The Annals of the World, History 2 · 6 (continued) (6 of 15)

The Annals of the World · History 2 · 6 (continued) (6 of 15)

p. 500Antiochus Cyzicenus, as soon as he got into possession of the kingdom, applyed himself to revellings and luxury, and courses alltogether unbeseeming Kings. For being extreamly addicted to Anticks, Stage-plaiers, and all sorts of juglers, he learned their arts with a great deal of vehemency: he applyed himself also to Poppit-playing, and placed his chifest delight in making the images of living creatures, in bulk five cubits, covered over with gold and silver, to move of themselves, and other Engines of that nature. Moreover, he was much addicted to unseasonable huntings, and often times would steal forth privately by night with a servant or two to hunt Boars, Lyons and Leopards. Many times he was in danger of his life, by his rash encountring with wild-beasts. p. 501[Diodor. Sicul. lib. 35. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 385.] Concerning the luxury of the other brother Antiochus Grypus, see what Athenaeus reports of him, [in lib. 5. cap. 9. & lib. 12, cap. 19.] out of the 28 book of Posidonius of Apamea his Histories.

The war, Year of the World 3894 with which those two brothers wore out one another, The Julian Period. 4604 prov…d a great advantage to John Hircanus; Year before Christ 110 for by this means he secured the incoms and revenues of Judea, and had the conveniency of hording up great sums of mony in banco: so that, observing what pitifull havock Cyzicenus made in his brothers Country, and how Grypus received no supplies out of Egypt to give him a check, but that he and his brother by their mutuall encounters did receive many overthrows one from the other, in a while he began not to care a rush for either of them. [Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 17.]

Hereupon he marched with his army against the Samaritans, who were under the dominion of the Kings of Syria, upon regrett of some injuries offered by them to the Marisieni (were now Idumeans reduced but a little before under his command) farmers to the Jews, and in league with them. Having therefore besieged Samaria, a City very well fortifyed with a trentch and double wall, for the space of 80 furlongs, he left his sons, Antigonus and Aristobulus to manage the leagure: by whose plying them so fast without, and by the famine raging within the Samaritans were driven to such extremity, that they were forced to feed upon such things, as were scarce mans meat: and at the last, glad to beg assistance from Antiochus Cyzicenus. [Id. ibid. cap. 18.]

Cyzicenus coming as fast he could to relieve the Samaritans, Year of the World 3895 was routed by Aristobulus his souldiers, and the two brothers pursued him so close at the heels as far as Scythopolis, that he hardly escaped. Upon which very day it is reported, That Hircanus the High Priest, as he was alone offering incense in the Temple, heard a voice, relating unto him the late victory which his sons had obtained over Antiochus. After they had beaten Antiochus they returned back to Samaria, and forced the Samaritans to retreat within their walls, so that they were constrained once more to beg Antiochus his relief, [Id. ib,]

Antiochus Cyzicenus, with about 6000 souldiers, which Ptolemei Lathurus had sent him in spight of his mother Cleopatra's teeth (for he was not as yet deposed by her) at the first stragled up and down Hircanus his dominions, plundering with his Egyptians, where so e're he came, not as yet daring to meet him in the field, being overmatched, in strength, yet hoping by his pillaging of the Country he should draw off Hircanus from the siege of Samaria. But after he had lost many of his men by an ambushcado which the enemy had laid, he marched away to Tripolis, and committed the managing of the war with the Jews to two of his Commanders, Callimander and Eupicrates; of these, Callimander encountring the enemy with greater resolution than discretion, had his party routed, and himself was slain in the place. As for Epicrates, it appears plainly, he betrayed Scythopolis, and some other Towns to the Jews, having been well greased in the fist for his paines: neither did he in any one particular advantage the distressed Samaritans, whilst he was in power: so that, Hircanus, after he had spent a full year about the reducing Samaria, not content with the bare surrender of the City, levelled it to the very ground. [Id. Ibid.]

The Seleucians, who were seated near Antioch in Syria, having obtained a liberty of living after their own laws) make their computation from hence. [Fasti Siculi. anno 4 Olympiade 167.]

Hircanus, Year of the World 3896 of the sect of the Pharisees, The Julian Period. 4606 (both a disciple and a great favourer of theirs) having invited some of the most eminent amongst them to a feast: Year before Christ 108 took exception at one Eleazer, who confronted him with a false imputation, how that his mother, being taken prisoner in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, was fain to enter into service for a livelyhood: and because the scandall was not so deeply resented by the rest of the company, as he expected it should have been, he grew enraged against the whole sect of the Pharisees, by the instigation of Jonathan a Sadduce, and deserting the Pharisees, turned Sadduce. Now, the Pharisees commended to the people many traditions, which they received from their ancestours by hand, which are not found written amongst Moses his Laws. Therefore the Sadduces abrogated them, and invalidated their authority, saying, That those constitutions were onelyonly obligatory which are found in writing. And from hence arose the great contestation betwixt them both: whilest that the richer sort sided with the Sadduces, the Pharisees made use of the populacy. Whereas therefore Hircanus would have punished some of the Pharisees, who were tenacious of their constitutions (notwithstanding, he had abrogated them) there arose a sedition amongst them: which although at that time he soon appeased, yet did both he and his sons thereby incurre the odium of the common people. [Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 18.]

p. 502John Hircanus dyed, having executed the High Priests office 29 years, as Eusebius tells us out of Josephus, lib. 8. Demonstrat. Evangelic. cap. 2. and Hierom. translating him into Latin, repeats it in his commentaries upon the ninth Chapter of Daniel: allthough in our books, and in the old translation of Ruffinus, Josephus sometimes allows him 33 years. [as in lib. 1. Belli. cap. 3.] sometimes 31 years. [as in lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 18. & lib. 20. cap. 8.] His Father Simon dyed in the 177 year of the kingdom of the Grecians, in the 11 month, Sabat, [1 Maccab. 16. 14.] about February, viz. of the 4579 year of the Julian Period. His wife Alexandra (as we shall see hereafter) deceased about November of the 4644 year of the Julian Period: There is 65 years and almost nine years difference: So that deducting that 37 years which Josephus assignes to the reign of his sons and his wife, there remaines to Hircanus onelyonly 28 years, and about nine moneths.

Some of the Modern men are of opinion (but upon no good ground) that this John was the Writer of the first book of the Maccabees: giving out withall, that these words in the latter end of the book were added by some body else. Concerning the other things of Iohn, both of his wars, and his noble acts, wherein he behaved himself manfully, and of his building the walls, (viz. of Jerusalem, which demolished by command of Antiocus Sidetes) and of other of his deeds, Behold they are written in the Chronicles of his Priesthood, from the time he was made High Priest after his father. Probably, in that fourth book of the Maccabees, which Sixtus Senensis in the end of the first book of his Bibliothecae Sanctae avows, that he saw translated out of the Hebrew into Greek, in a Manuscript at Lyons, in Sontes Pagninus his Library amongst the Predicants, beginning after this manner: And after Simon was slain, Iohn his son was made High Priest in his room. Out of which book it is supposed, that Josephus himself took his relation: who reckons up three speciall dignities which Hircanus held all at once, namely, the sovereign authority over the nation, the High Priesthood, and to be a Prophet: for he tells us, that by reason of his often entercourses with God, he attained to so great a foresight of future contingencies, that he long fore-told the short enjoyment which his two eldest sonnes should have of the kingdom which their Father left them. [Iosephus, lib. Belli. 2. cap. 3. & lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 18.]

Concerning the Tower which Herod afterwards called Antonias Tower) built by him, and wherein he laid up the robe and the rest of the High Priests ornaments: thus the same Josephus writes in the the 20 lib. of Antiquit. cap. 6. Hircanus, the first High Priest of that name, built a Tower near unto the Temple, and lived in it most part of his name. And because he kept in his own custody this High Priests robe, which no body used but himself, he put it off in that place, when he went to resume his ordinary apparel; which custom of his was observed by his sons also, aud their posterity. After Hircanus his decease, the stones which were set in the High Priests brest-plate, and the Onyx stone upon his right shoulder, (by whose radiation the will of God was wont to be intimated to the people of the Jews) upon Gods displeasure for their prevarications and transgressing his laws, grew dimme and lost their lustre, as the same Authour signifies, [lib. 3. Antiquit. cap. 9.] 200 years before he began to compose those his books, concerning the Jewish Antiquities, which as he in the close of that work declares, compleated in the 13 year of Domitians Empire (that is in the 4807. year of the Julian Period.

Iudas, eldest son of Hircanus, otherwise called Aristobulus, and surnamed Philellen (from his familiarity and commerce with the Greeks or the heathens) succeded his father in the government and the High Priesthood, but he enjoyed them but for a year: and he was the first of any, who after the return from the captivity in Babylon, set the Crown upon his head, and reduced the State to a monarchy, [Ioseph. lib. 1. Belli. cap. 3. Antiquit. lib. 13. cap. 16. & lib. 20. cap. 8.] Although Strabo hath writ, that his brother and successour. Alexander, was the first that made himself King, [lib. 16. pag. 762.] making likely no account of Aristobulus, in regard he lived so short a time after he had engrossed the soveraignty to himself.

Aristobulus advanced his second brother Antigonus, whom he affected far above the rest, to a partnership in the kingdom, but committed the other three, and kept them bound in prison. He cast his mother also into prison, who contested with him for the principality (for Hircanus had left her soveraign of all) and he proceded to that height of cruelty, that he famished her to death in the prison. [Ioseph. lib. 1. Bel. cap. 3. & lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 19.]

Cleopatra in Egypt being much troubled that her son Ptolemei (Lathurus) was joyned with her in the government of the kingdom; stirred up the people against him. [Iustin, lib. 39. cap. 4.] For having culled out from amongst her Eunuchs, such of whose loyalty and affection she was most confident she brought them into the publick assembly pittifully cut and slashed, charging Ptolemei, as if he had both suborned men to lie in wait for her, and also mangled and disfigured her Eunuchs. The Alexandrians p. 503were so enraged at that spectacle, that they had like all of them to have fallen foul upon Ptolemei: but seeing he had conveyed himself privately away out of the danger, and taken shipping: they saluted Alexander King, who was returned from Cyprus, not very long after this accident fell out. [Pausan. in Attic. pag. 8.]

Before he was thus banished the kingdom, his mother Cleopatra had taken from him his wife Selene: the indignity was the greater, in regard that he had had two sons by her, [Justin. lib. 39. cap. 4.] As for Alexander, who was called in by his mother, and made King of Egypt in his brothers room, he at that time reckoned upon the eighth year of his reign in Cyprus, and his mother upon the eleventh year of her reign in Egypt, [Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger, pag. 225.] Athenaeus [lib. 12. cap. 27.] notes how that Alexander grew at last every whit as fat and swagbellyed as his father Physcon: where he brings in this passage concerning him, out of Posidonius Apamenus in the 47 book of his Histories. The King of Egypt out of favour with the commons, blinded with the insinuations and flatteries of his familiar acquaintance, and living in continual luxury, could not walke a step, unlesse he were supported by two men. But in the dancing which were usual at the Feasts, he would leap bare-foot from the higher beds, and move his body in dancing as nimbly and with as great activity as the best.

Aristobulus marched with an army into Itruraea, The Julian Period. 4608 and layed a great part of it to the confines of Judaea: Year before Christ 106 forcing the inhabitants under penalty of banishment to admit of circumcision, and other Jewish ceremonies: which Strabo also confirms in these words out of Timagenes the Historian. He (Aristobulus) was an upright man, and one who drave on the Jews interest very much; for he enlarged their territories, and annexed part of Itruraea unto them, and made it sure under the covenant of circumcision, [Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 19.]

When Antigonus was upon his return from the wars in triumph, Year of the World 3899 at what time the Jews held their solemn Feast of Tabernacles; It happened, that King Aristobulus fell sick and kept his bed in the tower which in aftertime was called Antonius tower: But his brother Antigonus, intending to be present at the holy solemnities, went up to the Temple very gloriously attired; but the main end of his going thither was, his devotion for the sick Kings recovery. Aristobulus having been advised by some pickthanks (who meant no good to Antigonus) that he should beware of his brother who had a design upon him, placed some of his guard in a dark vault under ground near the tower, commanding them, that if his brother came unarmed, no one should dare to meddle with him; but if otherwise, they should fall upon him and slay him: yet did he send underhand, one to desire him not to come with his armes. But Salome the Queen, and the rest of Antigonus his back-friends, perswaded the messenger to deliver unto him a clean contrary errand, and to tell him, that the King had a great mind to see him as then he was, in his warriours garb: By chance, one Judas of the sect of the Essens, a person famous amongst them for prognostications of future contingencies, had foretold, that Antigonus should die that very day in Stratons tower: not knowing that there was any other Stratons tower besides that which afterwards was called the Cesarean tower, and was distant from Jerusalem 600 furlongs. When therefore he espyed Antigonus going up to the Temple on that day, he wished he might die immediately, fearing least thereby, he might be proved a false impostour, who hitherto had the repute of a true Prophet. But presently after, Judas heard that Antigonus was killed in that aforesaid place under ground, which was called by the same name of Stratons tower, as was that other Cesarean upon the sea coast, [Ioseph. lib. 1. Belli, cap. 3. & lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 19.]

Aristobulus his distemper, upon remorse for his horrid murdering his brother, grew worse and worse, and at last his pains were so violent, that he vomitted blood. As one of his servants was carrying forth the blood to empty, it happened, that his foot sl…pped, so that he spilt Aristobulus his blood upon the very same place which was stained with Antigonus his gore. Aristobulus, having notice given him of the accident, acknowledged the just judgement of God therein, and immediately gave up the ghost, in extreme anguish both of body and mind, [Id. ibid.]

After Aristobulus his decease, his wife Salome (whom the Grecians call Alexandra) released his brothers whom he had kept prisoners a long while, and made Alexander Jannaeus King, in regard he was both elder than any of the rest, and did also exceed them in modesty. Who, as soon as he was possessed of the kingdom, put one of his brothers to death, upon discovery of some treasonable design against him; But he expressed a great deal of civility to the other, who contented himself to live a retired life, and at ease, [Ioseph. lib. 13. cap. 20.] He was called Absolom, and was taken prisoner at Hierusalem by Pompey 42 years after, [Id. lib. 14. cap. 8.]

Alexander Jannaeus, The Julian Period. 4609 having ordered the affairs of the kingdom in such wise as seemed most behooful to himself, Year before Christ 105 marched with an army against Ptolemais: and having won the field, he forced the enemy to retreate within the walls, and then besieged them, p. 504and made his batteries. At the same time, the two brothers Philometor or Grypus, and Cyzicenus in Syria, weakening one anothers strength by their mutual encounters between themselves, minded not the extremity the Ptolemaians were in. Zoilus a Tyrant, who, observing the dissentions between the two Brothers, took an opportunity to seize upon Stratons Tower and Dora, stood the besieged in some stead, but it was very inconsiderable. Ptolemeus, Lathurus thrown out of the kingdom of Egypt, by his mother Cleopatra, possessed himself of Cyprus. To him the Ptolemaians made their addresses by their Ambassadors, beseeching him, that he would come and rescue them from the danger they were in by Alexander. Upon their engagements, that as soon as he was entred Syria, he should have the Gazaeans, and the Ptolemaians on his side, Zoilus also, and the Sidonians, and many other assistants, encouraged by the their fair promises, he prepared for the voyage. [Id. Ibid.]

In the mean time Demenaetus, a person popular, and of eminent authority, perswaded the Ptolemaians, to alter their resolutions; telling them, That they had better undergoe the uncertain chance of war with the Jews, wherein happily they might get the better, than to submit to a certain bondage by calling in a Lord over them: and moreover, thereby not onelyonly undergoe the brunt of the present war, but also they were to expect another from Egypt. Cleopatra would not fit still, and suffer Ptolemei to glean up forces from the parts adjacent, but would quickly be upon her march, with a strong power to hinder his levies; for the Queen endeavoured to drive him out of Cyprus also. [Id. ibid.] Neither did his conjecture faile him in this particular: for Cleopatra, after she had banished her son, did not rest satisfied in that, but persecuted him up and down with war, and not onelyonly chased him out of Cyprus, but killed the General of her own army, for that he let him escape, when he had taken him prisoner. Although Ptolemei did not quit the Island, because he thought himself not able to match her in power, but because he was ashamed to engage against his mother in a war, if we will credit Justin herein. [lib. 39. cap. 4.]

Ptolemei thorefore, although he had heard upon the way, that the Ptolemaians had changed their minds, yet he sailed forwards; and arriving at Sycaminum, he landed his forces there, which consisted of about 30000 Horse and Foot. From thence he marched to Ptolemais with all his forces, and encamped there: but when he saw the Ptolemaians would neither admit of his Legates into the Town, nor hear them so much as speak, he was put into a great perplexity: but after that Zoilus and the Gazaeans were come to him, desiring his assistance against the Jews, and Alexander who pillaged their Country, the siege of Ptolemais was raised for fear of Ptolemei. [Josephus, lib. 13. cap. 20.]

Alexander Jannaeus, Year of the World 3910 having lead home his army, began to play tricks, calling in Cleopatra privately against Ptolemei, but in publick professing him his Friend and Allye. He promised him also 400 talents of silver, if in lieu thereof, he for his sake would remove Zoilus the Tyrant, and give his Country to the Jews. Ptolemei very willingly strook up the bargain with him, but when he saw afterwards, how that Alexander trucked underhand with his mother Cleopatra, he broke off the league which he had made with him. [Id. ibid.]

When the Senate had given leave to Marius (who was upon an expedition against the Cimbrians) to demand supplies from the nations beyond the seas: he wrote to Nicomedes King of Bithynia to that effect: Nicomedes replyed, That the Bithinians were most of them carryed away, and kept slaves by the custome-gatherers in several places: whereupon there issued out a decree from the Senate, prohibiting any free man of the Allies of the people of Rome to serve as slaves, in any province; with further order given to the governours of the provinces to set them at liberty, where any such were forced. [Diodorus, Siculus, lib. 38. in Bibliotheca, Photii. cod. 244.]

This Decree of the Senate at the first promulgation of it, The Julian Period. 4610 was duly and strictly observed; Year before Christ 104 but afterwards neglected by Licinius Nerva, Pretor of Sicily, which occasioned the second servile war in Sicily, in which the revolters made one Salvius, a southsayer and a minstrel, their King, whom afterwards they called Tryphon. [Id. ib. cum Dion. in Excerptis Valesii. pag. 633, 634.]

C. Marius, and C. Flaccus (or rather Flavius, being Consuls, about three of the clock, there was a defect of light in the sun. [Jul. Obsequens, de prodigiis.] Which allmost totall Eclipse of the sun the Astromicall calculation counts unto us as happening in this 4610 year of the Julian Period, on the 19 day of July.

The Ascalonites (having obtained to be a free State) compute the time thereof from hence, as hath been noted in the Sicilian Chronicles, at the CLXIX Olympiad, to which agrees the Chronicle of Eusebius, in which the 380 year of their account is joyned with the second year of Probus the Emperour, falling in with the 4990 year of the Julian Period.

p. 505Ptolemei Lathurus, leaving his Commanders with a Brigade of his army, to besiege Ptolemais, which had shut her gates against him, who also at last won the City; marched away himself with the residue of his Forces against Judea, to pillage and reduce it. Alexander Jannaeus having received intelligence of his coming, carried out of his own Dominions about 50 (some Writers rather think 80) thousand men, and thus provided, marched to meet him. But Ptolemei, coming unawares on the Sabbath day upon Asochis a City of Galilee, stormed it, and took it: and carried away with him about 10000 prisoners, besides other great booties. Next he fell upon Zephoris not far distant from Asochis; having lost many men before the place, he drew off, to encounter with Alexander Jannaeus, whom he met at the River Jordan over against Asophos, not far situate from the River. As for Alexander, he had 8000 which were wont to fight in the Van bearing Targets of Brasse, whom he called Hecatontomachi: These were faced by Ptolemeis Van, who used Targets of Brasse likewise. They were something back ward at the first to charge the enemy; but in conclusion, they were perswaded by Philostephanus, a person skilful in ordering martial affairs, to passe over the River, where the Jews were encamped. The victory for a while was banded from one side to the other: but at last, Ptolemeis souldiers routed the Jews; and in the pursuite did execution on them so long, that their armes were wearied, and the edge of their swords blunted. It is said, that 30 thousand, (or as Timagenes hath computed in his writings 50000) Jews fell in that battel: all the other being either taken prisoners, or escpaed by flight. As for Ptolemei, when after the victory he had roved all the day about the Country, at even retreated into some of the villages belonging to the Jews: which, when he saw they were thronged with women and children, he commanded his souldiers to fall on, and to slay them promiscuously, and after they had chopped them in pieces, to cast them into scalding cauldrons, to the end, that those which had escaped out of the fight, might believe that the enemy fed on mans flesh, and so might thereby become more dreadful and formidable to the beholders. This piece of cruelty, both Strabo and Nicholaus Damascenus recite in their Histories, [Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 20, 21.]

Cleopatra, Year of the World 3901 Queen of Egypt, The Julian Period. 4611 observing how her son Lathurus his power increased every day, Year before Christ 103 by his subduing the City of the Gazeans, and his uncontroled plunderings in the Jews Country: held it small policy to let him go on as he did; especially when as he played most about the entrance into Egypt, and gaped after that kingdom: wherefore to check him, she forthwith raised forces both for sea and land: entrusting Chelcias and Ananias with the command of them, Jews both, and sons of that Onias who built the Temple in the Seigniory of Alexandria, [Id. ibid. cap. 18. & 21.] For, that the Queen did all things by the advice of those two favourites, Josephus confirms, by this testimony taken out of the History of Strabo the Cappadocian. Most of those which entred Cyprus with us at the first, and of those also who afterwards were sent thither by Cleopatra, revolted presently to Ptolemei [Lathurus.] OnelyOnly those Jews which were of Onias his side remained constant in their loyalty, in regard that their country-men Chelcias and Ananias, were in high esteem with the Queen.

Cleopatra, having deposited a considerable part of her wealth in the Island Cous, where also she left her grandchildren and her last will and testament: ordered Ptolemei Alexanders son, to arrive at Phoenicia with a great Fleet, and upon the countries revolt, and flocking in to her, she came to Ptolemais; but being denyed entrance, she resolved to storm it. In the mean while, it happened that Chelcias one of her chief Commanders died, as he was in the pursuite of Lathurus about Coelosyria: as for Lathurus he quitted Syria, and made what haste he could to get into Egypt, supposing that the Garrisons there were all drayned by Cleopatra, and so fancying to himself fair hopes of surprizing them unawares; but he found it otherwise. [Iosephus, lib. 13. cap. 21.]

The Egestan and Lilybetane fugitives in Sicilia, created themselves a King, one Athenio, a shepherd, a Cilician by birth, who feigned that the gods by the stars had intimated unto him, how that he should be King of all Sicily; and that therefore it behoved him to favour the Country, and to spare the cattell and fruits therein as his own. Notwithstanding all this, as soon as Tryphon sent for him, he submitted himself to him as King, contenting himself with the Generals place of the army under him, [Diodor. Sicul. lib. 36. ut supr. compared with Cicero, in Verr. lib. 2. with Flrous, lib. 3. Histor. cap. 19. and with Dion. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 637.]

Cleopatra, Year of the World 3902 hearing of her son Lathurus his endeavours, The Julian Period. 4612 and how his attempts upon Egypt had not succeeded to his hearts wish, Year before Christ 102 sent a Brigade of her army thither, and chased him clean out of the Country: And now he, being once more driven out of Egypt, spent the following Winter at Gaza, [Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 21.]

In the mean while Cleopatra won Ptolemais, with its Garrisons: Thither repaired unto her Alexander Jannaeus, with presents in his hands; who was entertained by her p. 506after such manner, as was befitting one that had been oppressed by Lathurus, and had no other refuge to betake himself unto. And when certain of the Queens favourites would have perswaded her to seize upon that Country also, and not to suffer such a number of good Jews to lie at the beck of one single person: Ananias advised the contrary; telling her, what a high piece of unjustice it would be, for her to strip a man of his fortunes, who was both her fellow-warriour, and the kinsman of Ananias himself: for if she did so, she would in short time, by offering injury to Alexander, lose the affections of the whole Nation of the Jews. Cleopatra followed his counsel, and did not onelyonly at that time refrain from doing him any injury, but shortly after, renewed the League which was formerly betwixt them at Scythopolis a City of Coelosyria, [Id. ibid.]

Alexander Jannaeus being now secured from the fear he had of some imminent danger from Ptolemei Lathurus, undertook an expedition into Coelosyria, and besieged Gadara, [Id. ibid.]

L. Licinius Lucullus, being sent by the Senate against the slaves that had revolted, came into Cicily with an army 17 thousand strong, consisting of Italians, Bithynians, Thessalonians, Acarnans, and Lucans. Athenio the Cilician marched out to meet him with 40 thousand men: who having lost 20 thousand of his men, slain outright, and being himself desperately wounded, yet made a shift to escape, by lurking amongst the dead carkases, [Diodor. Sicul. ut supr.]

The Jews and the Arabians infested Syria with robberies by land: The Cilicians occasioned a war at sea, by their piracy, which the Romans waged in Cilicia by Antonius, [Prolog. lib. 39. Trogi.] Marcus Antonius (the Orator, grandfather of M. Antonius the triumvir) at that time Praetor, sent to that war instead of the Consul, and staying at Athens many dayes, in regard it was bad sailing, heard Mnesarchus, Carneades, and Menedemus, 3 most learned men disputing there, as he did afterwards Metrodorus Scepsius in Asia. Then being come unto the Province by the assistance of the Byzantians he encountred the pirates with good successe; yet in the engagement he lost M. Gratidius his Admiral, [Cicero in lib. 1. & 2. de Oratore, & in Bruto. Liv. lib. 68. Corn. Tacit. lib. 12.] To which that passage of Julius Obsequens, about the consulship of C. Marcus, and Q. Luctatius, is to be referred. The Pirates in Cicily (lege Cilicia) were vanquished by the Romans: and another passage in lib. 68. of Livies Epitome: Antonius the Praetor in Sicily (it must be read Cilicia, as in the former citation) chased the Pirates at sea. From whom also he rid in triumph, as Pighius tells us in the third tome of his Annals at the DCLI year Vrbis, (of the City) about the end.

The fourth Calippick Period begins.

Alexander Jannaeus took Gadara after he had spent ten moneths in the siege, [Josep. lib. 13. cap. 21.]

Marius and Catulus, being Consuls,—Archias the Poet of Antiochias, who afterwards described the Mithridatick war in Greek Verse (and many of whose Epigrams are extant in the Greek Anthology) came to Rome: where he had the chief hand both in Ciceroes first applying himself to any studies, and also in putting him into a method, [Cicero, pro Archia, Poeta.]

C. Marius, though in a posture ready to fight the Cimbrians in Gaule, delayed the engagement, pretending how that by the advice of certain Oracles, he did onelyonly lie at catch for a convenient time and place for a victory: For he carried about with him in a Litter a certain Syrian woman, called Martha, who was reported to have skill in prophesying: He had her in great reverence, and never sacrificed but upon her intimation. She had formerly been with the Senate to treat of those matters, and foretel what should happen, but the Senate put her by, and would not vouchsafe her an hearing, [Plutarch in Marius.]

Near upon the same time, Battaces, or Batabaces, Priest of the great Mother Idea, came to Rome from Pessinunt in Phrygia; and coming into the Senate, he told them, he was commanded thither by his Goddesse with t…ings of a great victory which should happen to the people of Rome, and the high renown they should get in a war: adding withal, that the religious rites of the Goddesse were profaned, and therefore publick expiation ought to be made of them at Rome. He brought also along with him a garment, and other ornaments of the body, new, and such as were never seen by any Roman before that time: he brought also a golden Crown of an unusual bulk, and a long Robe interwoven with flowers, and gilded, all very glorious and royal. After he had made a speech to the people from the Oratours pleading desk, and perswaded them to receive his superstitious worship, he was entertained at the publick places of receipt for strangers: but was prohibited by Aulus Pompeius Tribune of the people, to bring his Crown with him: Being by the other Tribune brought unto the Court, and questioned concerning the expiation of the Temple, he returned a very superstitious answer. As for Pompeius, after he had called him an hedge-priest, and an p. 507Imposture, and driven him out of the Court, dissolved the assembly and went home, where he fell suddenly sick of a violent fever; so that soon after he became speechlesse, and was most grieviously tormented with the squinacy; and upon the third day (or as others, the seventh day) he dyed. All which some interpret to have happened unto him by a divine providence, for the indignity and injury he offered to the Priest, and to the goddesse her self: For the Romans were naturally inclined to superstitions. Thence it was, that Battaces in his holy dresse, was treated so magnificently by the men and women, and that when he left Rome, he was atteended out of Town in such great pomp. [Id. ibid. & Diodorus Siculus, lib. 36. in Photii Bibliotheca, cod. 244.]

A servant belonging to Servilius Caepio, gelding himself for the worship of Mother Idaea, was transported over seas, and never to returne back again to Rome. [Julius Obsequens ut supra.]

Alexander Jannaeus wan Amathus the best fortified Castle of any neer Jordan; Year of the World 3903 where Theodorus, Zenons son, deposited what ever things he had in highest estimation. But Theodorus, coming suddenly upon him, recovered what he had lost, p…llaged Alexanders carryages, and slew ten thousand Jews. But Alexander, as soon as he had recurited his losse, set upon the Countries along that sea coast, took Raphia, and Anthedon, which Herod afterwards named Agrippias. [Joseph. lib. 1, Belli. cap. 3. lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 21.]

Manius Aquilius, The Julian Period. 4613 the Colleague of C. Marius, Year before Christ 101 in his fifth Consulship, was sent as Generall against Athenio the Cilician, who after the decease of Tryphon, was made King of the Runagadoes in Sicilie: He behaved himself so gallantly in the service, that he got a most famous conquest over the Rebels: For he encountred with their King Athenio himself, and at last, got the better of him. Whilst the souldiery strived amongst themselves, whose prisoner he should be, he was torne in pieces by them in the contest. [Diodor. Sicul. ut sup. Florus, lib. 3. cap. 19.]

Ptolemei Lathurus quitted Gaza, and returned again to Cyprus, and his mother Cleopatra into Egypt. [Iosephus, lib. 13. cap. 21.] whose hard usage of Lathurus affrightned her young sonne Alexander so far, as that it occasioned him to leave him, preferring a secure and safe life before an hazardous kingdome. Wherefore Cleopotra, fearing least her eldest sonne Lathurus might procure Antiochus Cyzineus his helping hand towards the recovery of Egypt, dispatched away supplies to Antiochus Grypus, and sent unto him also Selene (Lathurus his wife) to be married to the enemy of her former husband; and called back, by her Ambassadors, her son Alexander into the kingdom. [Justin lib. 39. cap. 4.] And this was the ground of their civill wars which arose betwixt the Kings of Syria, which Livy recites in lib. 68.

That the Fugitives in Sicily were all put to the sword in severall battels, Year of the World 3904 in the time of C. Marius, and Lucius Valerius, Consuls, Julius Obsequens notes in his little Book de prodigiis: For Aquilius the Proconsul pursued the remainder of the Fugitives (ten thousand whereof yet were left) untill he had reduced them all under his power, and thereby put an end to the second servile war, after it had continued allmost four years. [Diodorus Siculus, ut supra.] In which wars Athenaeus gives up a tally of ten hundred thousand slaves that were lost. [l…b. 6. cap. 7.]

C. Marius, The Julian Period. 4614 then the sixth time Consul, Year before Christ 100 chiefly by the assistance of L. Apuleius Saturninus, tribune of the people, banished Q. Metellus Numidius, who came to Rhodes, and there addicted himself to the studies of philosophy, and was at leisure to read Authours, and hear the discourses of the most eminent schollars. [Cicero in Pison & pro Sextio. Livie, lib. 69. Plutarch. in Mario. Appian. Belli. Civil. lib. 1. pag. 367, 369.]

Ambassadors came to Rome from Mithridates with a good round sum of mony, with hopes of corrupting the Senate therewith. Saturnius, Tribune of the people, a sworn enemy to the whole order of Senatours, taking notice thereof, and supposing that he had them now on the hip, bespattered the Embassie, with reproaches and obloquies. The Ambassadors called him in question for this, and so musled him by the instigation of the Senatours, who clapped them on the back, and promised them their helping hand. Saturninus was in great danger of his head for this his violating the Ambassadors, whose priviledges the Romans alwayes held in a most religious esteem: But the people did not onelyonly rescue him in this extremity, but also declared him again Tribune of the people. [Diodorus Siculus, Legat. 34.] Yet that Incendiary being engaged in a fresh mutiny, was slaine therein, this very year of C. Marius, (now the sixteenth) and Valerius Flaccus Consuls. [Cicero in 8 Philippica, & pro Rabirio. Appian. belli. Civil. lib. 1. pag. 369. 360. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 17.]

p. 508When as in every assembly, for the space of two whole years together, Q. Metellus his restoring from banishment was taken into debate: Q. Metellus his son traversed the market-place, having his beard and hair over-grown, and in a nasty garment; where with tears in his eyes, he prostrated himself to the Citizens, beseeching them to recall his father home again. The people, allthough they would by no means put the banished in hopes of returning, by doing any thing on their behalf, which was contrary to law, yet in compassion to the young man, and being moved with the importunitie of his entreaties, they recalled Q. Metellus from banishment, and gave to his son the sirname of Pius, for his singular affection and care he had of his father, [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesi, p. 390.] Yet Aurelius Victor, in his hook de viris Illustribus, cap. 62. writes, how that the father, (viz. Q. Metellus) being banished to Smyrna, and recalled home by the Calidian law, when the letters to that purpose were brought unto him, as he sat accidently in the theatre, beholding the pasports, he would not vouchsafe to read them, untill such time that the show was over.

C. Marius, not brooking to look Metellus in the face after his returne home, sailed into Cappadocia and Galatia, pretending a piece of devotion, in which he stood engaged to the Great Mother Idaea, but in very deed to raise and foment new wars: and to bring his designe about, he thought good to egg forward Mithridates (by whom he was received with all civillity and respect, and who at that time, as it appears plainly, was busie about taking up arms) with these words: Either endeavour, O King, to put your self into such a condition that you may be too hard for the Romans, or else quietly submit unto their commands. This saying amazed the King, as one who often heard of the name, but never till now of the freeness of the Roman tongue, to vent what it pleased. [Plutarch in Mario.]

Alexander Jannaeus, being enraged against the Gazaeans, because they had called in Ptolemei Lathurus to their assistance against him, both assaulted their City, and wasted the Country. In the mean time Apollodorus, Commander of the Gazaeans, with 2000 mercenaries, and 10000 which he armed out of the Townsmen, sallyed forth by night into the Jews Camp; and whilst it was a night-fight, the Gazaeans had the better of it, the enemy supposing that Ptolemei was come to their relief: but as soon as daybreak, and the truth of the businesse appeared, the Jews rallyed forth into a body, and falling upon the Townsmen with all their might and main, killed about 1000 of them: yet for all this, and though victuals also grew scarce, would not they stoop to a resignation of themselves, but were ready to undergo any hardship, rather than they would be brought under the power of the enemy. Aretas also, King of the Arabians, bare up their spirits a while, by giving out, and putting them in hopes (though in vain) of some great matters he would do for them, [Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 21.]

Lysimachus, Year of the World 3907 envying the great favour his brother Apollodotus was in amongst the Gazaeans, The Julian Period. 4617 killed him, Year before Christ 97 and then drawing together a band of souldiers, delivered up the City to Alexander Jannaeus; who at first marched in very calmly, but presently after let loose the souldiers to fall upon the Townsmen, to kill and slay without controle. The Gazeans indeed lay slaughtered in every street; yet did they not dye unrevenged, but strugling with their assailants, killed as many of the Jews: but others of them quitted their houses, and set them on fire, to prevent the enemies plunder; others killed their wives & their children with their own hands, that they might not be led away into captivity. The Senatours, 500 in number, had retired themselves into Apollo's Temple; for it happened that at that very time, that the enemy was let into the City, a Senate was held there. But Alexander cut the throats of them all, and after he had dismantled the City, returned back to Jerusalem, a year after his drawing up his forces to block up Gaza. [Id. ibid.]

At the very same time also Antiochus Grypus was put out of the way, by the treachery of Heracleon, having lived 45 years, and reigned 29. [Id. ibid.] or rather 26, as it is read in Porphyrius his fragment; eleven of those 26 years, he reigned alone, the other 15, joynt partner with Cyzicenus. He dyed in the fourth year of the CLXX Olympiade. [in Graec. Euseb. Scalig. pag. 227.] Grypus left behind him five sons, the first Seleucus, whom Josephus will have to succeed his father, the second and third twins, by Tryphaena, daughter to Ptolemei Physcon, King of Egypt, Antiochus and Philip▪ the fourth Demetrius Eucaerus; the fifth, another surnamed Dionysius.

To Mithridates Eupator, Year of the World 3908 King of Pontus, was born a son, called Pharnaces, who lived fifty years. [Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 254.]

Cn. Domitius and C. Cassius being Consuls, The Julian Period. 4618 Ptolemei King of the Cyrenians (Physcon's son by a Curtesan) dyed, Year before Christ 96 and left the people of Rome his heire. [Liv. lib. 70. Jul. Obsequens de prodigiis, Cassiodorus in Chronica.] The Cities of that kingdom were enfranchized by a decree of the Senate, as Livy testifies, although Plutarch in Lucullo shews, how that the Cyrenaeans soon after were miserably harrased with continuall usurpations and wars.

p. 509Anna the Prophetesse, Year of the World 3909 daughter of Phanuel, The Julian Period. 4619 of the tribe of Aser, Year before Christ 95 being married, lived with her husband seven years from her virginity. [Luc. 2. 36.]

Tigranis, son of Tigranes who was delivered up to the Parthians, as hostage, was restored by them into his fathers kingdom of Armenia, upon their receipt of 70 portions of lee land of his Country, as a gratuitie, [Strabo. lib. 11, pag. 532. Justin, lib. 38. cap. 3. Appian. in Syriac. pag. 118.] as is gathered out of the 25 year of his reign, mention whereof will be made hereafter out of Plutarchs Lucullus, at the year of the World, 3934.

Q. Mutius Scaevola, Year of the World 3910 being sent Proconsul into Asia, made choice of his most intimate friend, P. Rutilius Rufus for his Legate, (whom Pomponius in D. de orig. Juris, erroniously makes the Proconsul of Asia) and used his advice and counsel in managing the affairs of the province, and making laws: he also had a great hand in restraining the injuries and exactions of the Publicans, who did extreamly oppresse those of that province: For as often as any who had been pinched by those tole-gatherers, made their addresse unto him, he condemned them wheresoever he came, by upright Judges, purposely commissionated, and delivered over the parties condemned to the persons whom they had injured, to be them confined to prison. Moreover, by his discharging both his own expences, and the expences of his retinue, out of his own private purse, he soon inclined the hearts of all in the province towards the people of Rome. [Cicero. lib. 2. de oratore. Diodorus▪ Siculus, in Excerptis Valesii, pag. 393, 394.]

Seleucus, The Julian Period. 4620 son of Antiochus Grypus, Year before Christ 94 having gotten together a considerable force, marched against his Uncle Antiochus Cyzicenus. Cyzicenus came with his army from Antiochus, and gave him battle, but was overcome: and being by his horse's running away with him, hureyed into the enemies Camp, seeing no possibility of getting off again, slew himself, after he had reigned 18 years: And Seleucus, having won the kingdom, retreated to Antioch. [Porphyr. in Graec. Euseb. pag. 227.] Josephus relates, how that Cyzicenus was taken prisoner in the fight by Seleucus, and afterwards put to death. [lib. 13. cap. 21.] But Trogus, that he dyed in the battle which was fought betwixt him and Grypus his sons. [lib. 40. Prolog.]

Cn. Domitius, and C. Coelius being Consuls, a Decree of the Senate came forth, whereby all persons were prohibited to lend any money to the Cretians. [Ascon. Pedianus in argument. orat. pro C. Cornelio.] See ann. Mundi 3935. out of Dion.

Q. Mutius Scaevola, having held the government of Asia not above nine moneths, for fear he should be chargeable to the Exchequer, resigned that honour. [Cicero ad Atticum, lib. 5. epist. 17, cum Asconio Pediano in orat. Cicer. contra L. Pisonem.] The while he held his imployment in Asia, so uprightly and so stoutly did he manage it, that the Senate ever after by their decree propounded Scaevola's administrations as a model and form to be imitated by all those that should succeed in that province. [Valer. Maxim. lib. 8. cap. 15.] The Grecians also inserted in their Calendar a festivall day, in honour of him, which the Asian called Mutia. [Ascon. Pedian. in 3^tiam contra Verram, & Divinationem contra eundem] concerning which Cicero thus, in Verrem 2^dâ. Mithridates in Asia, whereas he was Master of all the whole Province did not put down the Mutia, although he was not onelyonly an enemy, but such an enemy, as was too Violent and cruell in other matters, yet would he not violate the honour of the man, which was hallowed with the ceremonies of the gods.

Yet was his Legate Publius Rutilius Rusus, a person of high innocencie, who had joyned with him in vindicating Asia from the exactions and injuries of the Publicans, called in question as a receiver of bribes, by a factious party of the Gentry, (which he with the Proconsul had punished for acting exorbitantly, in gathering the rents.) But he was of such an entire trust, and innocence, that from the day that his accusers set to implead him, to the cognizance of the cause, he neither let his beard or his hair grow, not put on an unfashionable garment, nor laid aside his Senatours robes, nor cringed to his adversaries, nor inclined the Judges: neither when the Praetor had granted him leave to make his apologie, did he make a speech which might seem beneath his spirit, (such a spirit as would become every good man, whose chance it is to be loaden with calumnies, and who rather pittyed the case of the Common-wealth, than his own condition) or let a word drop from his mouth, which might seem to derogate from the splendour of his fore-past years. [Liv. lib. 70, Ascon Pedian. in Divinatione contra, Verrem. Valer. Maxim. lib. 6. cap. 4. Dio. in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 637. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 17.] Concerning whom, M. Cicero in his first Diolgue de oratore, speaks thus. Seeing that man was the very pattern of innocency, and not one person in the whole City of greater integrity or sanctimony: he would not onelyonly not petition the Iudges favour, but would not so much as suffer his advocates to plead his cause with greater flourishes and amplifications, than the bare account of the truth it self would permit: some few particulars of his defence, he put over to Cotta, an eloquent man, and p. 510his sisters son. Q. Mutius also pleaded some thing on his behalf, after his old manner, without any flourishing, plainly and clearly. And in Bruto. At what time, that most innocent person was called to trial (by which judgement we know the Common-wealth to have been shaken) although there were then in the City, those two eloquent men, L. Crassus, and M. Antonius; yet would he not entertain either of them for his advocate: But he pleaded his own cause himself, and C. Cotta spake some few things, in regard he was his sisters son, who though but a youth, yet shewed he himself an Oratour. Q. Mutius, also spake in Court, clearly indeed and smoothly, as he alwayes did, yet not with such ardour and volubility, as that kind of processe, and the greatnesse of the cause required.

And thus the Gentry of Rome, having by the vertue of the Gracchian laws gotten into their hands the power of sitting in Judgement, condemned (to the great grief of the City) Rutilius, a person not onelyonly surpassing any of his time, but any that ever lived, upon the act of bribery, [Vellei. Paterculi. lib. 2.] No sooner was sentence past upon him, and an estimate made in money of what he stood charged in Court, but he forthwith parted with all he had; whereby he evidenced, that he was altogether clear from the crime objected against him. For all he could rap and rend, came not near to so much, as his accusers said he got in Asia by his extortion: and every particular of his estate was by him shewed to have been conveyed unto him upon just and lawful titles. The envy of this mans condemnation, fell upon C. Marius, to whom his vertue was a great eye-fore: which was the reason that Rutilius, not liking the carriage of things in the City, not enduring to live and converse any longer with such a fellow as Marius, left his Country of his own accord, and went into Asia, and lived there an exile at Mitylene, [Dio. ut. supr. pag. 637, 638.] And whenas one of his friends thought to have comforted him and cheared him up in his banishment, by telling him, That civil wars would shortly break forth, and then all the banished might return home. What injury (said he) did I ever to you, that you should wish me a worse return home, than I had going into banishment? I had rather that my Country should blush at my banishment, than grieve at my return home, [Seneca. in beneficiis, lib. 6. cap. 37.] His banishment did no whit impa…re his former glory and wealth: for all the Cities of Asia sent their Embassadors to waite upon him: And not onelyonly Q. Mutius, but whatever Cities and Kings had formerly been beholding unto him for any courtesie, sent unto him very many presents: so that now, in respect of wealth, he was in a far better condition, than ever he was before his banishment, [Valer. Maxim. lib. 2. cap. 10. Dio ut supr. pag. 638.]

Antiochus Eusebes, Year of the World 3911 or Piu…, The Julian Period. 4621 son of Antiochus Cyzicenus, Year before Christ 93 having, by the means of a Curtezan who fell in love with him for the comelinesse of his person, escaped a plot which Seleucus his Cousin German had laid for him (although the Syrians ascribe his preservation to the merit of his piety, for which he got the sirname Eusebes) came to Aradus, and having set a Crown upon his head, commenced a war against Seleucus, to whom in one battle he gave so great an overthrow, that he never after was able to stand in the field but was chased out of all Syria, [Ioseph. lib. 13. cap. 21. Appian. in Syriac. pag. 133.]

Seleucus, fleeiug into Cilicia, after he had been a while received by the Mopsuestians, began to exact Tribute of them; but they took that his exaction so ill at his hands, that they set fire on his Palace, and burnt both him and his friends, [Ioseph. ibid.] That he was burnt in the common place of exercise in regard he had carried himself so, beyond all measure, violently and tyrannically, Appian relates, [pag. 132.] That he was burnt alive by Antiochus Cyzicenus his son, Eusebius in Chronico: but Porphyrius writes, That after he had betaken himself to the City, and perceived that the Mopsuestians had a design to burn him alive, that he laid violent hands on himself, [ut supr. pag. 227.]

The two Seleuci twins, Antiochus and Philippus, drew up their Forces against Mopsuestia and took it, and levelled it even to the ground, in revenge of their brothers death: which was no sooner done, but Antiochus Pius, son of Cyzicenus came upon them on the sudden, and discomfited them. As for Antiochus, he fleeing on horseback out of the battel, and attempting to get over the River Orontes, was drowned in the stream. But his brother Philip (to whom Scaliger attributes a Coyne to belong, which did beare this Inscription: foreign) and Antiochus Pius, beginning their reigns together from the third year of the CLXXI. Olympiade, and having both of them considerable Forces, contested between themselves which of them two should be sole Lord of all Syria, [Porphyr. ut sup. pag. 227.]

Ptolemei Lathurus, Year of the World 3912 having sent for Demetrius Eucaerus, The Julian Period. 4622 fourth son of Antiochus Grypus from Cnidus, Year before Christ 92 made him King of Damascus. Antiochus Pius joyning his Forces with his brother Philips, opposed him very valiantly for a while, [Ioseph. lib. 13. cap. 21.] But at length, Antiochus was worsted, and forced to flee for refuge p. 511to the Parthians, [Porphyrius, ut supr. Eusebius in Chronic.]

When as Mithridates King of Pontus had seized Cappadocia, Year of the World 3913 having made away both the sons which the King of the Cappadocians (son of that Ariarathes, which died in the war against Aristonicus, and of another Laodice, of whom formerly) had by his sister Laodice: he resigned up the kingdom to his own son but 8 years of age, to whom he gave the name of Ariarathes, appointing Gordius for his Guardian. Nicomedes Philopator, King of Bithynia. being somewhat jealous least, having now gotten Cappadocia, he might happily attempt to invade Bithynia which bordered upon it, suborned a youth marvellous handsome, as if Ariarathes had had three, and not onelyonly two sons, who was to be a petitioner to the Senate about the restoring him to his fathers kingdom. He sent also his wife Laodice (Mithridates his sister, who after the decease of her former husband Ariarathes, was married to Nicomedes) to Rome to testifie, that Ariarathes had three sons. As soon as Mithridates had notice hereof, he also with the like impudence, dispatches Gordius to Rome, whose errand was to avouch to the Senate, how that the youth to whom he had delivered the kingdom of Cappadocia, was descended from that Ariarathes, who in the war of Aristonicus, had brought supplies to the Romans, and died in the service, [Justin. lib. 38. cap. 1, 2.]

The Queen of the Galadeni waged war with the Parthians. The Julian Period. 4623 Josephus writes, Year before Christ 91 how that Antiochus Pius, Cyzicenus his son, being called to her assistance, behaved himself gallantly, but had the mischance to miscarry in the fight; so that after his decease, the kingdom of Syria remained in the power of the two brothers, Grypus his sons: Philip, and Demetrius Eucaerus, [lib. 13. cap. 21.] Whereas Eusebius in Chronico terminates the reign of Seleucus his race in the two years, which he attributes to Philip Grypus his son. But seeing that after this time Appian in the end of his Syriacks teacheth us, that both Antiochus Pius was driven out of his kingdom by Tygranes; and Josephus, that Philip also with his two brothers, Demetrius Eucaerus, and Antiochus Dionysius, waged war with the Kings of Damascus, and possessed themselves of the kingdom of Syria, [lib. 13. cap. 22, & 23.] It seems more probable, that Antiochus Pius, being returned from the Parthians (to whom Porphyrius and Eusebius confirm, that he went not against his enemies, but as to a Sanctuary and Refuge for himself) recovered that part of Syria which Philip had usurped for the space of two years: and that Philip to repaire that losse, contested with his two brothers, Demetrius and Antiochus, about the joyning of the kingdom of Damascus to his Principallity, (which commotions between the Kings of Syria, seem to be those which Livy hath described in his 70 book) and claimed to himself all the remaining parts of Syria, which were not in the hand of Cyzicenus his son. The Syrians being at last quite wearied out with the various skirmishes which Philip had, sometimes with Antiochus Pius, sometimes with his brothers, for the space of eight years together, they deserted the Seleucians, and voluntarily put themselves under the command of Tigranes King of Armenia; as Justin shewes in the beginning of his 40 book. And as for that sirname of Pius, which was given to Antiochus, Appian (in the forecited place) is of opinion, that it was given him in derision by the Syrians; because he had married Selene, which had formerly been the wife both of his father Cyzicenus, and his Uncle Grypus: and therefore plainly tells us, That he was by the just judgement of God, thrown out of the kingdom by Tigranes.

The Senate of Rome, being well acquainted with the endeavours of the two Asiatick Kings, and their design to steale away other mens kingdoms by obtruding false titles; took Cappadocia away from Mithridates, and to chear him up, Paphlagonia from Nicomedes: And because it might perchance be thought a disparagement to deprive those two Kings of that, which they were resolved ef…soones to give away unto some others; the Senate made both people a free State. But the Cappadocians refused this profered liberty, and sending Embassadors to Rome, told them, That it was utterly impossible for them to live without a King: The Romans wondering thereat, gave them leave to elect a King out of their own body: so Ariobarzanes was made King, [Justin. lib. 38. cap. 2. Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 540.] The Romans, having renounced Gordius, whom Mithridates had commended unto them, [Justin. lib. 38. cap. 5.]

L. Cornelius Sylla, Year of the World 3914 after his Praetorship was expited, (which as Velleius Paterculus intimates in … lib of his History, he discharged the year before L. Caesar, and P. Rutilius were Consuls) being appointed over Cilicia, was sent Embassador into Cappadocia; his expedition was glossed with the specious pretence of settling Ariobarzanes the new elect in his kingdom: but the true occasion of his going thither, was to crush Mithridates his designs, whose head was full of plots. Sylla brought no great force with him thither, but by means of the Allyes who readily profered their service, he slew a great company of the Cappadocians, but a far greater number of the Armenians, who came to assist Gordius; threw out Gordius himself, with the new obtruded young p. 512King Ariarathes, to whom Gordius was assigned Governour by Mithridates) and proclaimed Ariobarzanes King, according to the decree of the Senate, Mithridates saying not one word all the while against it. [Livie. lib. 70. Plutarch in Sylla. Appian. in Mithridatic, pag. 208. & lib. 1. Bell. Civill. pag. 396.]

The Parthian Ambassadors came to Sylla, The Julian Period. 4624 from their King Arsaces, Year before Christ 90 to intreat amity with the people of Rome, [Livie. lib. 70. Sextus Rufus, in Breviario.] There never being before that any correspondence held between those two nations. Orobazus the Parthian had the chief managing of the Embassie; who, meeting with Sylla, residing about Euphrates: Sylla is said to have caused three Seates to be placed, one for Ariobarzanes, another for Orobazus, and a third for himself: so seating himself in the midst betwixt them both, he gave audience to the Ambassadors; wherefore the Parthian King shortly after put Orobazus to death: Others gave out, that he flew Sylla, as if he had exposed the Barbarians to open derision; whilst others exclaimed against him, as being an arrogant person, and one who had discovered his ambition very unseasonably. It is recorded also, how that a certain Chalcidian of Orobazus his retinew; after he had viewed Sylla's countenance, and very curiously observed the temper bent and motions, both of his mind and body, and examined his disposition by the wiles of art, declared openly, That it was impossible, but Sylla must needs come to be some great man ere long; and that he wondred extreamly, that he himself could endure to make a stand where he was, and not already to be head of all. [Plut. in Sylla. compared with Velleius Paterculus, lib. 2. cap. 24.]

No sooner was Sylla returned home to Rome, but Censorinus impeached him of bribery, as one who against law had taken a great sum of mony of a kingdom in friendship and amity with the Romans: but he did not prosecute the accusation, but let it fall. [Plutarch. ibid.]

Mithridates inveagled Tigranes, King of Armenia, (not dreaming that the Romans would take any exception thereat) to side with him in the war which he had been a long while hammering out against the Romans; perswading him by Gordius to engage in war. Ariobarzanes, whom the Romans had set as King over the Cappadocians; buzing him in the ear, as if he were but a dull fellow, and such an one, who had neither spirit nor life in him at all: And to seem to play fair play, he profered him his daughter Cleopatra in marriage. [Justin lib. 38. cap. 3.]

Mithridates, Year of the World 3915 and Bagoas, Tigranes his Commanders, having driven out Ariobarzanes, who upon their first approach, took up bag and baggage; and made what hast he could towards Rome, placed Ariarathes in the kingdom: and so by Tigranes his assistance, Cappadocia began again to be under Mithridates jurisdiction. [Id. ib. Appian. in Muithridatic. pag. 176.]

At the same time, Nicomedes Philopator, being deceased, the Senate of Rome made his son Nicomedes, whom Nisa, (a common dancer, as Mithridates in Justin, lib. 38. cap. 5. calls her) bore unto him, King of Bithynia. Mithridates sent his elder brother Socrates; who also himself was called Nicomedes, and surnamed Chrestus, or the Thrifty, against him with an army; who, after he had beaten out his brother, seized upon the kingdom himself. [Justin, ibid. Appian. pag. 176. & 178. Memnon in Excerptis Photii, cap. 32.]

Nicomedes, then devested of his kingdom, made his humble addresses to Rome: whereupon it was decreed in the Senate, that both he and Ariobarzanes should be restored into their kingdoms. To effect this, Embassadors were presently dispatched away; Manius Aquilius (who quelled the servile war in Sicily) and Malthius, or (as it is read in the MS.) Marcus Altinius [Iustin & Appian. ut supra.] Lucius Cassius also, who held Asia Pergamena, with a small army, and Mithridates himself was ordered to assist them. But Mithridates sat still, and helped them not, because that the title of Cappadocia was then in dispute, and the Romans had taken away Phrygia from him. [Appian. ibid. pag. 176, 177.] but put them off with a long story of his grievances, and shewing the Ambassadors at what vast expences he had been at, both upon publick and private accounts. [Dio. Legat. 30. in edit. Graeca, vel 31. in Graeco latina.] Although he himself in an oration of his, which Trogus Pompeius hath put upon the file, affirms, that both his son was turned out of Cappadocia, which by the law of nations appertained to him, The Julian Period. 4625 as Conquerer; Year before Christ 89 and also that he had slain Chrestus, King of Bithynia, in favour to the Romans. [Iustin, lib. 38. cap. 5.]

Mithridates, resolving ere long to encounter the Romans, engaged Tigranes in his quarrel, upon mutuall covenant, That Mithridates should have the Cities and the fields for his share, and Tigranes, the people and the plunder. And Mithridates, understanding well enough how great a task he had undertaken, sent his Ambassadors abroad, solliciting assistance: some he sent to the Cimmerians, other to the Gallogrecians, to the Sarmatans, and the Basternans; for, by his presents and favours, he had made sure of every one of those nations before hand, when his designe of engaging the Romans p. 513came first into his head. He commanded also an army to repaire to him out of Scythia. [Justin. lib. 38. cap. 3.] All those which inhabite Tanais and Ister, and the lake Maeotis, being ready at his beck. He sent also into Egypt and Syria, to draw the Kings there into an association with him. He had already 300 ships with decks, and builded more every day, having sent for Masters and Pilots out of Phoenicia and Egypt. He had also his fathers kingdom which was twenty thousand furlongs in length: he drew also to his side with him, many of the adjacent Countries, and amongst the rest the Colchi a warlike Nation, [Appian. in M…thridatic. pag. 178, 180.] He was seized also of that Country which is bounded with the River Halys, as far as the Tibarens and the Armenians: and within the River Halys as far as Amastris, and some parts of Paphlagonia: Moreover he annexed to his Dominions, the Sea coast towards the West, unto Heraclea: and on the other side, he laid unto Pontus, all the Country betwixt that and Colchis, and Armenia the lesser, [S…rabo, lib. 12. pag. 540, 541.] Aulus Gellius writes how that he had twenty five Nations which did homage unto him as subjects, [lib. 17. cap. 17.] Valerius Maximus 22. [lib. 8. cap. 7.] So Quintilianus, [lib. 11. cap. 2.] Pliny, [lib. 7. cap. 24. & lib. 25. cap. 2.] and that he was thoroughly skilled in every one of their several languages, so well, that he never used any Interpreter, whensoever he had occasion to speak with the people. We read also in Sextus Aurelius Victor, his book de viris illustribus, cap. 76. how that he could speak 22 several languages: although in this place for 22. the Manuscripts compute fifty.

As soon as the Roman Legates with Cassi…s his souldiers, and some other supplies levyed out of Galatia and Phrygia, had re-inthroned Nicomedes in Bithynia, and Ariobarzanes in Cappadocia; they presently advised them both, by their often incursions, to pester Mithridates his Country which bordered upon them, thereby seeking occasion of a quarrel, upon confidence of the assistance they were like to find in case Mithridates should resent the provocation. Yet had neither of the so much spirit, as to dare to provoke so potent a neighbour, by downright acts of hostility. But the Legates importuning Nicomedes (who upon covenant was engaged in deep summes of money to the General and Legates themselves for his restitution, and in other summes of money, which he had taken up upon interest of the Romans in Asia, which was now called in) he was forced at this pinch, though much against his will, to make his enrodes into Mithridates his Dominions: so that he destroyed and pillaged the Country as far as the City Amastris, without the least controule or check from any body. For Mithridates, though he was sufficiently provided at this time, yet did he decline to fight, and suffered the enemy to range at pleasure; that so all the World might see, that he did not commence the war against the Romans, but upon many, and those very just, grounds, [Appian. Mithridatic. pag. 177. cum Liv. lib. 74. & Dione. Legat. 30, vel. 31.] Of which insolencies of the Romans Salust (in the 4 book of his History) brings him in thus, complaining in an Epistle of his to Arsaces. For why should I name my self, who being on every side by kingdoms and Principalities divided from their Empire, because it was reported that I was rich, and resolved against their service; they provoked by the war of Nicomedes, that was privy to their wickednesse, and testified before the Kings that afterwards ensued, &c.

As soon as Nicomedes was returned home with his rich booty, Mithridates sent Pelopidas the Oratour to the Roman Generals and Legates (knowing well enough that Nicomedes did what he did by their abetting and instigation) to expostulate with them concerning the injuries and violencies offered unto him by Nicomedes. And when as Nicomedes his Embassadors laid all the blame upon Mithridates, as giving the first occasion of those his proceedings: The Romans replyed, That they were neither well pleased that Nicomedes should any wayes molest Mithridat…s; neither would they suffer Mithridates to right himself by waging war with Nicomedes. Mithridates receiving no better satisfaction, but rather conceiving himself plainly baffel'd by the Romans, sent his son Ariarathes with a great hoste to seize upon the kingdom of Cappadocia: who soon beat out Ariobarzanes, and reigned himself in his stead, [Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 179. compared with Livie, lib. 76. and 77. Eutrop. lib. 5. and Orosius, lib. 6. cap. 2.] Maltius also, or M. Altinius, the Roman Legate, was defeated there at the same time, [Justin. lib. 38. cap. 4.]

Mithridates sent his Agents to Rome, to desire the Romans, that if they accounted Nicomedes their friend, that they would either perswade him, or else compel him whether he would or no, to do what was just and right: But if they held him an enemy, that they then would give him leave to avenge himself of him. The Romans, did not onelyonly not gratifie him in any one particular demanded, but proceeded to threaten him, if he did not straitwayes resign back Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes, and conclude a peace with Nicomedes: They commanded also his Em…assadours to depart the Town the same day, laying a strict prohibition upon him, that unlesse he submitted to their injunctions p. 514and did accordingly, he should never send Ambassadors again to Rome. [Dio. Legat. 31. vel. 32.]

In the mean time, Mithridates dispatched away Pelopidas to the Roman Generals, whose errand was to acquiant them, how that he had sent some Ambassadors to complain of them to the Senate, and therefore warned them to be present, to justifie their actions; and that they should not dare to begin, or act, any thing, untill they had received a decree from the Senate and people of Rome, to authorize them. This sounded something harsh and insolent, whereupon they enjoyned Mithridates not to meddle with Nicomedes, and to quit Cappadocia: (for they would themselves take care to see Ariobarzanes restored) as for Pelopidas, they charged him forthwith to depart the Camp, and never to return, but upon the Kings execution of what was commanded: with this answer was he dismissed, yet not without a convoy, in case he should attempt to corrupt any by the way. [Appian.]

The Roman Generals (not staying for the determination of the Senate and the people, concerning this so great war) presently drew up their forces out of Bithinia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, and Gallograecia; and to those L. Cassius his army, which he kept for the securing of Asia, joyned themselves. They put their forces into severall divisions. Cassius pitched about the confines of Bithinia, and Galatia. Manius Aqui…lus had his brigade to make good the passage, by which Mithridates was to enter Bithynia. Q. Oppius lay in the borders of Cappadocia, each of them had 40000 Foot and Horse. They had a fleet also riding about Byzantium; Minutius Ru…us, and C. Popilius being Admirals, to keep the entrance into Pontus. Nicomedes also sent 50000 Foot, and 6000 Horse to their assistance. [Idem.]

Mithridates had in his own army 250 thousand Foot, and 40 thousand Horse, 300 ships with decks, 100 Gallies with two oars on a bank, and other preparations answerable to so numerous an army. Neoptolemus and Archelaus, two brothers, had the command of these forces, the King himself also took the charge of many things on his own person, Amongst the auxiliaries, Archathias, Mithridates his son, brought 10000 Horse out of Armenia the lesser: Dorylaus was over the Phalanges of foot (armed cap a pe) Craterus had the command of 130 Chariots with Sithes. [Ibid.]

As soon as Nicomedes and Mithridates his Generals (for he was not there himself) discovered each other in the Campaigne near the river Amnias, they presently put their bodies in batalio: Nicomedes all the men he had; Neoptolemus and Archelaus, onelyonly their light hatnessed Foot, Arcathias his Horse, and some Chariots, for the Phalanx consisting of 8000 men, was not yet come up, but was upon the march. The victory kept not constant to one side, but sometimes one, sometimes the other had the better: till at last Mithridates his Commanders (though their souldiers were far inferiour in number) with their Chariots armed with Sithes, did so mowe the enemy off, that it is not to be believed how many were slain in the place, Nicomedes himself was forced to flye, with his company, in Paphlagonia; so that the enemies Camp being deserted, the plunder and the monies fell to the Conquerours. [Id. compared with Memnon. cap. 33. and Strabo lib. 12. pag. 562.]

Nicomedes thus chased out of the field, pitched near the place where Manius Aquilus lay, with his brigade. Mithridates got upon the mountain Scoroba, which divides the Bithynians and the Ponticks. He sent out 100 Horse of Sarmatans, as his Scowts, who lighting upon 800 of Nicomedes Horse, took some of them prisoners. Neoptolemus and Nemanes an Armenian, having upon his first entrance into the Village Pacheus, about seven houres after the fight, overtaken Manius Aquilius, as he was drawing off his forces, (when Nicomedes was gone to Cassius) forced him to fight, having at that time with him 4000 Horse, and ten times as many Foot: whereof 10000 were slain outright, and 3000 taken prisoner. As for Aquilius himself, after this disaster, he made as fast as he could towards the river Sangarius, and by night got over, and so escaped to Pergamus. [Appian. compared with Livie. lib. 77.]

Cassius, Nicomedes, and all the Roman Legates, removed their Camps, and marched to Leontocephale, the best fortified Castle in all Phrygia: where they exercised a company of fresh-water souldiers, which they had raked together from amongst the trades-men, husbandmen, and the scum of the people, and made a new muster of Phrygians also: but seeing that all of them seemed backward to their service, they dismissed them all, and retreated thence. Cassius marched away with his sorces to Apamea, Nicomedes to Pergamus, and Aquilius towards Rhodes. As soon as tidings hereof were brought to those that were set to keep the entrance into Pontus, they dispersed themselves, having delivered the inlets of Pontus and Nicomedes his ships, as a prize to Mithridates. [Appian.]

p. 515Mithridates sent all the prisoners he had taken in this war home, with provision in their snapsacks; hoping by that act of Clemency, to get the good opinion of his enemies. [Id.] This mild passage was so cryed up every where, that all the Cities generally came flocking in to him, and sided with him; in such wise, that Ambassadors came to him from all Cities, inviting him by their publick decrees, to come into them: calling him their god and deliverer. And upon notice of the Kings approach, the people came huddling out of the severall Cities, in white garments, to salute him, and received him with great joy and acclamation. [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii. pag. 401.] The Titles of honour which they conferred upon him, were so notable and so high, that they suited not with one that was but a mortall man, they called him their God, and implored his assistance. [Athen. lib. 5. cap. 11,] their Lord, Father, Preserver of Asia, Evius, Dionysius, Nysius, Bromius, Bacchus, [Cicero. pro. Flacco.] And why the Title of Bacchus was given above all the rest, Plutarch gives the reason in the first book of his Symposiacs.

Mithridates hereupon, (Nicomedes having shifted for himself, and withdrawn into Italy) at his very first coming, seized upon all Bithynia, so that he had nothing else to do there, but to ride in circuit from City to City, to settle and compose things, and put them in order. [Memnon. cap. 33. Liv. lib. 76. & 77. Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 502. Appian. pag. 183.] From thence he marched with a considerable army into Phrygia, a province belonging to the people of Rome, [Liv. lib. 77.] where he took up the same quarters to lodge in, which Alexander formerly had done: taking it for a very happy Omen, that it should so fall out for Mithridates, to lodge at night where Alexander himself had taken a nap. And so he ran over all Phrygia, My…a, and Asia, provinces but lately fallen to the Romans, as far as Caria and Lycia. [Appian. pag. 183.]

Mithridates, Year of the World 3916 having sent his Commanders round about, subdued Lycia, Pamphylia, and other places as far as Ionia. [Appian. pag. 184.] he invaded Paphlagonia also, and drove out thence Pyloemen the King, who was a confederate of the people of Rome. [Eutrop. lib. 5. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2. compared with Appian in Mithridatic. pag. 209.]

The Athenians sent an Ambassadour to Mithridates, one Athenio, son by an Egyptian slave, to Athenio the Peripatetick (who being after the decease of his Master left heir, and enrolled a free denizon of Athens, took upon himself the name of Aristion, and taught young boyes Rhetorick, and the Peripatetick Philosophy) He had no sooner shuffled himself into the list of the Kings favorites, but he forthwith sollicited them by his letters, to new inventions in State. [Atheneus, lib. 5. cap. 10. & 11. Ex Posidonii Apameni Historia.] He was a person compounded of impudency and cruelties, and one, who had as it were raked the kennel of Mithridates his vices, and picked out the most vile of them for his own imitation. [Plutarch. in Sylla, and his transcriber Dio, in Valesii Excerptis, pag. 649.]

Mithridates, having promised security and protection to the Laodiceans, inhabiting near the river Lycus, to whom Q. Oppio, Proconsul of Pamphylia had retreated with his Horse and Mercenary souldiers, upon condition that they should deliver Oppius up into his hands: they dismissed the Mercenaries indeed; but as for Oppius, they brought him to Mithridates, ordering the lictors to go before him in derision. Mithridates received him at their hands, and carried him about him withersoever he himself went, priding himself extreamly in this, that he had taken a Roman Generall prisoner. [Livie. lib. 78. Athenaeus ut supra, cap. 11. Appian. pag. 184.]

Mithridates his party, sweeping all before them in Asia, as they went, without controle, all the Cities strangely revolting from the Romans: the Lesbians resolved not onelyonly to yield up themselves to the King, but to deliver up Aquilius also unto him, who flew away to Mitilene, and lay there, to be cured of a disease. Whereupon they sent to his lodging, a company of choice youths, stout and resolute; who came rushing into the room where Aquilius was, and took him and bound him, supposing that he would be a most rare present, and very acceptable to Mithridates. [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerptis Valesii, pag. 401.] together with Aquilus the M…tylenians, delivered other prisoners to Mithridates.

The King carried Aquilius (who had been the chief promoter of the Embassie, and the prime author in this war) bound upon an Asse, whithersoever he went, and forced him with his own mouth, to proclaim to the lookers on, that he was Manius Aquilius: And the same Manius, coupled to one Bastarnes, a tall fellow, sive cubits in stature, was sometimes led on foot in a chain, by a Trouper. At last after he had been scourged, and put upon the Rack at Pergamus, Mithridates commanded melted gold to be powred down his throat; in exprobration of the Romans p. 516corruption and bribery, [Athenaeus & Appian. ut supr. compared with Cicro in Orat. pro lege Manilia, & lib. 5. Tusculan. quaest. Liv. lib. 78. and with Pliny lib. 33. cap. 3.]

The King, after he had appointed Governours of the several places he had subdued, went to Magnesia, Ephesus, and Mitylene; and finding a cheary welcome amongst them all. The Ephesians upon his coming, took down all the Statues of the Romans which they had set up amongst them, [Appian.]

Mithridates Generals, received of the Cities with favour and good liking, found amongst them a good bank of gold and silver, which the former Kings had horded up, and a good provision for war: by this he thought himself sufficiently stocked, so that he forgave the Cities their arrears both publick and private, and a release of tribute or taxes for the space of five years, [Justin. lib. 38. cap. 3.] I, in revenge of the injuries done unto me, drave Nicomedes out of Bithynia, recovered Asia, King Antiochus his spoile, and eased Greece of that heavy burden under which it groaned:] sayes he of himself, in an Epistle of his to Arsaces. [lib. 4, Histor. Salust.]

Mithridates, upon his return from out of Ionia, took Stratonicea, set a fine upon it, and placed a Garrison in it; where, casting his eye upon a very beautifull Virgin, called Monima, Philopome…es his daughter, he took her along with him, and put her amongst his women: But as for the Magnetians, he continued the war with them and with the Paphlagonians, and with the Lycians also, because they made some resistance, and would not suffer him to lay his Garrison amongst them, [Appian.] In which dispute the Magnetians about the mountain Sipylus, wounded Archelaus Mithridates his General, who lay pillaging upon their borders, and slew many of his men, [Pausanias in Atticis, pag. 18.]

Cleopatra the Egyptian Queen, thinking by some secret plot to have circumvented her son Alexander, and to have worked his overthrow; was taken her self by him, and put to death. Neither was she ever a whit to be pitted, who had played such notable pranks, as to drive her own mother from her marriage-bed; made her two daughters widows, by forcing them to barter their husbands; engaged in a war against one of her sons, and never left till she had banished him: and for the other, deprived him of his kingdom, and after plotted his destruction, [Justin. lib. 39. cap. 4. compared with Pa…sanias in Atticis, pag. 8. with Athenaeus, lib. 12. cap. 27. and with Eusebius in Chronico.] Yet he had reigned, together with his mother, 18 years, [Porphyr. in Greek Euseb. Scaliger, pag. 225.]

As soon as ever it came to be known, that Cleopatra was slain by her son Alexander, the people presently were in an uproar; which made Alexander shift away for himself: After whose withdrawing, the Alexandrians dispatched away Embassadours to Cyprus to Ptolemei Lathurus the elder brother, and delivered up the kingdom of Egypt unto him: who held it for the space of 8 years (or as Porphyrius hath more exactly computed the time) 7 years and 6 moneths, [Justin. lib. 39. cap. 5, Pausan. Porphyr. & Euseb. ut supr.]

Anna the Prophetesse, The Julian Period. 4626 daughter of Phanuel (her husband being deceased, Year before Christ 88 a widow) went not out of the Temple, but served God with fastings and prayers night and day for 84 years together, until such time as she saw Christ himself in the Temple, [Luc. II. 37.]

The Italians which had revolted from the Romans, sent unto Mithridates, to sollicite him to march with his Forces into Italy against the Romans: for by that means it would prove no great piece of businesse by their united Forces to shatter the Roman power. Mithridates replyed: That he was resolved to march into Italy, but not until such time he had compleated his Conquest over Asia, with which his hands were now full. The Italians upon Mithridates his refusal of associating at present, began to despair, and grew quite out of heart: whereby it came to passe, that the war with the confederates, or the Marsian war, was laid asleep, [Diodor. Sicul. in Bibliotheca, Photii, …od. 244.] In which, amongst the supplies sent unto the Romans from forreign parts (mentioned by Livy in his 72 book) there were sent from the Heracleots of Pontus, two gallies with four oares on a bank; whereof Memnon makes mention in his History of them, [cap. 31.] And on the Italian side, amongst others, Agamemnon the Cilician Pirate appeared, [of whom Diodor. Siculus speaks in Excerpt. Valesii, pag. 398. and P. Orosius, in lib. 5. cap. 18.]

Mithridates, finding how that the Citizens of Rome which were dispersed thorough the Cities of Asia were an hinderance, to the accomplishing of his design, sent private letters from Ephesusto the Governours, and Magistrates of the Cities, giving order to them, that they should all of them upon the same 30 day, set upon the Roman and Italian sorjourners, with their wives, children, and all other free-borne inmates of the Italian Race, kill them, and let them lie unburied: One moyety of their goods were to go to the King, the other to the assacinates. He threatned also by a common cryer, to lay a fine upon any that should dare to bury any of the slain, or should conceale any p. 517of them that had escaped the massacre: propounding a reward to those that should discover them; engaging to a slave his liberty, if he would murder his Master, and to the debtour one half of his debt, to kill his Creditour. Their instructions being privately sent to all of them; when the day appointed was come, it is not possible to expresse or comprize in words, what a multitude of Roman Citizens were massacred at that time, in what a sad condition most of the Provinces were in: how pittiful a plaint there was both of those that were to be slain, and those that slew them; whereas every one was compelled either to betray his innocent guests and friends, or they themselves lie obnoxious to the penalty and fine imposed upon those that should secure them, [Appian. in Mithridatic, pag. 185. 206, 209, 212. compared with Cicero, in Orat. pro lege Manilia, & pro Flacco, and with Memnon in Excerpt. cap. 33. with Livy, lib. 78. with Velleio Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 18. with Flor. lib. 3. cap. 5. with Eutrop. lib. 5. and Orosius, lib. 6. cap. 2.]

Then the Ephesians dragged such as had taken sanctuary in Dianas Temple, from the very embraces of their shrines, and put them to the sword: the Pergamenians in their quarters, struck them through with darts, as they clang to the statues in the Temple of Esculapius, whither they had flown for succour, when as they could not by any means be perswaded to come forth. The Adramyttians killed them with their children in the waters as they attempted to swim over sea: the Caunians (who after the conquest gotten over Antiochus, were assigned over to the Rhodians, and a little before, restored by the Senate to their priviledges, haled the Italians (who had escaped to the sacred Court of that City) from the very Altars; and after they had slain the infants before their mothers eyes, proceeded in the same cruelty against them, and last of all, put their husbands to the sword. [Appian. ut supra, pag. 185.] The Trallians indeed slew not one man with their own hands, but (to avoide the scandal of imbruing themselves in the blood of such as had put themselves under their roofs) hired a bloody fellow, one Theophilus, a Paphlagonian to do the feat: who acted so savagely, that he shut them up in the Temple of concord, and then fell upon them with his sword, cutting off their hands, as they imbraced the statues. [Id. ibid, compared with Dion. in Excerptis Valesii, pag. 642.]

P. Rutilius Rufus, a person who had been Consul, living in banishment amongst the Mitylenians, escaped the Kings sury against all Gown men, by taking upon him the Philosophers buskin and mantle, [Cicero. pro. C. Rubinio Posthumo.] so that the fiction of Theophanes the Mitylenian (he that wrote the affairs of Pompei the great) is not at all to be credited; who reported, how that in the sort foreign, which was taken by Pompei, there was, amongst other pretious secrets of King Mithridates his, found an oration of Rutilius his making, whereby he put the King upon this cruel massacre of the Romans. [Plutarch in Pompeio.] For other Romans besides Rutilius, were put to this shift of changing their garb, the better to escape the danger which was at that time so imminent. [Athenae. lib. 5. cap. 11.] The floating Islands, Calaminae, in Lydia, saved many of the Citizens lives. [Plin. lib. 2. cap. 95.] yet for all that, there was slain in that one day fourscore thousand of them, [Memnon. cap. 33. Valer. Maxim. lib. 9. cap. 2.] and not 150, as the tally is given up by Plutarch, [in Sylla] and by Dion, who trode in his steps. [Legat. 36. vel. 37.]

Mithridates wafted over into Cous, where he found a party willing to receive him; the Coians presented unto him the son of that Alexander, who had reigned in Egypt formerly (who was called also Alexander) whom his grandmother Cleopatra had left in Cous, with a great stock of monies: he received him at their hands, and brought him up like a Kings son, and he was well supplied out of Cleopatras treasures with wealth, exquisite pieces, made by the Artificers, Jewels, all things belonging to womens dresses, and a great hord of monies, all which he sent away into Pontus. [Appian, in Mithridaticis, pag. 186. 252, 253. & Bell. Civil. lib. 1. pag. 414.] Josephus from the books of Strabo his Histories avoweth, how that Mithridates (besides those treasures belonging to Cleopatra) carried away with him 800 talents of the Jews mony; which he supposes was desposited by the Jews in Asia in that Island, out of fear of the Mithridatick war, and that that mony was designed for the Temple of Jerusalem. [lib. 14. cap. 12.]

Alexander, the father of the aforesaid young Alexander, in the 19 year of his reign in Egypt, (on Cyprus 26.) was foyled in a sea sight by the Egyptians, Tyrrus, one of the Blood-Royall being Admirall: in such manner, that he was forced with his wife and daughter, to flye to Myra; a City in Lycia: from whence, as he was bending his course towards Cyprus, he was enconutred by Chaereas, a sea Captain, and was slain. [Porphyr. in Graec. Eusebius, Scaliger, pag. 225.]

Athenio, or Aristio, Ambassadour, upon his return home to the Athenians out of Asia from Mithridates, was driven by tempest to Carystia in Eubaea, to fetch him p. 518thence the Athenians sent some long ships, and a chaire supported with silver feet: the greatest part of the City running out of town to salute him. He had no sooner got the power of the City into his own hands, but he acted the Tyrant; either killing those that favoured the Romans, or else delivering them up to Mithridates. Many, to avoid their falling into his clutches, escaped to Amisus, a Colony of the Athenians in Asia, and were received into the City, [Possidonius, Apamenus, apud Athenaeum, lib. 5. cap. 11. compared with Plutarch in Lucullo, and with Pausanias in Atticis, pag. 18.]

Whatsoever Italians escaped out of Asia, found a sanctuary at Rhodes, and amongst those was L. Cassius the Proconsul of Asia. The Rhodians fortified their Walls, and Ports, and placed their Engins: some Te…missians and Lycians affording their assistance. Upon Mithridates drawing near with his Fleet, they pulled down the Suburbs, that they might not be as a shelter to the enemy, or serviceable to them; and put their ships into a posture of fighting, some in the front, others on the sides, [Appian.] The Rhodians were over-matched in nothing but in the number of ships: in all other things they had the odds by far: as being the better Pilots, knew better how to order their ships, plye the oares, had the more sprightly souldiers, the more expert and valorous Commanders: When as on the contrary, the Cappadocians were but fresh-water souldiers, seldom exercised at sea fights, and which commonly proves the bane of all, did all tumultuously and without any order, [Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt. Vales. pag. 402.]

The Cappadocians being now ready to engage with the enemy at sea in the presence and eye of their King, desired to approve their loyalty and affections unto him; and seeing that their advantage lay onelyonly in that their ships were more in number than theirs, they endeavoured all they could to surprise and intercept the enemies Fleet, [Diod. Sicul. ibid.] But at length, Damagoras the Admiral of the Rhodians Fleet, after Sun-set, with six ships fell upon 25 of the Kings: two of which he sanke, and forced other two to flee into Lycia: and so having spent the night at sea, returned back again. In this encountet, one of the Chian ships, an associate, in the route fell foule upon Mithridates his ship as he was encouraging his souldiers: so that the King himself had like to have fallen into the enemies hands, for which he afterwards punished the Master and Pilot, and was displeased with all the Chians. After this, as Mithridates his land Forces were upon sail to him out of Asia, in ships and gallies, a sudden storm drove them upon Rhodes. The Rhodians fell upon them as they were disordered and dispersed by the tempest; boarded some of them, sanke others, and fired othersome: and brought away 400 prisoners. At last Mithridates, having brought his engines and scaling-ladders to take the City, was beaten off, and forced to retreate from Rhodes in disgrace, [Appian. compared with Memnon cap. 33. and with Livy lib. 78.]

From hence he went to Patara and besieged it; where wanting materials for engines, he began to cut down Latona's grove: but was by a threatning dream commanded to desist, and not to meddle with those consecrated trees: Leaving Pelopidas to carry on the war in Lycia, he sent Archelaus into Greece to draw either by faire or soule means, as many Cities as he could into his association: Whilst he himself, entrusting his Commanders with many great businesses, employed himself in levying of souldiers, making armes, and sporting himself with his Stratonicean women: He also busied himself in the examination of all such persons as were impeached of treason, either by attempting somewhat against his own person, or innovation in state, or any which were but in the least manner inclined that way, [Appian. pag. 188.]

Archelaus the Kings General, being sent before into Achaia with 120 thousand Horse and Foot, had the City of Athens delivered up into his hands by Aristo the Athenian, [Liv. lib. 78. Eutrop. lib. 5. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2.] From whence he went out with his Fleet and provisions to Delos, which had revolted from the Athenians, and reduced other Castles. He also seized upon some monies which had been dedicated to Apollo, and sent it away by Aristo to the Athenians, appointing a convoy of 2000 souldiers to secure it upon the way, [Appian. pag. 188, 189.] But it happened, that Apellicon Teius, [as Appian. reports it, lib. 5. cap. 11.] an Athenian Citizen, and a most intimate friend of Athenion, or Aristo, (in regard they were both Peripateticks) came with all speed with some companies of Foot to Delos: where he stayed a while, thinking himself safe enough; whenas he had neither placed the guards with that care he ought, nor yet secured the hinder part of the Island with Garrison or Trench: Orobius (or Orbius) the General of the Roman army, to whose trust Delos was committed, observing the mans negligence and imprudence in that particular, came with his Forces in a dark night, and fell upon them, heavy with sleep and drink; cut the throats of the Athenians and their auxiliaries, to the number of six hundred, as if they had been so many sheep: about 400 of them he took alive; but Apellicon, who so worthily commanded the Party, gave them the slip: Many of them for their security flew to p. 519the villages adjacent; but Orobius pursued them, set fire to the houses, and burnt both them, their Helepolis and other engins, belonging to a Leagure: And when all was done, erected a Trophie and Altar with this Inscription.