thinges concubines had not, thys I ſay is not vniuerſally to be receaued. For his ſentence is to be drawen vntounto y^e wife, which before was a concubine. As touching her ſhe neded bondes, that ſhee mighte no more be counted a concubine, & y^t the children which ſhe had alredy, or afterward might hauehave, might be legitimate. But a dowry is not required of neceſſitye, becauſe (as it is a cōmon ſaying,) a dowry hath not place without matrymony,A dowry is not neceſſary to cō tract matrimonye. but matrimony may cōſiſt w^tout a dowry. For a dowry is geuen for the eaſier ſuſteyning of the hurthē of matrimony. The Cannons hauehave added, and y^e profitably, y^e Matrymonyes ſhould not be contracted priuely. For if the aſſent of the man and wife be ſecrete and without witneſſes,Agaynſt ſecret mariages. Iudges can pronounce nothyng of ſuche a matrimony contracted. Wherefore if theyr wils ſhould he changed, and after thoſe ſecret matrimonies, they ſhould contracte ſolemne and publike mariages, the firſt mariages geue place vntounto them, and the conſcience is kept both perplexe and alſo wounded.

But to ſpeake of hauing of concubines, two things ar to be conſidered. Firſt what the Romaine lawes ordeyned of it: Secondly,Of hauing o… Concubines. in what ſort it was among the Hebrewes vſed, or what is to be vnderſtand, when we reade that the fathers had concubines. As touching the firſt hauing of cōcubines, was by the ciuile law a certayne kind of matrimony: for a concubine was not a harlot,Hauyng of a Concubine ſemed to the Romaynes to be a kind of Matrimony. The definition of a Concubine which was common to many, nor alſo a harlot, which was kept of a man together with his lawful wife. And how much it differeth from a wife, it ſhall appeare by the definitiō of a concubine. For a concubine is ſhe which hath the vſe of mariage wyth one that liueth ſole. But for that ſhee is not vnſeperable, (bycauſe they that are ſo ioyned maye eaſely be ſeperated) therefore a concubine differeth muche from a very wife: Farther humayn rights ar not communicated with her, for a Concubine goeth not into the famely of him with whome ſhee is conuerſant. Yea and theyr goodes and facultyes are not commune together, neyther are the children borne of that coniunction, counted lawful and iuſt heyres, vnleſſe they be made legitimate by the benefyte of the prince. Howbeit it is by the Romayne law forbidden that a manne ſhoulde hauehave manye Concubines at once, and it is prohibited to hauehave a Concubyne together with his wife. Moreouer by the Romayne lawes, ſuch can not be counted as Concubynes, whych may be vſed as harlots, as a fre virgine, and a widow vnderunder .25. yeres of age: for if a man medle w^t them, eyther it ſhalbe matrimony, or els iudged whoredome. Howbeit a widow maye be a Concubin, if before witneſſes it be declared, that ſhe is taken not for a wife, but for a Concubine. And laſtly there can be no Concubine, whiche may not become a wife, although not in that place where ſhe dwelleth, yet at the leaſt in an other place, which I therfore ad, becauſe by the Romaine law it was not lawful for the Preſident to mary a wife of that prouince wher he gouerned, whiche yet he might hauehave as a Concubine.

And if thou wilt demaund, whether the Romayne law allowed Concubines or no.Whether the Romaine lawe allowed concubines or no. I wyll anſwer, that they did abſolutely allow thē, becauſe they condēned, not hauynge of Concubines as a thing vnlawfull, ſo that it were vſed as before is ſayd. Yet it ſhadowingly reproueth that coniunction, when as it ſuffreth not the children borne of Cōcubines to be lawful & iuſt heyres, vnleſſe at the length of a Concubine ſhe ſhould become a wife, or vnleſſe it be by the authority of the prince. Howbeit we muſt know that the children of a Concubyne, were admitted vntounto a certayne little portion of inheritance, but yet not to a like and equall portion with the legitimate. Yea and the children borne of a concubyne, are not in the power of the father. But when of a Concubine ſhe is made a wife, then it was neceſſary that there ſhoulde be tables of Matrimony.

If we will retayne the Romayn law, a handmayden cannot be made a Concubine: for by that law a handmayden could not be made a wife. For the coniunction of a free man with a hand maiden, the Romayn lawes called Contuberniū, neyther did they count it for a iuſt matrimonye. Howbeit by handemaydens the Romaynes vnderſtode not hired ſeruantes, but ſuch as were bought: whiche I therefore ſpeake, becauſe our hired handemaydens, are free perſons, and therfore it is lawfull to contracte iuſt matrimony with them.

The Concubines of the fathers were wiues.But now let vsus conſider of the law of the Hebrewes, & what is to be thought of the Concubines of the fathers. They wer in very dede wiues, although oftentimes they were handemaydens, as Agar, Bala, Zilpa, and as this Concubine of Gideon. In the iudgement ſeate, and as touching ciuile actions, it ſeemeth that free men of thoſe places where theſe fathers were conuerſant, could not contract matrimony with them, and therfore paraduenture in holy ſcriptures they were called Concubines. But yet before god, that is by the law of matrimony inſtitituted by hym, they were wyues. Wherfore in the boke of Geneſis Agar whyche is called a Concubine, is alſo called a wife. Therefore there were two differences betweene the Hebrewe lawes and the Romayne lawes: bycauſe wyth them hauinge of Concubines was no matrimony, but with the Iewes it was before God: although openlye and by ciuill reaſon, bycauſe of the ſeruile condicion of the woman, ſhee was not acknowledged peraduenture for a wyfe. Farther, herein they differ, bicauſe the Iewes had handmaydens to theyr Concubynes: & the ſame was not lawfull for the Romaynes, if we followe that lawe, that ſhee ſhould be a Concubine, which may be made a wife. Whē as the Romayne lawes counted not that for matrimony, which was contracted with a handmaydē. But this ciuill law was not in Ieromes tyme retayned in y^e Romayn Empire,Ierome eyther becauſe y^e Eccleſiaſtical canons had mitigated it, or els for ſome other cauſe. For in hys Epiſtle to Oceanus, he ſpeaketh of certayne, whyche had theyr handmaydens in ſteede of wiues, for this cauſe not callinge them by the name of wyues, to auoide burthens, and charges, who yet if they became rich, made theyr handmaydens wiues.After what maner the decrees permit Concubines. But we muſt know moreouer, that where Concubines ſeeme to be allowed and permitted in the decrees, the ſame is to be vnderſtand of thoſe which are in very deede wiues, although by the Romayn lawes and ciuily they were counted for Concubines, bicauſe that woman was not ſolemply maried, although there was a mutuall conſent betwene them of matrimony. This which I hauehave brought is had in y^e diſtinction .34. chapter. Isqui & Chriſtiano. Whereof the firſt is the decree of the councell of Toletanus: the other is the teſtimony of Iſidorus in his booke de diſtantia noui & veteris Teſtamenti. But when in the decrees there is mēcion made of Cōcubines, which ar not in very dede wiues, they are vniuerſally prohibited. And that is, when eyther party will not alway dwel together, neyther acknowledge one an other as man and wife.

Why the ſon of Gideon was called Abimelech.And this ſhalbe ſufficiēt at this time as touching theſe things. Let vsus now returne vntounto Gidion, who had by his Cōcubine a ſon named Abimelech. The Etimology of y^e name is: My father y^e king. Peraduēture y^e cōcubine of Gideon was arrogāt & proud, which coūted Gideon for a king, and therefore called her ſonne by this name, and kindled in him the flames of bearing rule, that he might right ſone play the tirant, and claim vntounto himſelf a kingdome as dew vntounto his father.

p. 15532 So Gideon the ſonne of Ioas died in a good age, and was buried in the ſepulchre of Ioas his father, in Ophra Abiezer.

33 But when Gideon was dead, the children of Iſraell turned away, and went a whoryng after Baalim, and made Baal-berith their God.

34 And the children of Iſraell remembred not the Lord their God, whiche had deliuered them out of the handes of all their enemyes on eueryevery ſide.

35 Neither ſhewed they mercy on the houſe of Ierubbaal Gideon, according to all the good thinges whiche he had done in Iſrael.

There is often mencion made in the holy ſcripture of a good age.What a good age is. And in the 15. chap. of Geneſis, it is promiſed vntounto Abraham as a certaine excellent good thing. And it ſemeth to ſhewe two things: firſt a iuſt ſpace of lyfe, ſo that death ſhould not come vntimely, and ſtrike as yet in tender age. Farthermore it ſignifieth proſperity of life and a profitable end. Wherfore it is required therunto that the minde be ſound, the body not broken with diſeaſes, no want of riches, the famely, countrey, and dignity abiding firme: this is iudged a good age. But what ſhal we reckē of eternal life? I thinke Gideon obteyned it alſo,Whether Gideō was at the laſt ſaued or no for as much as in the Epiſtle to the Hebrues the .11. chap. he is numbred with thoſe fathers, which liued adorned with faith. Thou wilt ſay peraduenture that his faith was not iuſtifieng and perfect, but onelyonly of that kinde of faith which ſufficed to worke miracles. But I do not thinke that the Apoſtle, when he made mencion of Gideon, and of the other fathers, wrote of that faith. For the faith whiche there he ſpeaketh of, he defined in the begynning that it is an foreign or (as they ſay) the ſubſtaunce of things to be hoped for, & a certaynty of y^e which is not ſene. And in compoſing the Cataloge of the mē, which where adorned with this faith, he maketh mēcion of Abraham, whō he teſtifieth to hauehave ben iuſtified by faith. Wherby is gathered that the faith whiche is there attributed vntounto the ſaintes, is the true and perfect faith, by whiche the godly are counted iuſt before God.

But they ſay, he fell into ſuperſtitions. I graunt y^t, but he might be renewed by repentaunce, whiche is the effect of true faith, and at the laſt attayne eternall lyfe. But thou wilt ſay, what repentaunce was this? when he ouerthrewe not the Ephod whiche he ſet vp, neither reuoked the people from ſuperſtition? Vndoubtedly there is neuer any repentaunce counted fruitefull, vnleſſe that be amended which was done amiſſe. To this I aunſwere, it might be (as Auguſtine ſaith) that this ſuperſtition began toward the latter end of his life, which thing, being repentaunt, he had decreed to take away if he had liued. But being preuē ted by death, he was not able to performe it.

And was buried. They made no prayers or ſupplications to deliuer his ſpirite from the paynes of Purgatory, And we read not in any place of the old teſtamēt that for the ſame cauſe there were either ſacrifices or oblations made.

And when Gideon was dead, the Iſraelites went a whoryng and worſhipped Baal. Wherby we may learne how ingrate men are towards God. He had adorned them with ſo many benefites, & yet their good prince being dead, which kept them in their duty, they fel ſtraightway frō y^e true worſhipping of him. Wherfore it hereby manifeſtly appeareth how diligētly we muſt pray for good princes & a godly Magiſtrate: for then is vnderſtand with how great a commodity they were geuen vntounto the people, when now at the length the anger of God waxing fierce, they are taken awaye. For that there were many Baalim, What Bahal-berith was. The Iupiter of couenaunt.in this place is perticular mention made of Baal-berith whiche a man may call Iouē foederis, or Iouē foederatum. Hym made they a God ouer them, and worſhipped him for the Lord. The ſumme of the worſhipping of him ſemeth to be this, that they referred al y^e good things which they had, as receaued of him: & they beleued y^t he turned away frō them thoſe euils which they were not troubled with. By reaſon of which faith, they counted him for their God, & worſhipped his outward image.

And forgat the Lord their god. We can not worſhip ſtraūge gods but ſtraight way we muſt caſt away the true God. He is one, and therfore he refuſeth to be worſhipped with more. Wherfore it remayneth that they do not worſhip the true GOD, but theyr owne inuentions, as many as doo with the true God ioyne other whiche are idoles: for there is no true God whiche wilbe worſhipped that way. Or els this is the ſenſe of it, that the Iſraelites did wonderfully fal from the true God, bycauſe they did not onelyonly worſhip Baal, but they ſo worſhipped him, y^t they vtterly forgot the god of their fathers and grandfathers, & altogether abiected y^e worſhipping of hym. Which thing they vſed not alwayes to do: for many tymes they ſo allowed outward gods, y^t yet in the meane tyme they retayned ſome part of the olde worſhipping.

Neither ſhewed they mercy on the houſe of Gideon. That happened vntounto thē, which muſt nedes come to paſſe. When we departe from the true God, the offices of charity are neglected, for he whiche is euill agaynſt God, can not be good to men.An example of Conſtātius the Emperor. This vnderſtoode the Emperor Conſtantius the father of Conſtantine: who thought that they would not be faithfull vntounto him, whiche for to kepe ſtill their dignity, departed from the worſhipping of Chriſt. Gideon in dede deſerued ſo to be puniſhed: but they ought not ſo to hauehave dealt againſt hym, eſpecially ſeing they behaued not themſelues ſo for the reuenging of religion.

To ſhewe mercy, is a phraſe much vſed of the Hebrues, and it is read in many places in the holy Scriptures, neither ſignifieth it any thing els, then to do good, and to be of a gentle louing and ready minde to helpe thoſe whiche hauehave nede. And that whiche is nowe ſpoken, by a certayne anticipation comprehendeth the narration whiche we ſhall heare in the chap. following, of the calamity and deſtruction of the houſe of Gideon. In the meane tyme let vsus conſider the nature of the worlde: it is wonderfully infected with the vice of ingratitude: we ſee in a maner no notable or excellent gifte beſtowed vponupon any man, whiche by the children of this worlde is not recompenſed with great ingratitude.We muſt not beſiſte frō wel doyng bycauſe of ingratitude. And yet for this occaſion we muſt not ſuffer our ſelues to be withdrawē from doyng good, leaſt when as other are euill, we imitate them in departing from our office. Let vsus go forward to do good vntounto our neighbours and brethren: who if they be thankful, let vsus chiefly reioyſe for thē,Why God permitteth ingratitude in the worlde. and afterward for our ſelues. But if they be otherwiſe, let vsus turne our ſelues vntounto God himſelfe, for whoſe cauſe we do rightly, decreing with our ſelues, that we muſt not hauehave a regard what the ſinnes of mē deſerue, but what God requireth of vsus, or what is decent for vsus, remembryng y^e God very often permitteth the vice of ingratitude in the worlde, wherby our mindes may be the more erected vntounto him, for whoſe cauſe all our thinges are to be inſtituted, and let vsus ſo direct vntounto him thoſe things which we do, that we require nothing of this world to be rēdred vntounto vsus as a reward. Farther, whē we ſee that mē do for the moſt part after this maner reward thoſe with great euils, whiche hauehave done them much good, we may cal to remēbraunce the life to come, where ſhalbe rendred vntounto eueryevery man according to his workes. Whiche thing if we had not a cōfidence that it ſhall one day come to paſſe, we ſhould vtterly take away the prouidence of God.

¶The .ix. Chapter.