The Right Notion of Honor, Annotations

The Right Notion of Honor · Annotations

p. 1ANNOTATIONS.

PAge 15. The Munificence of Founders and Benefactors, &c.

When His Majeſty was pleaſed to command the Printing of the foregoing Sermon; the miſtake of ſome Perſons, and the ill will of others, furniſhed the Author with an Allowed Excuſe.

The undeſerved Uſage he then met with, and his continual Diſcouragements ever ſince, have ſo far unfitted him to appear in the World; that the Preacher, and his Notes, had ſtill lain hid together in the ſame Cloſet, had not the Senſe of his Obligations to the College that bred, and maintains him, prevailed above that of his many Defects, and the great Honour of obeying the King, in a Command, that was equally indulgent and diſpenſable.

He had no other Motive to the Publication of theſe Papers, neither did he need any other, than the deſire of his honoured and worthy Collegues, to recommend in a printed Epiſtle, the preſent attempt to finiſh our fair Building; and our deſign of a College Hall, of which great convenience we have as yet no more than the bare Foundation.

To which purpoſe, that our Paper-Meſſenger may find his way to all the liberal Hands in the Nation, he is furniſhed with a Guide, and Fellow Travellers. Or elſe this firſt Note, for the ſake of which p. 2the reſt were communicated, as well as the Diſcourſe to which they all belong, may paſs for a Uſe of Exhortation at the end of the Sermon; as it urges the beſt practice of our Duty, and the nobleſt Exerciſe of Honour; in the following Periods.

p. 3A General Addreſs to all bountiful Encouragers of Religion and Learning, in the behalf of Clare-Hall in Cambridge: which remains half built, after all the endeavours of the Society for more than Forty years to finiſh it.

OƲR College, which as to its Antiquity, is the Second in the Ʋniverſity, hath from the very Age in which it was Founded, been always Ʋnhappy, either in the Ruines, or the Defects of its Building. It did at one time ſuffer ſo much by Fire, that a very conſiderable part of it (wherein were the Maſter's Lodgings, the Treaſury, and what was therein repoſited of greateſt Value) was to the irreparable damage of the College conſumed.

But long before that time, and when it had numbred but ſixteen years, the whole Fabrick was by a caſual Fire burnt to the ground. This occaſioned the reſigning of its firſt Foundation by Richard Badew (as the Ʋniverſity Tables relate more particularly) into the hands of the incomparable Lady Elizabeth de Burgo, one of the three Co-heireſſes of Gilbert the laſt Earl of Clare and Glouceſter, who beſtowed upon the then ruined Society a new College, and upon the College, unendowed before, ſuch fair Revenues, as juſtly required that it ſhould be called for ever after by her own Excellent Name.

p. 4But yet the moſt valuable part of a College, a Chappel, was wanting for above two hundred years; till the Society had by their good Husbandry ſaved ſo much Money, as with the Gift of a hundred Pounds built one, with a fair Library over it.

Within another hundred years, what our Foundreſs built for us decayed: part of it fell down: and that the College and its Inhabitants might not be buried together in the ſame Ruines, that new and unfiniſhed Fabrick we now enjoy was begun: of which, (to juſtifie Scholars, againſt thoſe that charge them with Luxury and Profuſeneſs) at leaſt one half was erected, with that Stock which many years frugality had treaſured up; and with that Credit, which brought indeed a heavy Debt upon the College, but which, by the wary management of our Revenue, we have ſince diſcharged. The other, and greater part was built by the Contribution of ſome large, and many ſmall Summs: by which charitable aſſiſtance we had fair hopes of finiſhing our College, had we not been prevented by the late Troubles.

Since His Majeſties Happy Reſtauration, we have obtained an Addition; upon which, and the Avenues of our College, we have expended above two thouſand Pounds. And yet we have ſtill got no farther than half our Building, in the compleating whereof, we are now engaged.

We have begun with our own private Subſcriptions: but we are unable to proceed, without thoſe liberal aids from abroad, which (without conſidering either the former products of our Education, or our future uſefulneſs to the Publick, or the ornament we ſhall add to the Ʋniverſity, or the general ſatisfaction we ſhall hereby give to Scholars, and all that favour them) p. 5the Beauty and Elegancy of our Building alone, without the help of other Topicks, does beg with more Rhetorick, than we our ſelves can ever command.

In this Affair, we do at once both importune and ſerve our Friends, whileſt we offer to their Improvement the beſt of Opportunities. For as there is no diſpoſal of Wealth ſo commendable, ſo there is none ſo neceſſary, as that we now ſollicite.

Since Piety, and uſeful Knowledge are of greater Conſequence to the Welfare of Mankind, than any thing in the World beſides: that ingenuous liberality which is neceſſary to the ſupport of them, is the cleareſt proof of Chriſtian ſincerity, and as much our Privilege as our Duty. Since we are Debters to Heaven for all that we are, and have; our right is undeniably forfeited, nay, and our Poſſeſſion too is endangered, when we fail in thoſe expreſſions of Thankfulneſs, which are all the return we can make, but are no part of Payment without the Divine Acceptilation even of the eaſie condition which entitles us to the ſatisfaction of our Redeemer, which does at once both diſcharge and renew our Debt, which makes the leaſt offering an acceptable Sacrifice, and our periſhing Riches to become an immortal Treaſure.

Since we have ſo high a value for Wealth, and are ſo very unwilling to part with it, when it is againſt our Intereſt to keep it, and when we are forced to leave it; propitious Heaven, in the Opportunities of pious Munificence, has put it into our Power to be always Rich. This is the way to receive the greateſt Benefit from our moſt dangerous Enemy Wealth, which lays retrenched in the Bowels of the Earth, as if it were conſcious to its ſelf of the innumerable Miſchiefs it hath done, by its Sallies into the open World.

p. 6For Perſons of great Eſtates and Fortunes, to make no other returns of all their Plenty, but in thoſe ſhameful Exceſſes which Beaſts are never guilty of, is that which every Man, while he continues a Man, condemns: for the Wealthy to provide freely for their preſent harmleſs Satisfaction, and for the future happy Subſiſtence of their Offſpring, is what Nature, allowably enough, does ſuggeſt: but for theſe Perſons, while they deſign their Contentment, not to forget their Safety; while they ſtudy the happineſs of their Heirs, to think of their own, and to beſtow, at leaſt one Legacy upon their better part, is what Chriſtian Wiſdom does with the higheſt Reaſon dictate.

So that if rich Men deſire the ſatisfaction of the beſt and trueſt Improvement of their Fortunes, if they would do all the good they can both to themſelves and others; the greateſt temporal Good they can receive, by the conſent of all the wiſe Men that ever lived in the World, is the Honour that is gotten by good Actions; and the greateſt good they can ever hope to do, is that diſpoſal of their Wealth, which upholds and cheriſhes the two beſt things of this World, Piety and Learning: whereby the truly Charitable will have the Happineſs, not only of future and infinite Recompences, but they will likewiſe attain that end, which is always the meaning, but never the effect of paternal Fondneſs, an Immortality here upon Earth.

By this means they will inherit the juſt eſteem of wiſe Men, of ſuch as know how to uſe their Fortunes, and that do not love their Money better than themſelves. They will continue in this World, even when they are poſſeſſed of a better, and by their bountiful Donations, they will, in all ſucceeding Ages, ſtill remain here, exerciſing the greateſt Charity, that is, inſtructing the p. 7Ignorant, reclaiming the Vicious, and relieving the Neceſſitous.

The fair Monuments of their Piety will out-laſt all others: and if the World ſhould happen to ſurvive them, yet the Memory of them will not be loſt till Charity it ſelf ſhall fail. Their excellent names will not then be buried, when they ſhall become too great a weight for the Pillars that bear them: they muſt needs live, being repeated thrice every year in publick and ſolemn Commemorations, with the greateſt Honour that can be paid them by ingenuous Men; in a Society collected from the diſtant parts of our own Country, from whence their Charity and Fame will be carried or ſent abroad to all others, and ſent down to all Poſterity; with the Sculpture of our Building, the Hiſtory of our Benefactors, and with the juſt, ſincere, and eternal Acknowledgments of

The Maſter, and Fellows of Clare-Hall.

p. 8PAge 17. Japhet the eldeſt Son of Noah, &c. We cannot conclude the reſpective Ages of the Sons of Noah, from the Order in which they are named. For then Ham would be the ſecond Son. But that he was the youngeſt is plain from Gen. 9. where it is related v. 22. That when Ham ſaw the nakedneſs of his Father, he told his two Brethren without: and v. 24. That when Noah awoke from his Wine, he knew what his younger Son had done unto him.

Neither can Sem be the firſt-born. For Noah was ſix hundred years old when the Flood came upon the Earth, Gen. 7. 6. He was five hundred years old when he begat his eldeſt Son, Gen. 5. 32. The Son whom at that Age he begat, could not be Sem; for he was not an hundred years old, till two years after the Deluge, Gen. 11. v. 10.

Foraſmuch then as Noah's eldeſt Son was an hundred years old when he entred the Ark, and Sem was then but ninety eight; it follows evidently that Japhet muſt be the eldeſt of the Sons of Noah.

Theſe Particulars are confirmed by the general Senſe of the Jewiſh Doctors. foreign ſayes R. Salomon Jarchi, of the Sons of Noah, Japhet the laſt named, is the eldeſt. But there is better Authority for the Aſſertion. The Septuagint Verſion ſays it expreſly, Gen. 10. 21. foreign. They here call Japhet in the plaineſt words can p. 9be ſpoken, the elder Brother of Sem. Flaminius Nobilius having compared the Copies of the Septuagint, reports their Agreement in this reading.

Neither is it only in Pagnin, Arias Montanus, Tremellius, the Polyglott Interlineary, and our laſt Engliſh Tranſlation, The Brother of Japhet the Elder; but the Senſe, Propriety, and conſtant Grammatical Conſtruction of the Hebrew do fully prove it. For when theſe words are to be expreſſed in the Holy Language, Sem the elder Brother of Japhet, it muſt be foreign ▪ But if we will have the forementioned words to be the Engliſh of foreign we ſhall never be able to find, in any part of the Scripture, the like Interpretation: much leſs can we tell how the Hebrew ſhould expreſs thoſe laſt words of this Text any other way, without departing from its Idiom, or involving its Senſe in an ambiguous Phraſe.

p. 10PAge 19. Throwing of Stones to Mercury's Heap. If we enquire what Mercury's Heap was, we ſhall ſee what Reaſons S. Hierom had for this rendring of Prov. 26. 8. Sicut qui mittit lapidem in acervum Mercurii: ita qui tribuit honorem inſipienti. Whom our Engliſh, according to its uſual regard to him, ſhould thus follow in tranſlating the Text, As he that throweth a Stone to Mercury's Heap; ſo is he that giveth Honour to a Fool. The payment of Honour, where it is not due, is compared to the blind Idolatry of the Gentiles in worſhipping Mercury by throwing Stones to his conſecrated Pile.

This is the account of the foreign in Homer, Odyſſ. 16. which was an elevated place in that City of Ithaca, from whence Eumaeus ſaw the Rivals of Ʋlyſſes returning.

—foreign

foreign.

Euſtathius upon this place informs us, that Demoſthenes the Thracian, who wrote a Paraphraſe upon Homer (long ſince loſt) concludes, that the place where Eumaeus had this proſpect, and which was called foreign, had its name from the Ceremonies of Mercury. He reports it to ſignifie beſides a heap of Stones in the Highway.

p. 11Such were the Terminales lapides among the Romans, for ſhowing the Bounds of their Lands, which **Lib. 4. de Coronis, c. 4.Paſchalius upon a Diſtich in the firſt Elegy of Tibullus obſerves to have been adorned with Crowns and Garlands.

Although there was no Statue in the place, yet every Heap of Stones was Sacred. Which Heaps were encreaſed by the ſuperſtitious Diligence of Paſſengers throwing Stones to them in Honour of Mercury. This Idolatrous Practice is mentioned in the Talmudic Book **Sanhed. c. 7.Sanhedrin foreign He that throws a Stone to Mercury, is a Perſon that commits Idolatry, for Mercury is thus worſhipped.

This Pagan Rite had its Original from a Fable of Mercury, which is not commonly met withall. The Story is, that when he had killed Argus, and was to be tryed for the Fact in a Senate of the Gods, he pleaded Jupiter's Commiſſion. The Gods were thereupon afraid to condemn him: and that they might not incur the diſpleaſure of their King, they threw down thoſe Stones, by which they were to give their Suffrages, at the Feet of the Criminal: which did not only diſcharge him from Puniſhment, but was likewiſe the occaſion of the forementioned Ceremony, as well as the gathering of Votes in Judicature by Stones.

This foreign does alſo ſignifie an Altar erected to Mercury: or the Baſis of his Image: or thoſe Stones which ſhewed the diſtances of Miles, and Furlongs: Mercury being, not only the Tutelar Deity, but ſaid likewiſe to have been the firſt Officer for the Highways, and to have begun the clearing of them from great Stones. Theſe Stones p. 12were laid together by the Wayes ſide, and upon the foregoing account they were ſtiled foreign, Mercurial Heaps.

Theſe Remarques explain that old dark Inſcription,

Deo Merc—

Viaco

M. Attilius

Silonis F.

Quir. Silo

Ex voto.

We have here likewiſe an Illuſtration of that paſſage in the Epigram:

—Apollinis aras

Arcanum que Vii—

This Arcanum Vii was the myſterious Religion of the Cabiri in Samothracia: of which Cabiri Mercury is reckoned for one, in that old Diſtich that recites them,

Juno, Veſta, Minerva, Ceres, Diana, Venus, Mars,

Mercurius, Jovi', Neptunus, Vulnanus, Apollo.

We are told by Druſius out of an Arabick Book againſt the Alcoran, that it was a Practice of the Indians, to pile up Stones in Honour of their Gods. From them it was carried over into Arabia: where the worſhipping of Venus with the ſame Ceremony, was the only piece of Idolatry which Mahomet retained at Mecha. The Arabian Convert agrees to p. 13this Senſe of Salomon's expreſſion. Neither is the forecited Paſſage one of the weakeſt Arguments for our ſubſcribing to S. Hierom's tranſlating the Expreſſion, Acervum Mercurii.

Why we ſhould not follow the Septuagint, and tranſlate the Hebrew Word, a Sling, we have moreover theſe Reaſons. That ſince the Hebrew Word foreign ſignifies a heap of Stones, ſince the Superſtition of thoſe Mercurial heaps was ſpread through the Eaſt many Ages before Solomon, ſince the very name of Mercury was formed out of this Word Margemah; ſince Manetho, though a fabulous Writer, is confirmed by Joſephus in his Opinion, That they were Seth's Pillars: To interpret the expreſſion, As he that tyes a Stone in a Sling, is a ſenſe which thoſe that are beſt acquainted with the Pagan Rites, and the Jewiſh Learning, cannot admit of as the moſt obvious, true, natural, and worthieſt of the wiſe Author of the ſaying.

Beſides all this it is certain, that Margemah is of the ſame ſignification with foreign Markolis the Talmudic name of Mercury, and of his Image or Statue. They are uſed promiſcuouſly by the oldeſt Jewiſh Writers. The Medraſch on the Proverbs thus paraphraſes the paſſage, foreign Whoever honours a Fool, is like him that throws a Stone to Mercury.

This is not the only inſtance in the Old Teſtament, that ſhews the Antiquity of the Pagan Idolatry. Orion and the Pleiades are mentioned by Job: Whoſe youngeſt Daughter is called in the Hebrew, The Horn or Ray of Beauty, that is, ſays the verſion of the Seventy, The Horn of Amalthaea, foreign, Job 42. 14.

p. 14In the deſolation of Babylon, Iſai 13. 21, 22. it is ſaid by the Vulgar Latin, and the Maronites, That Satyrs ſhall dance, and Sirens lodge there. Sirenes & Daemonia illic ſalt abunt.

So likewiſe in Ezechiel's Viſion, ch. 8. v. 14. At the North Door of the Temple, there ſat Women lamenting Adonis, concluded by S. Hierom to be underſtood by Tammuz. Mulieres ſedebant plangentes Adonidem.

Now S. Gregory Nyſſen in his ninth Homily on the Canticles, gives good ſatisfaction to thoſe that wonder at the mention of Poetick Fables in the holy Oracles of God.

p. 15PAge 19. There is a Pagan Empire on the further ſide of Aſia.

It is that Empire where all Nobility is from Worth and Knowledge, where none are born great but thoſe of the Royal Family, where Men are honoured and advanced then only when they deſerve to be ſo.

The principal Sect among them, called Jukia, hath no other charge, but to mind the buſineſs of Government, and the practice of Moral Vertues.

This people, the Inhabitants of Cathaia, and the Northern China, have little Philoſophy that is conſiderable, beſides Morality. Their chief Science is the Moral Contemplation of Man: In which it is their buſineſs to conſider the Offices of Princes and their Subjects, of Parents and Children, Huſbands and Wives, Brethren and Friends. They have three thouſand Rules concerning Decency, Civility, Modeſty, and the Vertues of that Rank. Prudence is one of their moſt admired Vertues: And next to that they eſteem Courage, when it is imployed in the conqueſt of our ſelves.

They value Juſtice, becauſe it directs us to look into our ſelves, when we determine any thing referring unto others: In which they place the higheſt degree of Humane Perfection. They ſay they are lovers of Vertue for no other Reaſon, but becauſe it is its own abundant Recompence. They do not concern themſelves in any enquiries about future matters; alledging, they have p. 16not yet attained the knowledge of thoſe things that are before their Eyes.

They underſtand little, and dote very much in Natural Philoſophy. They hold a double Metempſychoſis, that of Pythagoras, and the tranſmigration of the Soul into new Paſſions and Deſires. They affirm all the Events of this Life to be Good or Evil, according to our Opinion and Judgment of them.

The great things that are reported of them are credible enough, if it can be made out, That they are the Poſterity of the old Seres: Quos Luſitani perperam Sinas appellarunt, ſayes the very learned Mr. Iſ. Voſſius in his late Tract, De Art. & Scientiis Sinarum: And when we receive the account of their Socrates, that Divine Philoſopher Cumfuſu.

Now Ptolemy, Mela, Pliny, Strabo, Salinus, Dionyſius and others, make the Country of the Seres to border Southward upon India without Ganges, and to be that very Tract which is now called China. Pliny taking notice of the ſimplicity of their Manners, ſays, they are very unlike their Neighbours the Scythians.

Thoſe very places which Ortelius, Mercator, and the generality of Modern Geographers make the Boundaries of China, are named by the Antients as the Confines of Serae. Ptolemy ſets their Country (whoſe Metropolis, he ſayes, was called Sera) in the Neighbourhood of Scythia, on the outſide of the Mount Imaus, next India without Ganges, and on the further ſide of Aſia. The ſame ſituation is given them by Ammianus Marcellinus, who aſſerts their Country to reach Southward as far as India, Ganges and the forenamed Mountain Imaus. In Pomponius Mela, we find the Serae, and the Chineſes p. 17to be the ſame people: And that the Perſians and Saracens call the Inhabitants of Cathaia, Seres. Solinus carries us through the Scythian and Eaſtern Ocean to this Country; which Pauſanias ſays, derives its name from the Worms that ſupply the Inhabitants with Silk, which according to him and others, as we find in Suidas, are called in Greek foreign, Seres.

This appears further from their great plenty of Silk, and their skill in weaving it: Which was firſt called Serica, from their Country. Their Art is thus ſet out by Dionyſius in his Periegeſis, v. 755.

foreign,

foreign.

foreign.

Weaving rich colour'd Robes they Flowers ſtrow,

Such as Dame Natures Tapiſtry does ſhow,

Such as the Spiders fineſt Art out-go.

There have been thoſe Opinions, and Reports of their great Antiquity, that might give ſome occaſion to the vaſt Extravagancies of the Chineſe Chronology. They are the oldeſt people that were known to Pliny: Primi ſunt hominum qui noſcantur Seres, is his account of them. And Tertullian in his Book De Cultu foem. ſays they were Weavers, Ab initio rerum, from the beginning of the World. Primos hominum Seres cognoſcimus, are the Words of Julius Solinus, The Seres we know to be the firſt Generation of Men.

p. 18Beſides this, the exact ſimilitude of Temper, in the Hiſtorical Accounts of both, is a ſufficient Argument of their being the ſame people. The beſt deſcription of the Seres, we have from Euſebius in theſe Words: foreign. The Law of the Seres is againſt Murdering, Whoring, Thieving, and all worſhipping of Images. And in that moſt ſpacious Country you ſhall not ſee a Shrine, a Fornicatreſs, an Adultreſs, a Thief arraigned, a Murderer tryed, a Man ſlain. (He goes on diſputing againſt Fate.) The Influence of Mars belching Fire from the midſt of Heaven, hath never forced the Liberty of any mans Will to give a fatal Stab to another. The Conjunction of Venus and Mars did never force any Man in that Region to an adulterous Embrace, though Mars is there to be ſeen in the midſt of the Heavens every day, and in every hour of the day there are Children born among the Seres.

The like Citation of Vigerus in a Note upon this Paſſage, may be ſuppoſed to be taken from an Author of good Credit and Antiquity, though he does not name him.

That the Seres were the Anceſtors of the Chineſes, appears in other Inſtances. The Chineſes wear no Weapons, travel without Arms, and have little or no eſteem for Soldiers. The like account we have from Strabo of the Seres: that they p. 19reckoned it a crime for men to exerciſe themſelves foreign, in the Arts of War. He likewiſe mentions their foreign, their Frugality, and Healthfulneſs. As Lucian, when he ſpeaks of the moſt long-liv'd Nations, names the Seres in the firſt place, and aſcribes their Longevity to their Temperance.

Ammianus Marcellinus tells us they lived quietly, Strangers to Arms and Wars, nulli finit imorum moleſti, troubleſome to none of their Neighbours, the moſt frugal of all Nations in a moſt plentiful Country, that they ſtudied the tranquillity of Life, and avoided the Converſation of the reſt of Mankind.

Mites quidem, ſays Pliny of them, they were meek People, but fled from Strangers like Beaſts, and had no Communication of Language with any other Country. To which Solinus adds, that they traded with Merchants without verbal Conference, Mercium pretia oculis aeſtimantes, buying and ſelling with their Eyes, and allowing Merchants only to croſs their firſt River. This is the ſame Character that we find of them in Stephanus de Ʋrbibus, namely that they were foreign, a People that would not mingle with other Societies.

This ſhieneſs and averſion to Strangers was found to be the temper of the Chineſes by Marcus Paulus Venetus, who firſt diſcovered them to the Europaeans; and is confirmed by many others, who give us ſurprizing Relations of the Innocence and Honeſty of the Chineſes in the days of their great Maſter of Morals CƲMFƲSƲ, and in the Ages after him.

p. 20The Chinenſian Socrates CƲMFƲSƲ, by the Precepts of his admirable Philoſophy, did work a perfect Reformation in the Manners of the People. He reſtored the uſe of Weights and Meaſures, the decence of Funerals, the duty of Children in maintaining their indigent Parents, and the Integrity of Merchants in their Affairs. He prevailed with the Men of the Age to be juſt and kind; and the Women to be chaſt, humble, and quiet.

He brought the whole Empire to the Temper of a ſingle well-ordered Family. They had for one another the tenderneſs of Parents, the affections of Brethren, and the ſincerity of the beſt Friends. Nothing could be loſt in the Country: but whatever was dropt upon the Highway, was always left there by thoſe that found it, for the returning Owner.

Strabo ſays as much of the Seres in the ſame Age, that they had the ſtricteſt Juſtice, and foreign, a Proceſs even againſt bad Language. That they ſhould ſo far exceed their Poſterity the modern Chineſes, who are now laſcivious, malicious, and falſe Pretenders to Virtue, will be no matter of wonder to us, when we ſhall have conſidered either the Doctrine or the Perſon of their excellent Tutor, the oriental Socrates, the Divine CƲMFƲSƲ.

p. 21He thus begins his firſt Book.

TÁ HIŎ CHĪ TÁO SÁI MIM̑ MIM̑ JĔ SAÍ SIN̄ ḾIǸ SAÍ CHÍ YŪ XEŃ CHĪ CHÌ HEÚ YEÙ TIḾ TĪM HEÚ NEM̑ SIM̀ SIḾ LH HEÚ NÉM̀ NGĀN NGĀN LH HEÚ NÉM̀ LIÚ̇ LIÚ̇ LH HEÚ NEM̑ TĔ UÆ̆ YEÙ PUEǸ MŎ MŎ SÚ YEÙ CHŪḾ XÌ CHĪ SÒ SIĒN HEÚ SÉ KIŃ TÁO Ỳ. &c.

The intent of great Men in Knowledge and Inſtruction, does conſiſt in the enlightning of our Spiritual Power conveyed to us from Heaven, by the Virtues. It does conſiſt in renewing the World by Exhortation and Example. It conſiſts in ſetling firmly upon the chiefeſt good. When People know wherein they are to ſettle, then they have the end. When they have reſolved themſelves in the end, then they can be at reſt. When their mind is at reſt, then they can ſtrengthen it. When they have ſtrengthened the Mind, then they can diſtinguiſh Good from Evil. When they have made this diſtinction, then they can attain the end, by acting according to Reaſon. There is in things that p. 22which is more and leſs Excellent, as the Body and the Branches in the Tree. Affairs have an end and a beginning. To obtain effectively the perfection of Good, is the end; to know where we are to ſettle firmly, is the beginning. To know thoſe things that are to be preferred, and thoſe that are to be undervalued, is to approach to the knowledge of great Men.

His next Paragraph is this.

When the Ancients would make proof of the Spiritual Power in Government, they took care in the firſt place to govern their Kingdoms well: when they would govern their Kingdoms well, their firſt care was the right ordering of their Families: when they would order their Families well, it was their firſt buſineſs, to attire their own Perſons with the Ornaments of Virtue: when they would deck themſelves with the Virtues, they firſt faſhioned their Hearts: when they would faſhion their Hearts, they firſt confirmed their Intentions in the baniſhing of every diſguiſe: when they would confirm their Intentions, they would firſt enlarge their Underſtandings: which enlargement of the Underſtanding, conſiſteth in the compriſing of Matters, in forecaſting buſineſs, in making a convenient proviſion for every preſent occaſion; or rather by penetrating that moſt perfect Harmony of Nature in Humane Reaſon. For when Matters are dived into, the perfection of Knowledge is attained: when the perfection of Knowledge is attained, the Intention is confirmed: when the Intention is confirmed, p. 23the Heart is rightly managed: when the Heart is managed, the Man is compleated: when the Man is compleated, the Family is rightly ordered: when the Family is rightly ordered, then the Kingdom is well governed: when our Kingdoms are well governed, the Empire will be alſo peaceable and calm.

This is the beginning of the firſt Treatiſe in the former part of CƲMFƲSƲ 's Works, being a Diſcourſe concerning the Perfection of Man, and of Government. In his other Tracts, there are many excellent Moral Diſcourſes, the ſtile whereof ſhows the Chineſe Eloquence to conſiſt chiefly in Climaxes.

His Writings have leſs Art, but more of the true Spirit of Morality, than is to be found in Plato himſelf, and the moſt eſteemed of the old Greek and Roman Moraliſts. He has other Books of Dialogues, Odes, Sentences, and Moral Diſſertations. He wrote the Annals of the Chineſe Kings from Fohi, who according to their Chronology liv'd before Moſes. He wrote of Political Virtues, of Court days and Vacations, of Preſages; of the Rewards of good Men, and the Puniſhments of the Wicked: and upon many other Subjects. It was his Motto, Lay nothing upon another, that you would not bear your ſelf. Like a true Socrates, he aſſerted and worſhipped the one true God. He commonly invoked Heaven, but in a Metonymical Senſe. Which we have the more reaſon to believe, becauſe the Chineſes in his time had no Idols.

p. 24He is thought to have propheſied of our Saviour Chriſt: for he would always diſown his own Perfections, and refuſe the Commendations of his Piety with this reply, SĪ FAM̄ YEÙ XIḾ GIȖ, The Holy one is to be looked for in the Weſt. Fifty years after our Saviour, one of their Emperors moved by this Tradition, and by a Dream, that there came and appeared before him out of the Weſt a God-like Man, ſent ſome Perſons of his Court to make enquiry after the true Law: who wanting either courage or skill to ſail further than the Red-Sea, brought home, and firſt planted in China the Idolatry of the adjoyning Countries.

CƲMFƲSƲ was born above five hundred years before Chriſt, about the beginning of the Perſian Monarchy, and probably was contemporary with Cyrus. At nineteen years of Age he married, and having in a few years buried his Wife, continued ſingle.

He never uſed Concubines, according to the Cuſtom of his Country. His Life was every way anſwerable to his Diſcourſes. His Moderation and Piety, his conſtant watchfulneſs over himſelf, his contempt of Riches, Honours, and Dangers, his unwearied Induſtry in propagating Moral Knowledge is to be read in his Books, as well as in the Stories of his Life.

He is ſtill had in ſo great Veneration by his Country-men, that the great Office of Mandarin hath been always choſen out of his Family, which to this very Age hath been exempted from Tribute. His Books uſe to be read every where throughout the Country, and his Philoſophy taught in all the principal Cities of China.

p. 25There is an ingenious Merchant, a Fellow of the Royal Society, who hath put into the hands of one of his Collegues, ſeveral of CƲMFƲSƲ 's Books, brought from Siam, where they were printed, in order to an Engliſh Edition of them, and of a Lexicon and Clavis to the Language, and to a new World of Learning.

The foregoing Specimen is ſent abroad, to give ſome account of thoſe great Rarities, and to quicken the publication of them; out of a juſt reſpect to the worthy Owner of the only Copies in this part of the World.

p. 26PAge 23. That Chriſtian Charity which thinketh no Evil.

foreign. 1 Cor. 13. 5. Charity ſuſpecteth no evil. Where the caſe is doubtful (ſayes Grotius upon the place) it always interprets in the beſt Senſe.

It thinketh no evil either of Superiors, or Equals, where it ſees none. According to the excellent temper of the Laws by which our Nation is governed; it preſumes every Man to be good, who does not appear to be otherwiſe.

But ever ſince Man degenerated, it hath been the greateſt part of his temporal Miſery, to eſteem himſelf upright and wiſe, and other Men Villains and Sots. Which makes him diſobedient to his Governours, and unjuſt to his Neighbours. He looks upon his Neighbours as Dotterels, and his Governours as Harpies. He reckons it as eaſie to catch the former, as difficult to eſcape the deadly Talons of the latter.

Since the time that Men had reaſon to be afraid of one another, their Fears have undone them. Ever ſince they have been unable to govern themſelves, they have been afraid of their Rulers: leſt they ſhould invade their Properties, and by altering their Religion, make way to their Civil Rights.

Through the want of Chriſtian Charity, and that Faith from whence it proceeds, People are ſo void of good Thoughts, and ſo full of jealous Surmiſes; they have ſo great a concern for their Pelf, p. 27and ſo little truſt in the Providence of God, that when their Fortunes are as ſafe as if they were the only care of Heaven; for ſeditious Men to convince them that their Prince will have no regard to Rules and Conſtitutions, but intends to govern them by Arbitrary and lawleſs Adminiſtrations, they have no more to do, but only to tell them ſo.

Upon the firſt ſtrong report, they believe themſelves to be Slaves: and indeed they are ſo, to their own Paſſions. They feel more ſmart from their own Fears, than they can ſuffer under the Whips of Infidels. For want of crueller Maſters, they become Tyrants to themſelves.

Rags and Priſons with a quieter mind would be great Bleſſings to them. For they are of a Temper which makes Proſperity an Egyptian Plague. They that have nothing to loſe are in a much happier condition. For Poverty is not ſo great an Evil, as the fear of falling into it.

But the great Riddle is, that theſe Men ſhould be wounded and tortured, by that which never touched them, by ſomething at a diſtance from them, which they cannot prove by one Argument will ever be nearer: nay which hath nothing at all of Beeing, more than it received from their diſtempered Imaginations, yet frights and diſtracts them, more than any thing that is real and certain.

It is indeed very ſtrange for a Kingdom to be thunder-ſtruck by an undiſcernable clap of Tyranny that melts and conſumes all the Rights of the People, and yet not one Man hurt in his Perſon or Fortunes.

p. 28The true State of the Caſe is this. When the guilty Conſcience tells a Man plainly what uſe he himſelf would make of Soveraign Power: when the Wretch hath done all the Miſchief he can to his Inferiors; and has thought wickedly of his Prince, that he is altogether ſuch an one as himſelf, 'tis no wonder that he fears Him firſt, and then hates Him.

This is the account of all the Commotions, Tumults, Seditions, and Confuſions that ever yet were, or perhaps ever will be raiſed by diſcontented or ſeduced Perſons in all the Governments of the World. When deſigning Miſcreants undertake the embroiling of their Country, the People ferment immediately upon the bare report of approaching Slavery.

They believe all that is told them, unleſs it be then, when it happens that there is any thing of truth in the Relation. Where there is any juſt cauſe of ſuſpicion and miſtruſt, they are everlaſtingly ſecure. It is an expence of thinking too great for their ſtock, to examine the following Particulars.

Whether their Governours have not been injured by the malicious and crafty Inſinuations of ſome bad Men?

Whether they have any better, or other Argument than their own confidence, that they are not impoſed upon?

Whether the Grievances which their Leaders make ſo great a noiſe with, be any other than the Neceſſities which their chargeable Vices have brought upon them?

p. 29How it comes to paſs, that the Evils which terrifie and afflict them, which are ſaid to grow and encreaſe upon them every day, are commonly huſht and untalkt of, and laid aſleep for ſuch long Intervals, and never heard of but from Male-contents in ſome high Conteſt with the Government; that the popular clamour of Grievances ſhould prove the moſt dangerous ſort of Thunder, and never be heard but in times of great Heat?

In a few words, what ſhould be the reaſon, that in a Country which in its own Productions, and in foreign Supplies, in the eaſineſs of its Government, in the Wealth, Safety, and Priviledges of the People, exceeds all other upon the face of the Earth; in a time of Peace, and open Trade, and univerſal Proſperity, there ſhould be thoſe ſudden hideous outcries of Grievances, preſſing to death the Men that do not feel them, nor underſtand what is meant by the word, nor know what to complain of, till they are inſtructed by the idolized Mutineers?

The Credulity, Fickleneſs, and Levity of the common People, have in all former Ages been the Engines with which politick Atheiſts have ruined the beſt Governments. Neither is it a Prophecy, but a clearer proſpect of an effect in its unhappy Cauſes, to ſay, that ſcarce any Country will be embroiled hereafter without this old Artifice, without the help of this Weapon, which after all the execution it hath done in the World, is ſtill as ſharp as ever, and will never want an edge as long as there is Ambition and Revenge to whet it.

This hath always been the temper of the Multitude, in all times and places by the juſt judgment of the Almighty upon their diſobedience to God and Man.

p. 30Upon any noiſe of Oppreſſion and Tyranny, though the Alarm be never ſo falſe, the People fall immediately into the cold and hot Fits of an incurable State-Quartan, they are preſently light-headed, and preſently after ſtark raving Mad.

That the pretended danger of Tyranny and Slavery, or an Invaſion of the Peoples Rights, Religious or Civil, hath been the chief, and for the moſt part, the only Incentive to all the Sedition that ever diſturbed the Peace of Kingdoms and Commonwealths, in any Age or Country whoſe Records have come to our hands, may be concluded from the following Inſtances; and proved by thouſands more, ready to be produced.

p. 31THE INSTANCES.

WHen Ariſtagoras was endeavouring to ſtrengthen the Ionian Faction, being the Perſon who headed that People when they revolted from the King of Perſia, he uſed this Topick, when he urged Cleomenes King of Sparta to joyn with him in his Rebellion. There is (ſays he) a deſign to introduce a deſpotical Government, and to ſeize the Ionian Liberties. Therefore in the name of the Graecian Gods, redeem the Ionians from Slavery.

When Hannibal invaded Italy, at his croſſing the Alpes, he made a long Speech to his Army. Which, when the Hiſtorian reported, he poliſht the ſenſe of one part of it, in theſe Expreſſions. That Wealth which the Romans poſſeſs, and which hath been the vaſt Gain of ſo many triumphant Victories, 'tis all yours, and the owners of it into the bargain. Draw your Swords for thoſe mighty Spoils in the name of the aſſiſting Gods. We begin the War, and march into Italy with our infeſting Banners, being like to prove as much the bolder Warriours, as the hopes are greater, and the Reſolutions ſtronger in him that makes the Aſſault, than in the Man that oppoſes it. Beſides our p. 32Courage is raiſed by Diſcontents, Wrongs, and Indignities. I, your Commander, in the firſt place, then you all that were to beſiege Saguntum, ſhould have been demanded to undergo the moſt exquiſite Tortures. Theſe Men, the cruelleſt, and proudeſt in the World, purſue their own ends in every thing that is Arbitrary.

When the Athenians had begun a War with Syracuſe, they endeavoured to bring over the Camarines to their Alliance. Hermocrates being then employed in the Embaſſy of Syracuſe, alledges, that the Athenian Expedition would in the event be fatal, not only to Camarana, but to all Sicily. It is his whole buſineſs to lay open the Athenian Deſigns, beginning at the very Original of their Government. The Athenians (ſayes he) come into Sicily, with that pretence which you have been told of, but with that intention which we all do now ſuſpect: not to reſtore the Leontines to their Country, but indeed to make themſelves Maſters of ours. You have then your choice: either certain Slavery without the hazard of a War; or joynt hopes with us of a Conqueſt, which will deliver you from thoſe baſe Maſters, and from our perpetual Enmity.

When Mucianus a Malecontent under the Reign of Vitellius, had a deſign to ſet up another Emperor, he thus urged Veſpaſian to depoſe Vitellius, and to take upon him the Government. They that deliberate upon great Attempts, ſhould firſt compute, whether that which they undertake is profitable to the Commonwealth, honourable to themſelves, eaſie, or at leaſt probable to be effected. O Veſpaſian! I invite you to an Imperial Charge, which will be as advantageous to the Publick, as glorious to your p. 33ſelf. We are not to encounter that acuteſt Wit of the deified Auguſtus, nor that moſt wary Experience of the aged Tiberius, nor the Family of Caius, or Claudius, or Nero, ſetled in the Government by long Poſſeſſion. Beſides the enduring of thoſe, you did likewiſe yield to the Nobility of Galba. But to be ſtill careleſs, and to ſuffer the Commonwealth to be infected, and deſtroyed, would be ſtupid ſloth, though you were ſure your Slavery would continue as ſafe, as it is ignominious.

When the Lithuanians rebelled againſt the Roman Emperor Valentinian, he was aſſiſted by the Franks in their Suppreſſion: and he rewarded their Service by ten years Exemption from their cuſtomary Tribute. Which time being expired, they refuſed to ſubmit to their former Taxes. Hereupon the Emperor having fought, and defeated them, drove them out of their Country: inſomuch that they were forced to follow their Commander Marcomir into a part of Germany, to which they gave the name of Franconia. Being aſſembled to conſider what form of Government would be fitteſt for them, Quadrek, one of their greateſt Lords, ſtands up at the Debate, and ſpeaks thus in favour of Ariſtocracy. It is the hardeſt thing in the World to find a King or a Prince that is duely accompliſhed: but ſuppoſe we could be furniſhed with one that hath all the Perfections requiſite to a Throne, yet there is danger ſtill, that this Perſon, after ſome time, may come to make his Will his Law, and fall off to Licentiouſneſs and Tyranny. After many of the common, and fully anſwered Arguments againſt Monarchy, he ends thus. But foraſmuch as I find the Herald going to proclaim Pharamond King, and p. 34in ſo doing, to aſſiſt at the Funerals of the name of Franks, for my part, that my Eyes may eſcape the ſight of that miſerable fatal Ceremony, I will depart immediately into a voluntary Exile, in which I ſhall rather chooſe to end my days, than to live here, and ſee the Native Liberty of my Country deſtroyed, the Equity of the Laws trodden under foot, inſulting Tyranny ſet up, and all of us reduced to endleſs Slavery. To this Harangue the Hiſtorian ſubjoyns Pharamond's reply in an excellent defence of Monarchy. Amongſt other things, he ſhows the Benefits of that Form of Government; and that the Liberty of the People conſiſts in obeying their Prince: for which obedience they can no more be called Slaves, than thoſe Seamen who in a Tempeſt obſerve the orders of their Pilot.

When Count Candidian was commiſſioned by the Emperor Theodoſius to keep the Peace and prevent Tumults at the Council of Epheſus: he being a great Favourer of the Neſtorian Faction, gave order for ſtopping all Packets, both by Sea and Land, that no Letters might paſs to inform the Emperor, or any other Perſon of what was tranſacted in the Synod. But he himſelf in the mean time, writes to the Emperor againſt Cyrill, and other Biſhops. Firſt he throws this Calumny upon them, that they were ſo overhaſty in opening the Aſſembly, that they would not ſtay for the arrival of John Biſhop of Antioch. Then he belies them, and ſayes, that all the Biſhops that were at Epheſus, were not at the Synod, that they were not all ſummoned, and that there were Differences among thoſe that were preſent. With theſe Letters of Count Candidian, Neſtorius ſends his to p. 35the Emperor to the ſame effect and deſign, only with this difference, that Neſtorius patched up more lies, which he ſet off with that variety of fair Pretences, that they would eaſily find belief with Perſons unacquainted with the Proceedings. That profligate Jugler, in his Epiſtle to the Emperor, repreſents himſelf, not only as a Profeſſor of the Nicene Faith, but as a moſt reſolute Defender of it: and craftily pretends, that he came to Epheſus purely upon that account. In relating the Tranſactions of the Synod, he begins with the fouleſt Lyes. He denies that the Biſhops of Egypt were willing to ſtay for John Biſhop of Antioch, who had ſent Meſſengers to give them notice that he ſhould quickly arrive. He adds, that the Biſhops of the contrary Party had acted Tyrannically, had given out Menaces, had diſperſed their Guards about the City to raiſe Tumults, and that they came ſhouting to his Houſe, and threatned to kill him. That the Leader of them all was Memnon Biſhop of Epheſus. Then he complained that all the Churches of Epheſus were ſhut againſt him, and that he had not ſo much as the liberty to take the Communion. Upon theſe, and ſuch like cunning Suggeſtions, he petitions the Emperor (for all his Deſigns and ſtrongeſt Efforts drove at that) to iſſue out Orders for adjuſting the number of the Synod: in which he pretended there were wanting two Biſhops out of every Province. In the concluſion, as if he had been cruelly oppreſſed by the Orthodox, he ends his Letter with this Expreſſion: If we cannot prevail for this, we deſire only that care may be taken for our ſafe return to our ſeveral Habitations, for they threaten our very Lives. He was p. 36ſubtle in his requeſt; deſiring to be ſent back to Conſtantinople, when he had been depoſed from that See: a piece of Craft like his Petition for a new Council, when he was already condemned in one lawfully aſſembled. There ſubſcribed with him to this Epiſtle, to gain him the greater Credit, nine Biſhops, all rank Neſtorians.

When that Incendiary Catiline had plotted the Ruine of the Government, and of Cicero, in his Letter to Q. Marcius, among other things altogether as bad, he writes thus. We call God and Man to witneſs, that we have not armed our ſelves either againſt our Country, or to invade others; but only to ſecure our own Perſons from Injuries: whilſt by the Prevalency and Cruelty of Uſurers we are miſerable, and neceſſitous: moſt of us are kept out of our Country, but all of us out of our Offices and Eſtates. There is not a Man among us, who according to his Hereditary Right, can have the Benefit of the Laws; or when he hath loſt his Patrimony can keep his Liberty. We do not ask for Power or Riches, which are the Occaſions of all the Wars and Conteſts that diſturb Mankind, but for Liberty, which no good Man is willing to loſe ſooner than his Life. He encourages thoſe that were engaged with him in his Conſpiracy with theſe Expreſſions. What I have been contriving, I have told you ſeparately: but ſince that Communication, every day, hath put my thoughts into a greater heat, when I have conſidered that condition of Life which we are to expect, unleſs we recover our Liberties. Rouze your ſelves then! and open your Eyes upon that fair object you have ſo often wiſhed to ſee, your p. 37Liberty. Your Affairs, your Opportunities, your Dangers, your Poverty, and the noble Spoils of War, will perſwade you better than my Oratory. I offer my ſelf to you to be either your General, or your Fellow-Soldier: neither my Mind, nor my Body ſhall ever be wanting to your Service. I hope I ſhall aſſiſt you in theſe Affairs as your Conſul, unleſs I am wrong in my account, and that you are better prepared for Slavery than Empire.

When the Mechanicks of Florence, and eſpecially the Weavers, were grown jealous of their Governours, in the Reign of the Emperor Charles the Firſt: after many private Meetings in the night, one of the boldeſt of them exhorts his Companions to perſevere in their Sedition with this Harangue. Were we now, my Fellow-Soldiers, to conſider, whether we ſhould betake our ſelves to our Arms, whether we ſhould fire the neighbouring Houſes, and plunder the very Temples themſelves, I ſhould vote with thoſe who would be for adviſing further upon it: and it may be, I ſhould rather chuſe ſecure Poverty, than dangerous and uncertain Gains. But foraſmuch as we have drawn our Swords, and committed very many Outrages, I ſuppoſe we have nothing elſe now to determine, but the courſe we ſhall take to defend our ſelves 'till we can ſecure our Indemnity. I can eaſily believe that we had no ground but our Poverty for the Reſolutions we have taken. Yet ſince the whole City is in an uproar, and all the Inhabitants are got together to deſtroy us, ſince there are ſo many extraordinary Aſſemblies of p. 38the Lords and Magiſtrates to contrive a way to enſnare us, and to make themſelves ſtrong enough to cut us off, there are two things eſpecially that we are to take care of. One, that we may not be called to an account for what we have done within a few days paſt: the other, that for the time to come, we may live in a better enjoyment of our Liberties, and more to our contentment. Therefore that we may gain an Act of Pardon for our paſt Crimes, it is my opinion that we muſt commit new ones: which muſt be aggravated by Burning, Plundering, and ſuch like Barbarities: in which we muſt get as great a number of Accomplices as we can. For where multitudes offend, it is rare to have particular Perſons ſingled out for puniſhment. By this means a way will be opened for us, to gain thoſe Points that will ſupport our Liberties.

When the Moors of Granada, under the conduct of Jacob Almanſor the Saracen, were poſſeſſing themſelves of the Provinces between the Pyrenees and the Mediterranean, the event of the War was for a long time doubtful. And though the Moors were conquered in the Field, yet in their minds they remained impregnable. The greateſt part of them, to ſecure their Goods and Eſtates, with the moſt execrable diſſimulation, pretended to be Chriſtians, and continued in Andaluzia. But preſſed with the Kings Edicts concerning Religion, and remaining obſtinate in the Superſtition of their Country, they retreated into the neighbouring Mountains, and lived by Theft and Robbery. France being p. 39then embroiled, and the Arms of Spain employed againſt the rebelling Netherlands. The Moors took this opportunity to appoint private Conventions. All Ages and Conditions of People among them, ſent their Burgeſſes to Cales. There did they agree upon the methodizing, and timing their Conſpiracy. It was ordered in their Aſſembly, that their deſign ſhould be communicated by Widowers to Widowers, by Husbands to Husbands, and by young Bachelors to thoſe of their own condition. The Seaſon pitcht upon is Winter, and Chriſtmas judged the fitteſt time: when the nights are long, when the Solemnities of the Feſtival fill the Churches, and empty the Houſes: when the Kings Ships lay diſperſed in ſeveral Havens, without Soldiers, and with a few Sailers: this was their fitteſt opportunity for deſcending from the Mountains without making a noiſe. They hold a Parliament: where Ferdinando Caguer thus applies himſelf to their Unconſtancy and Fears. How long, O my Friends, Collegues, and Fellow-Soldiers, ſhall we ſuffer our ſelves to be baffled, by means of our ſlothfulneſs! How long ſhall the moſt petulant of Mankind treat us like People of a ſervile Condition, nay and worſe than Slaves. Our Wives, Children, Eſtates, are wholly at their diſpoſal: neither after ſo many Ages, and a Servitude imbittered with the ſevereſt Preſſures, does any hope of Liberty dawn upon us. New Burdens, new Contributions, new Taxes, are daily impoſed upon us. As many Tenants as there are in the City, ſo many of the cruelleſt p. 40Tyrants do we feel galling our Necks. We miſerable Wretches are forbidden commerce with God and Man. Among the Chriſtians we paſs for Moriſco's, and are charged with their abominable Errors: among the Moors we are ſuſpected for Chriſtians, inſomuch that they will not give us a word, nor beſtow an Almes upon us, nor make a Bargain with us. We therefore, becauſe we keep our Faith, and purchaſe a miſerable Life by a ſlaviſh Obedience, are afflicted on all ſides: We are not more odious to one Party, than ſuſpected by another.

When the Milaneſes had been at War with the Emperor Frederick for a long time, and with various Succeſs; they were at length conquered, and their City beſieged. Being forced to ſurrender upon Diſcretion, the Emperor, to prevent their future reſiſtance, raſed their City. Afterwards the principal Cities of Lombardy entred into a League, to re-build and fortifie Milan: whereunto they bound themſelves by a Fanatick Oath, which contained an hypocritical Declaration of Faith and Allegiance to the Emperor. When this dutiful Rebellion was debated by the Deputies of the ſeveral Cities of Lombardy, in the Church of St. James at Pontida in Breſciano, they were ſetled in their deſign by the Diſcourſe of Pinamonte Vimercato, in which there were theſe Paſſages. I do believe that every one of you Brethren, Friends, and Repreſentatives of our moſt loving and faithful Allies, knows perfectly the Devaſtations, Ruines, Murders, Robberies and Violences acted upon every Sex p. 41and Age; the Gabels, Grievances, and Wrongs done us by Frederick, and other barbarous Perſons commiſſioned by him, naturally Enemies to the Italian name. But foraſmuch as this evil Plant is not yet fully rooted, I ſuppoſe our preſent Union may deliver us from the perpetuity of that Slavery which grows every day more Heavy and Cruel.

p. 42The Parallel, Inſtances in the beginning, and Progreſs of the late Rebellion.

THE Lord Digby in his Speech for triennial Parliaments, Jan. 19. 1640. complains that The Liberty and Property of the Subject, is fundamentally ſubverted, and raviſht away by the violence of a pretended Neceſſity.

Mr. Bagſhaw in the beginning of his Speech againſt Epiſcopacy, Feb. 9. 1640. ſayes it does entrench upon the Rights and Liberties of the Subject, as well as thoſe of the Crown.

Mr. Waller in his Speech before the Commons 1640. upon the King's demand of a Supply, hath this Paſſage: Let us give new Force to the many Laws which have been heretofore made for the maintaining of our Rights and Privileges; and to reſtore this Nation to its fundamental and vital Liberties, the Propriety of our Goods, and freedom of our Perſons.

Denzill Holles at a Committee of both Houſes in the Painted Chamber May 4. 1641. ſpeaks theſe words: They find (viz. the Commons) Jeſuits and Prieſts conſpiring with ill Miniſters of State to deſtroy our Religion: they find ill Miniſters conjoyned together to ſubvert our Laws and Liberties.

p. 43Sir Henry Vane in his Speech for aboliſhing Epiſcopacy urges, that it is prejudicial to the Civil State, as having ſo powerful and ill an Influence upon our Laws, the Prerogative of the King, and the Liberties of the Subject.

In the Articles againſt Sir Richard Bolton Lord Chancellor of Ireland, John Lord Biſhop of Derry, Sir Gerrard Lowther, and Sir George Radcliffe, this was the Leader, that they intending the Deſtruction of the Commonwealth of this Realm, have traiterouſly confederated and conſpired together to ſubvert the Fundamental Laws and Government of this Kingdom, and in purſuance thereof, they and every of them have traiterouſly contrived, introduced and exerciſed an arbitrary and tyrannical Government againſt Law throughout this Kingdom, by the Countenance and Aſſiſtance of Thomas Earl of Strafford, then chief Governour of this Kingdom.

The firſt Article of the Impeachment of the Lord Keeper Finch was, that the ſaid John Lord Finch hath traiterouſly and wickedly endeavoured to ſubvert the Fundamental Laws and eſtabliſhed Government of the Realm of England, and inſtead thereof, to introduce an arbitrary, tyrannical Government againſt Law, which he hath declared by traiterous and wicked Words, Counſels, Opinions, Judgments, Practices and Actions.

The ſame Article begins the Impeachment of the Earl of Strafford, after the reading whereof, Mr. Pym in his Speech upon it, hath theſe words: If this Treaſon had taken effect, our Souls had been enſlaved to the ſpiritual Tyranny of Satan; our Conſciences to the Eccleſiaſtical Tyranny of the p. 44Pope; our Lives, Perſons, and Eſtates to the Civil Tyranny of an arbitrary, unlimited, confuſed Government.

The Speeches in the Parliament of the Third year of King Charles the Firſt, delivered by Sir Francis Seymour, Sir Robert Philips, Sir Benj. Rudyard, and many others, which are of the ſame note and ſtrain with thoſe already mentioned, are more eaſily met with: and therefore the Reader is referred to them in the firſt Volum of Mr. Ruſhworth's Collections.

Thoſe of Oliver Cromwell are greater Rarities: and therefore it will not be amiſs to pick out ſome of the Flowers in two or three of them.

His Speech in the Painted Chamber at his diſſolving the Parliament Jan. 22. 1654. hath theſe fine ſtrokes.

Page 17. Religion was not the thing at the firſt contended for: but God brought it to that Iſſue at laſt, and gave it unto us by way of Redundancy: and at laſt it proves to be that which was moſt dear unto us: and wherein conſiſted this, more than in obtaining that Liberty from the Tyranny of Biſhops, to all Species of Proteſtants, to worſhip God according to their own Light and Conſciences?

Page 18. Thoſe that were ſound in the Faith, how proper was it for them to labour for Liberty, for a juſt Liberty, that Men ſhould not be trampled upon for their Conſciences!

Page 27.—Though ſome may think it a hard thing, without Parliamentary Authority to raiſe Money; yet I have another Argument, from the good of the People of this Nation, if they would be p. 45ſafe, and have no better Principle: whether they prefer the having of their will, though it be to their deſtruction, rather than comply with things of neceſſity: that will excuſe me.

Page 28. The People will prefer their Safety to their Paſſions, and their real Security to Forms, when neceſſity calls for Supplies. Had they not been well acquainted with this Principle, they had never ſeen this day of Goſpel-Liberty.

p. 46Cromwell's Speech to the Parliament in the Painted Chamber, Sept. 4. 1654. hath this remarkable Sentence.

—IT would have been worthy ſuch a meeting as this, to have remembred that which was the riſe, and gave the firſt beginning to all theſe turnings and toſſings that have been upon us: to have given you a Series of the Tranſactions (not of Men but) of the Providence of God, all along unto our late Changes: as alſo the ground of our firſt undertaking to oppoſe that Uſurpation and Tyranny that was upon us in Civils and Spirituals.

His Speech to the Parliament in the Painted Chamber Sept. 12. 1654. ſupplies us with theſe Imitations of the old wheedling Cant.

—Speaking of the Government he ſays, If God will not bear it up, let it ſink. Then ſpeaking of the Long Parliament, When they were diſſolved (ſays he) there was not ſo much as the barking of a Dog.

—Poor Men, under this Arbitrary Power, were driven like Flocks of Sheep, by forty in a Morning to the Confiſcation of Goods and Eſtates, without any Man being able to give a reaſon that two of them had deſerved to forfeit a Shilling.

—So then what was the buſineſs? It was a Converſion from a Parliament, that ſhould have been perpetual, to a legiſlative Power always ſitting: p. 47and the Liberties, Intereſts, and Lives of the People, not judged by any certain known Laws and Power, but by an Arbitrary Power, which is incident and neceſſary to Parliaments: to make Mens Eſtates by an Arbitrary Power liable to Confiſcation, and their Perſons to Impriſonments; ſometimes by Laws made after the Fact committed: often by taking the judgment both in Capital and Criminal things to themſelves, who in former times were not known to exerciſe ſuch a Judicature.

—And as I have appealed to God before you already, I know (and I hope I may ſay it) though it be a tender thing to make Appeals to God; yet in ſuch Exigencies as theſe, I truſt it will not offend His Majeſty: eſpecially to make them before Perſons that know God, and know what Conſcience is, and what it is to lye before the Lord. I ſay, that as a principal end in calling that Aſſembly, was the ſettlement of the Nation, ſo a chief end to my ſelf was, that I might have opportunity to lay down the Power that was in my hands. I ſay it to you again, in the preſence of that God who hath bleſſed and been with me in all my Adverſities and Succeſſes; that was to my ſelf the greateſt end.

A deſire perhaps (and I am afraid) ſinful enough, to be quit of the Power God had moſt providentially put into my hands, before he called for it, and before thoſe honeſt ends of our fighting were attained and ſetled. I ſay the Authority I had in my hand, being ſo boundleſs as it was, I being by Act of Parliament General of all the Forces in the three Nations of England, Scotland, and Ireland (in which unlimited condition I did not deſire to live a p. 48day) did call that Meeting for the ends before expreſſed.

The Preamble to the Proteſtation chargeth the Government with endeavours to ſubvert the Fundamental Laws of England and Ireland, and to introduce the Exerciſe of an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government.

The Petition of the Londoners againſt Epiſcopacy, complains, That the ſaid Government is found, by woful Experience, to be a main cauſe and occaſion of many foul Evils, Preſſures, and Grievances of a very high nature unto His Majeſties Subjects, in their Conſciences, Liberties, and Eſtates.

That Maſter-piece, and Idea of Sedition, the Remonſtrance of the State of the Kingdom, extant in Husband's Collections, and elſewhere, hath this vein of Rhetorick running through all the parts of it.

That Myſtery of Iniquity, and foul Scandal to the Reformation, the ſolemn League and Covenant, expreſſes all along a moſt paſſionate concern for the Liberties of the People.

The Petition of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Common-Council of London in Jan. 41. Which preſſes that the Tower may be put into the hands of Perſons of Truſt, &c. repreſents their great Dangers, Fears, and Diſtractions, upon account of Deſigns driving on, which tend to the utter ruine of the Proteſtant Religion, and of the Lives and Liberties of His Majeſties Loyal Subjects.

The Petition of the Lord Fairfax and the Army to the Houſe of Commons Jan. 15. 1649. hath theſe words. Having by our late Labours and Hazards made it appear to the World, at how high a rate we value our juſt Freedom, and God having ſo far p. 49owned our Cauſe, as to deliver the Enemies thereof into our hands, we do hold our ſelves bound in mutual duty to each other, to take the beſt care we can for the future, to avoid both the danger of returning into a ſlaviſh Condition, and the chargeable remedy of another War.

What theſe Wretches meant by their Freedom, Right, Liberty, and Property, they did not fail to explain in a little time: when they uſurped and exerciſed a ſoveraign, unlimited, and abſolute Power over the King himſelf, and all his Subjects: when the Proteſtation was a ſufficient Law, to enforce the bringing in of Money, Plate, and Arms for the Service of the Commonwealth: when there were Ordinances made for Sequeſtring the Eſtates of thoſe who perſiſted in their Loyalty and Duty to the King: when they ſeized the Revenues of the Crown, and the Church: when they raiſed Money without the King's Authority, to carry on a Rebellion againſt him: when they maintained their Army with free Quarter: when they revived a diſtinction declared to be Treaſon by two Acts of Parliament, the diſtinction between the Kings natural and political Capacity; between his Perſon, and his Power or Authority: when they diſtinguiſhed between the equitable and literal ſenſe of the Law, to give liberty to the Subject, to interpret the King's Laws according to his own pleaſure, and to juſtifie all contempt and diſobedience: when they aſſerted the Legiſlative and Judicative Power to be in the two Houſes of Parliament without the King: laſtly when they declared themſelves to be the irrevocable Truſtees of the Peoples Lives, Liberties and Properties, without being obliged to give an account of their Truſt.

p. 50What remains, is only the Reader's buſineſs: which is to compare the late Occurrences in this Kingdom with the foregoing Parallels. Whoever does ſo, if he be not blinded by Prejudice, will quickly find, that it is no new thing, for Men to paſs among the Ignorant for great Patriots who have raſed out of their minds all natural ſenſe of Honour and Honeſty; for Vermin, and the Peſts of Humane Society, to ſet up for Heroes, and the Saviours of their Country; and then for the popular Herd to be led away to their Ruine, by the breath of Panthers, and the ſmooth faces of Harpies.

It muſt therefore be needleſs to add any thing further upon this Argument, more than the following Conſideration.

As there are at this day, and have been in former Ages, though in a very ſmall proportion to good Monarchs, Tyrants in many parts of the World, ſo it is at this preſent, as it hath been always heretofore, the hard Fate of the beſt Princes, to be tormented with the Jealouſies of their Subjects: to be charged with the affectation of Tyranny, then conſtantly, when there is the leaſt ground for it: to be always as much miſtruſted by the crazy-headed Rabble while they live, as they are pitied and admired when they are dead.

Now it is likewiſe the ſame uncharitable corrupt Temper, which renders the People as vexatious to their fellow Subjects, as they are to their Soveraign.

The number is ſtrangely ſmall of the Men, who have any regard to thoſe Principles of everlaſting Righteouſneſs, which hinder us from tearing and deſtroying one another: of thoſe few that have, and are the wiſeſt, becauſe the beſt of Men, there is not one of many hundreds, who conſiders the miſchief p. 51this is done to the World, by the eaſineſs of moſt Perſons, in receiving, and uttering ſcandalous Reports.

Some People think to make themſelves great, by leſſening or undermining others: but of thoſe that deſign it, there are very few who ſucceed.

Injuſtice and Calumny are equally pernicious to the World in general, and to the Men that manage by thoſe Arts. For till Integrity and Charity become the univerſal Reſolution of Mankind; till the Experiment comes to be tryed, whether Sincerity, Juſtice, and Benignity, are not better Meaſures than Deceit and Malice, ſurer and readier ways to Proſperity, the World can never be happy: and therefore it is too probable, that it will remain to its Diſſolution, a Maſs of Sin and Miſery.

The Author's Misfortunes are too little to come into this account. Yet thoſe two reports which were raiſed upon his Preaching the foregoing Sermon, ſhould not be quite forgotten. One was concerning his Dreſs, the other about the delivery of his Sermon. As to the former, it is a matter of Diſpute between Perſons of different Years and Tempers, who can never agree upon the Point of Decency in Attire. But what it is to read a Sermon, both young and old, the Candid and the Moroſe, the Spightful and the Kind, do all agree in their Verdict, however they are divided in the other Caſe.

Now, whenas the preceding Sermon, which was ſpoken as readily without Book, as any thing perhaps, that hath been delivered before His Majeſty (which is well enough remembred at the Court) was ſaid to be read word for word, and that report, as falſe as it was, divulged and credited in all parts of the Kingdom, it ſupplies us with the following Concluſion.

p. 52If a private Perſon may at any time be brought upon the Stage, and expoſed to the cenſure of the World, by Men as little as himſelf; it is no wonder a Government ſhould be ſuſpected and endangered, when great, united, ſubtle Factions, make it their buſineſs to miſrepreſent it: when its Friends are modeſt, ſlow, unactive, and ſecure: when its Enemies are bold, reſtleſs, and implacable: when the People are diſtruſtful, fickle, conceited, petulant, and mutinous, to that degree of madneſs, that if the Devil of Sedition goes out of them for a while, and the unclean Spirit walks through the dry places that were lately covered with Blood, and a torrent of Miſeries, he can find no reſt, till he returns to his Houſe from whence he came out: that Houſe, where he roars out his pretended Fears of Superſtition and Slavery, in thoſe hideous yells which fright the common People out of their Wits. When he cometh to the Houſe, he findeth it empty, and ſwept, and garniſhed too with the faireſt Pretences for Religion, Law, Right, Liberty, and Property. Then goeth he, and taketh to him ſeven other Apoſtate Spirits, a ſelect number of corrupt and diſgraced Miniſters of State: they enter into the Houſe, and dwell there; and the laſt State of that miſerable poſſeſſed People, is worſe than the firſt.

ERRATA.

Page 3. l. 6. r. part. p. 9. l. 4. r. Arias Montanus, &c.

THE END.

End of the text · Nathanael Vincent, The Right Notion of Honor (1685)