Acts and Monuments Volume 2 Part 2, Appendix · Oration
¶The Oration in effecte of Sir Nicholas Bacon Knight, Lord Keeper of the great Seale of England spoken in the Starre Chamber the 29. of December in the 10. yeare of the reigne of our Souereigne Lady Elizabeth by the grace of God of England, Fraunce, and Ireland Queene, Defender of the fayth &c. And in the yeare of our Lord God .1567. Then being present.
Mathew, Archbishop of Caunterbury. William, Marques of Northhampton. Fraunces, Earle of Bedford. Lord Clinton, Admirall of England. William Howard, Lord Chamberleyne. Byshop of London. Lord Gray of Wilton. Sir Edward Rogers Knight, Controler. Sir Ambrose Caue Knight, Chanc. of the duchy. Sir William Cicill Knight, principall Secretary. Sir Fraunces Knolles Knight, Vicechamberleyne. Sir Walter Mildemay Knight, Chauncelor of the Eschequer. Lord Cattelene chiefe Iustice of the kings bench. Lord Dyer chiefe Iustice of the common place. Sir William Cordale Knight, M. of the Rolles. Iustice Weston. Iustice Welch. Iustice Southcotes. Iustice Carowes.
IT is geuen to the Queenes Maiestye to vnderstand that certayne of her Subiectes by theyr euill dispositions do sow and spread abroad diuers sedicions to the derogation and dishonor, first of almighty God, in the state of Religion stablished by the lawes of this Realme and also to the dishonor of her highnesse in disprouing her lawfull right of supremacy amongest her subiectes. And this that they doe, is not done as in secrecy or by stealth, but openly auouched, & in all companyes disputed on. And thus by theyr bold attemptes seme not to obey or regard the authority of lawes nor the quiet of her subiectes. As for example, by bringing in and spreading abroad diuers leud libels and sedicious bookes from beyonde the seas, and in suche boldnes that they do commend those writers in their sedicious bookes conteining manifest matter agaynste the estate established. Which boldnesse of men so Vniuersally and eueryevery where seene and heard, cannot be thought to be done but by the comfort and ayd or at the least way winckt at by thē whō the Queenes highnes hath placed in authority to repres these insolencyes. And the Queenes highnes can not more iustlye charge any for this disorder, then such who be in commissiōs chosen to represse these disorders. If it be aunswered me that they cannot see such opē boldnes & factious, disorders: I must say that they hauehave no eyes to see, & if they heare not of suche contemptuous talke and speeche, I may say that they hauehave no eares. I would hauehave those men iudge what will come of these vnbridled speeches in the end, if reformatiōs be not had therof. What cōmeth of factions & seditions we hauehave bene taught of late yeares what the fruites be, which I beseech God long to defend vsus from. If such disorders be hot redressed by law, then must force & violence reforme. Which when they take place may fortune fall assoone on thē that seeme to hauehave least consideration in this matter. If force and violence preuayle, then ye know that law is put to silence, and cannot be executed, which should onelyonly maynteine good order. If it be replyed agaynst me, that to the suppressing of these open talkes there is no law, which by speciall letter can charge any man offender, I must say, that whatsoeuer the letter of the law be, the meaning of the law was and is cleane contrary to the liberty of these doinges. If it be sayd, that no man can be charged by the law except it can be proued agaynst him, that his speeche and deedes be done maliciously: what ye call malice I can not tel. But if the bringing in of these sedicious bookes make mēs mindes to be at variance one with one another, destruction of mindes maketh sedicions, seditions bring in tumults, tumults worke insurrections and rebellion, Insurrections make depopulations and desolations, and bringeth in vtter ruine & destruction of mens bodies, goodes & landes: And if any sow the roote wherof these men come, & yet can be sayd that he hath no mallice, or that he doth not maliciously labour to destroye both publicke & priuate wealth, I can not tell what act may be thought to be done maliciously. And further if it be sayd to me that the man which should be charged with offēce must be proued to hauehave done his acte aduisedly: To that I answere: If any bring in those hookes, distribute them to others, commend & defend them, & yet can not be charged to hauehave done aduisedly, I hauehave no skill of their aduisednesse. If it be sayde that the law intreateth of such actes as be directly derogatory and of none other, what is direct ouerthwarting the Law, when the contrary thereof is playnely treated, holden and defended, and the truth by argumentes condemned. It maye be sayd agayne that the worlde doth not now like extremitye in lawes penal and calleth them bloudy lawes. As for extreme and bloudy lawes I hauehave neuer liked of them. But where the execution of such lawes touching halfe a dosen offenders, and the not execution may bring in daunger halfe a hundred. I thinke this law nor the execution therof may iustly be called extreme and bloudy. In such like comparison I may vtter my meaning as to make a difference betwene whipping & hanging. In deed though whipping may be thought extreme, yet if by whipping a man may escape hanging, in this respect, not whipping bringeth in this bloudinesse and extremity and not the execution of the law: And better it were, a man to bee twise whipped then once hanged: The paynes do differre, but wise men will soone consider the diuersity. The truth is to suffer disobedient subiectes to take boldnes agaynst the lawes of God & their prince, to wincke at the obstinate minds of such as be vnbridled in theyr affections: to mainteine a forraigne power of the Byshop of Rome, directly agaynst the Princes prerogatiue stablished by lawes, is not this to hatch dissentiō, to chearish sedition? To extoll the writinges of such, who by all their wittes deuise to supplant the princes lawfull authority: If these doinges be not meanes to the disturbance & vtter ruine of the Realme, I know not what is good gouernance. If these be not the sparkes of Rebellion: What be they. Thus much hauing spoken to your wisedomes, I doubt not of your assenting with me, the rather also because I vtter them vntounto you as from the Queenes Maiesty by commaundement, who doth require of vsus all a more dilligēce in execution of lawes, then is spyed commonly abroad: Whereby we shall do our duties to almighty God the better, declare our allegiance to our Souereigne, regard the maiesty of the lawes, louelove the quiet of our country, and procure the safety of our selues.
God saue the Queene.
And here I trust, we are now come to an end of al our English Martyrs which hetherto hauehave bene burnt, for the veritie of the gospell, if we adde besides to the same, a godly countryman more of ours, one named Richard Atkins an Hartfordshyre man, who of late about two yeares past in the reigne of this our gracious Queene, an. 1581. most miserably was tormented at Babilon, that is in ye citie of Rome. The cause and maner of whose suffering and martirdome here ensueth, taken out of a certayne late printed story, and testified by such as were present witnes and beholders of the same most tragicall execution. The purport of whiche story in wordes, as is put downe by the said reporter, here vnderunder followeth.