The Annals of the World, History 2 · 6 (continued) · Letter 1 – Letter 2

The Annals of the World · History 2 · 6 (continued) · Letter 1 – Letter 2

p. 688Antonius to Hirtius and Caesar.

THe death of C. Trebonius being known, I rejoyced not so much as I grieved. That such a wicked person received due vengeance, and thereby made recompence to the reliques of that illustrious Heroe, and that the just wrath of heaven was manifest so paily before the yeares end, (from whence we gather that Trebonius was slain not much before the Ides of March which followed immediately the murther of Caesar) or that now the wrath of the gods upon the paricide is executed or impending, administers matter of joy. That Dolabella is judged an enemy for killing a common murderer, and that the son of a Parasite (Trebonius) should be more dear to the people of Rome, than C. Caesar, the very father of our country, is no lesse to be lamented. Well Aulus Hirtius, it is a hard case that you, who by the very benefits of Caesar attained your honour, and were left so well by him that you your selfe must needs wonder, to whom you owe whatsoever accomplishment you are arrived unto, should act so as to procure Dolabella to be condemned; that that poisoner should be freed from the siege; and that Brutus and Cassius should grow most powerfull. And in the same manner do you countenance these affaires as you did the former. You call the tents of Pompei the Senate, you accounted Cicero generall even when he was conquered, you fortifie Macedonia with armies, committed Africa to Varus, who was twice taken, sent Cassius into Syria, suffered Casea to enjoy the Tribune-ship, took the Julian revenues from the Lupercalian officers, abolisht the colonies of the Veterans, deduced by law and the decree of the Senate, promised the Massilienses to restore to them, what you had taken from them by the law of armes. Ye have forgotten that by the Hirian Law no Pompeian that lived should bear any office of dignity, suborned Brutus with the money of Apuleia, ye praised Paetus and Menedemus who were punished with the axe, having had a city bestowed on them; and being made guests of Caesar: you neglected Theopompus who was destitute, and forced to fly from Trebonius into Alexandria, you see Serpius Galba environed in his camp by the same sword-bearer, you have contracted either mine or the Veteran souldiers, as it were to the distruction of them, who had killed Caesar, and before they were aware, had brought them into danger, of the Quaestor or Emperour, or their own fellow-souldiers. In fine what have you not proved or done? what could Pompey himself do if he were alive? or his son if he could be at home? last of all, you deny that a peace can be made unlesse I either send out Brutus, or furnish you with corne. What? doth this please those Veteranes who have all things entire? because you come with flattering and venemous gifts. But you aid the besieged souldiers. I stick not to let them go whither they please, so they will deliver him to execution, who deserves it. You say a peace was moved in the Senate, and write that five consular Legates were appointed. It is a hard matter for me to believe, that those who would have prceipated me, when I brought conditions of the highest equity; and yet thinking to remit something of them too, will act any thing either moderately or fairly: and it is scarce likely that they who condemned Dolabella for justice, as a crime, would spare us who are of the same opinion. Wherefore rather consider whether it be fitter and more profitable to both sides, to prosecute the death of Caesar, or Trebonius; and whether it be more equal, that we combine, that s… it may be more easie for us to revive the Pompeian cause, that hath been so often quasht, or to consent, least we become a Ludibriuns to our enemies, to whom, which soever of us prevail, our contention will be a gain. A spestacle that fortune hath avoided to see two armies of one body (Cicero being the fencer) contend, who is so fortunate in his expressions, that he will deceive you in the very same ornaments, in which he gloryed he guld Caesar. For my p. 689part I am resolved neither to to bear my own, nor my Souldiers and friends disgrace; nor to forsake that part that Pompey hated, nor to suffer the veterans to be moved from their colonies, nor to be drawn one by one to execution, nor to betray the faith I have engaged to Dosobella, nor to violate my society with Lepidus, that most just man, nor betray Plancus, the partner in our counsels. If the immortal gods, as I hope they will, shall assist me with my right wits, I will live free. But if other fortune is alotted me, I foreshow you the joy of your own punishments. For if the Pompeians, now being conquered, are so insolent, you shall especially experience what they will be, when they shall become conquerours. To close, the sum of my opinion tends to this: That I could be content to endure the injuries to me and mine, if they would but forget thy were done, or were prepared, together with us, to revenge Caesars death. I belive not that any Embassadours will come; whence the war comes, and, when it comes, what it will require, I would fain know.

When as the Embassadours that were sent from the Senate to Antonius for the setling of a peace, could do no great good in it, the whole people of Rome (even those that did not go to the war) put on their souldiers cassockes: and making a general muster thorough all Italy, the armies of A. Hirtius and Caius Caesar the Proptaetour, were sent against him, [Cicero, Philip. 6, 10, 13. Livy, lib. 118. Appian. lib. 3. pag. 567. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 311, 312.] from the undertaking of which Expedition against M. Antonius, Eusebius and Cassiodorus seem to derive the Principality of Caesar Octavianus, assigning unto it, 56 years and 6 moneths.

Caius Antonius was overcome in a battle that was fought by the River Byllis with Cicero's son a Captain of Brutus; and a little after, his souldiers yeilded up both him, and themselves to Brutus, and Brutus a long time very honourably entertained Antonius, even so far, that he did not take from him the ensignes of his Magistracy, [Plutarch in M. Bruto.]

M. Brutus received three Legions of Illyricum, from Vatinius, whom by a decree of the Senate he succeeded in the Province of Illyricum; besides one that he took from Antonius in Macedonia, and four other, which he himself had gathered up; so that in all, he had eight Legions, and in them many of C. Caesars old souldiers. Moreover, he had store of horsemen, and light-harnessed men, and archers, and, praising the Macedonians, he exercised them after the Italian manner, [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 632. 633.]

As Brutus was thus gathering souldiers and money, a certain chance out of Thracia offered it self unto him; Polemocratia the wife of a certain King, her husband being slain by his enemies, she being afraid lest some hurt should come to her son, came to Brutus, and commended her son to him, and delivered her husbands treasure to him: he committed the lad to the Cyzicenians to be brought up, until he had leisure to restore him to his fathers kingdom; in these treasures he found great store of gold and silver, which he coined, [ibid. pag. 633.]

C. Cassius, having seized upon Syria, goeth towards Judea, because he heard that the souldiers that were left in Egypt by Caesar, came thither: both those and the Jews also without any great trouble he made of his party, [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 343.] for he circumvented in Palestina Allienus the Lieutenant of Dolabella, as he returned from Egypt with four Legions, before he was aware of him, and forced him to take his side, Allienus not daring to oppose his four Legions against the others eight: and so he was possessed of 12 Legions in all, more than he looked for, besides some Parthian horsemen, that were archers; for he was in great account with that Nation, ever since the time that he was Quaestor to Crassus, and esteemed by them to be wiser than the General himself, [Appian. lib. 3. pag. 576. & lib. 4. pag. 623, 624.]

As soon as he had received these forces that A. Allienus had brought out of Egypt, he wrote these letters to Cicero concerning these forces, [lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 11. 12.] dated on the Nones of March, from the Camp at Tarichaea in Galilee.

C. Cassius Proconsul, sendeth hearty commendations to M. Tullius Cicero.

IF thou art in good health, it is well, I indeed am in health: Know that I am come into Syria to the Generals, L. Murcus, and Q. Crispus; both valiant men, and good citizens, who as soon as they heard what things were done at Rome, delivered the armies over to me: they together with me govern the Commonwealth with a constant resolution. Know also, that the Legion that Q. Caecilius Bassus had, came unto me. Know also, that the four Legions that p. 690A. Allienus brought from Egypt, were delivered over to me by him. I do not think that you want any incouragement, to defend both us being absent, and the Commonwealth, as much as lies in your power: I would have you know, that there is not wanting to you and the Senate strong aides, that thou mayest defend the Commonwealth with great hopes and a constant mind. Other things L. Carteius my familiar friend shall treate with you of.

Farwell. Dat. the Nones of March, from the Camp at Tarichea.

After these things, Cassius dismissed Bassa, and Crispus, and the rest that would not serve under him, doing them no injury at all: but to Statius Murcus, he left that dignity intire, that he came to him with, and also committed the charge of his Navy to him. Thus Dio, [lib. 47. pag. 343.] although it appeareth out of Cassius his own letters to Cicero, that Crispus firmly adhered to him, [lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 11. & 12.]

Cassius exacted from Judea 700 talents of silver, (not of gold, as it is read in the 45 Chapter of the Jewish Histories, set forth in Arabick, by the Parisiens, in the Bible of many languages.) But Antipater seeing the Common-wealth in trouble, and fearing Cassius his threats, appointed two of his sons to gather part of the mony, and Malichus a Jew, that was an enemy of his, to gather another part, and some others another part. But Herod bringing first of all an 100 talents from Galilee, which belonged to his government, was much in Cassius his favour; for it was accounted wise councel, to seek to get, even then, the favour of the Romens, at the charge of other men: but under the other Governours, the Cities were set to sale, with the inhabitants; of which, four of the chief were, Gopha, Emmaus, Lydda, and Thamma, for the common people of these Cities he put to port sale: he was also so much enraged, that he was about to put Malichus to death, but that Hyrcanus, sending an 100. talents by Antipater, appeased his fury. [Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 9. & Antiquit. lib. 14. cap. 18.]

Caesar Octavianus finished the war against Antonius, that was committed unto him, in three moneths. [Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 10.] Which war was so well managed by him about Mutina, when as he was but twenty years old; that Decimus Brutus was freed from besieging, and Antonius was forced to forsake Italy by a dishonourable flight, and without his baggage. [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 61.] concerning which battle Cecero is to be consulted in his XIV. Philippicks, and Ser. Galba, who was in the battle, in his letters to him. [lib. 10. ad familiar. epist. 30.] in the beginning of which, he shews that it was fought on the XVII. Kalends of May, so that from the third day after the victory of Mutina, they seem to begin the principality of Caesar Octavianus, who have attributed to it 56 years, four moneths, and one day, as may be seen in Theophilus Antiochenus, in his book to Autolycus, and Clemens Alexandrinus, lib. 10. Stromatum, if the errours of the Printer of him be corrected, which there puts the number of the years, 46 for 55.

A. Hirtius the Consul (the writer of the Alexandrian and African war, that was managed by Julius Caesar) died in the battle: the other Consul Pansa also, a little after, died of his wounds. [Cicero. lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 25. Dio. Brutus, ibid. lib. 11, epist. 9. Liv. lib. 119. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2, cap. 61, &c.] From whence in this verse, both T…bullus assignes the birth-day. [lib. 3. Elegye. 5.] and Ovid. [Tristium. lib. 4. Elegic, 10.]

Quum cecidit fato C…nsul utterque pari.

When both the Consuls fell with equal Fate.

Both the armies of the slain Consuls obeyed Caesar. [Eutrop. lib. 7. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18.]

The Senate shewed it self little gratefull to Caesar, who alone survived of the three Generals: who in a Tryumph that was decreed to Decimus brutus, being freed from the siege at Mutina by Caesar, made no very honourable mention of Caesar and his army. [Livy, l…b. 119. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 62.] Embassadors also being sent to the army, were commanded to speak to the souldiers, when he was out of the way; but the army was not so ungrateful as the Senate was: for when as Caesar dissembling, bare this injury, the souldiers professed they would not hear any commands, except their Generall were present, yea, without doubt they had taken the Legions from him, which he had, but that they were afraid openly to decree this, because they were not ignorant of the love of the Souldiers towards Caesar. [Patercul. ibid. Dion. lib. 46. pag. 317, 318.]

The Tarsenses of their own accord called Dolabella into Cilicia, as also them of Laodicea did into Syria. [Cassius Parmensis. ad Ciceron. lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 13.]

p. 691Dolabella being about to leave Asia, sent five Cohorts into Chersonesus, to be seized upon by Brutus, without any great hazard (who had five Legions, very good Horse, and great Auxiliaries) [Cicero. lib. ad Brutum, epist. 2. dat. 12. or 14. Kalends of May.] And he himself went out of Asia by land with two Legions; and Lucus Figulus followed him with the navy. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 624.]

On the V. Kalends of May, when as there were divers opinions in the Senate, concerning making war upon them, that were adjudged enemies of the State. Servilius, a Tribune of the people, was of opinion that Cassius should make war upon Dolabella, to which Caesar assented; and decreed moreover that M. Brutus also should pursue Dolabella, if he thought it profitable, and for the good of the Common-wealth; and that he should do what he thought was best for the Common-wealth. But concerning Cassius there was nothing decreed, neither as yet were there any letters come to Rome from him. [Cicero, lib. ad Brutum, epist. 5.] The reasons of the delay, of which Cassius himself shews in his letters to Cicero. [lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 12.]

Dolabella coming into Cilicia, had Tarsus freely yielded unto him, and overcame also some forces of Cassius his, that were in Egae. [Dion. lib. 47. pag. 344.]

Cassius was then in Palestine, [Id. ibid.] from whence he wrote his second letter to Cicero, dated the Nones of May from the Camp. [lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 12.] In which writing concerning the state of his own affairs, he saith. All the armies that were in Syria I now possesse. I made some stop, whilst I paide the Souldiers those things I promised them, but now I have nothing to hinder me. And then exhorting Cicero that he would defend the dignity, both of his Souldiers, and also of the Generals, Murcus and Crispus, he adds. I have heard by letters that were written, that Dolabella was come into Cilicia with all his forces; I will go into Cilicia, whatsoever I shall do, I will do my endeavour to give you speedy notice of it; I willingly wish, that we may deserve well of the Common-wealth, and so we shall be happy.

As soon as Cassius left Judea, Malichus practiced Antipaters death, supposing by his death, they should more firmly provide for the security of Hyrcanus his government: whose counsels Antipater having an inckling of, went beyond Jordan and gathered an army, both of the inhabitants there, and of the Arabians: but Malichus being a politick man, denied that he intended any treason, swearing before Antipater and his sons, that never any such thing came into his minde, especially seeing that Phasaclus had a Garrison in Jerusalem, and Herod had the army at his command: and so was reconciled to Antipater, Murcus being President of Syria, who afterward understanding that Malichus went about to make some innovations in Italy, there wanted but little, that he had put him to death, but spared him at the intreaty of Antipater, [Josoph. lib. Antiquit. 14. cap. 18.]

Cassius and Murcus, having gathered an army, made Herod Governour of all Coelosyria; and delived to him great forces both of Foot and Horse and Ships at sea: and promised him also the kingdom of Judea, after the war was ended that they had had against Antonius and young Caesar, [Id. ibid. cap. 19.]

Cassius made many Tyrants in Syria. Marion also the Tyrant of the Tyrians being left by Cassius, exercised tyranny in Syria; and disposing Garrisons there, seized upon three Castles in Galilee that confined upon it, [Joseph. lib. belli. 1. cap. 10. & lib. Antiquit. 14. cap. 21.]

A certain Cytheraean wrote to Satrius the Lieutenant of C. Trebonius, that Dolabella was killed by Tullius and Dejotarus, and that his army was routed: whose Greek Epistle concerning which businesse, Brutus sent to Cicero, the XVII Kalends of June, [lib. ad Brutum, epist. 6.] but it was a false report.

For Dolabell… passing out of Asia into Cilicia, from thence went into Syria: where being refused to enter into Antiochia by the Garrison that defended the City, [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 344.] he many times …tempted to enter it by force, but was alwayes repulsed with losse. Wherefore having lost about an 100 men, and leaving behind him many sick, he fled by night from Antiochia towards Laodicea. That night almost all the souldiers that he had enrolled in Asia lest him, of whom, some returned to Antioch, and yeilded themselves to them, that Cassius had left there to command the City; some came down the Hill Amanus into Cilicia, of which number 30 came into Pamphilia, who said it was reported, that Cassius with all his Forces was but four dayes journey, just at the time when Dolabella was coming thither, [P. Lentulus, ad Cicero. lib. ad familiar. epist. 15.]

Dolabella having intelligence concerning Cassius his forces, came to Laodicea a City that was his friends, seated in a Peninsula, and where it looked toward the Continent, well fortified, and towards the Sea, having an Haven very convenient for bringing in provision abundantly, and also very opportune for sailing whensoever or wheresoever p. 692they would go out. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 624.] This City he took without any assault, the citizens truly yeilding themselves to him, for the love they bare to the former Caesar, [Dio. l…b. 47. pag. 344.]

At Jerusalem, when Antipater feasted at Hyrcanus his house, Malichus corrupting the Kings Butler, poisoned Antipater, and gathering a band of souldiers, seized upon the Government of the City: but Phasaelus and Herod being grievously incensed, Malichus stifly denied all things. But Herod had a great mind presently to revenge his fathers death, and to raise an army for that purpose; but Phasaelus thought it better to circumvent him with policy, lest he should seem to be the beginner of a civil war: he therefore accepting of his justifications, made as though he did believe, that he was not conscious of his fathers death, and set himself to furnish the Monument that he had built for his father, [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 19.]

Mean while, Herod coming to Samaria, and finding it in a desperate estate, restored the same, and pacified the dissentions that were among the inhabitants; and not long after the feast of Pentecost approaching, he also came into the City of Jerusalem with souldiers: of whom Malichus being afraid, perswaded Hyrcanus not to suffer him to enter: which thing Hyrcanus did, saying, that amongst the holy people, it was not lawful to bring in a mixt multitude of profane men: But Herod making small account of this denial, entred the City by night, and mightily terrified Malichus. Whereupon, according to his wonted dissimulations, he openly bewailed with teares the death of Antipater as his great friend: wherefore it was thought meet by Herods friends to take no notice of this dissembling, but curtuously again to entertain Malichus: but Herod by letters certified Cassius of his fathers death; and he that very well knew what conversation Malichus was of, wrote back unto Herod, that he might revenge his fathers death, and secretly also gave order to the Tribunes that were at Tyre, that they should be aiding to Herod in his so just undertakings, [Id. ibid. cap. 19. & 20.]

In Gallia, the IIII Kalends of June, M. Lepidus joyned himself with M. Antonius. [Plancus ad Ciceron. lib. 10. ad familiar. epist. 23.]

D. Lentulus, the Proquestor of Asia, and Propretour extraordinary, when he saw that Brutus foreslowed his coming inro Asia, and that Dolabella was departed out of Asia, he thought it best for him to return as soon as he could out of Macedonia to his office, that he might exact the tribute that was behind, and gather up the mony that he had left there, and send it to Rome: but in the mean while, as he was sailing about the Islands, it was told him, that the Navy of Dolabella was in Cilicia, (al. Lycia) and that the Rhodians had many ships furnished, and already lanched: wherefore he, with those ships that he had, or which Patiscus, the ordinary Praetour of Asia had provided, returned to Rhodes, trusting to the Decrte of the Senate, by which Dolabella was adjudged an enemy, and to the league that was renewed with the Rhodians; but so far off was it, that the Proquestors would strengthen his Navy with their convoy, that by the Rhodians, the souldiers were forbidden to come into the City, or Port, or Rode, yea, they were kept from provision of victuals, yea, water it self, and very hardly themselves were admitted into the City, with each his cock-boat. But Lentulus being brought into their City, and the Senate, could obtain nothing of them: of which both in his publick letters to the Senate, as in his private to Cicero, be greatly complained. [lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 14, 15.]

Whilst that Lentulus and Patiscus were deteined at Rhodes, Sex. Marius, and C. Titius, the Lieutenants of Dolabella, knowing of their coming, presently departed from the Navy from Cilicia, (al. Lycia) and fled way in a Gally; leaving their ships of burden, for the gathering together of which▪ they had spent much time. There were of these above an hundred, and the least of them were of 2000 Tuns in burden, which Dolabella had provided for this purpose, that if his hopes of Syria and Egypt were frustrated, that he might go aboard them with all his Souldiers, and all his mony, and go directly into Italy, and joyn himself with the two Antonies that were brethren: therefore Lentulus and Patiscus coming thither from Rhodes, with the ships that they had, took all those ships of burden, and restored them to the right owners. From thence they pursued the Navy that fled as far as Sida, the utmost country of the Province of Asia, whither they knew that some of Dolabella's fleet were fled, and that the rest were sailed into Syria and Cyprus, (al. Egypt) which being scattered, when Lentulus heard that Cassius had a very great fleet that was ready prepared in Syria, he returned to his office. [P. Lentul. ut supra.]

But Patiscus and Cassius Parmensis from the sea coast of the Province of Asia, and from all the Islands they could, got together a fleet: they presently got Marriners together, though the cities were very disobedient: They pursued the fleet of Dolabella, which Lucilius commanded; who putting them in hope that he would yield, yet never slacking his sailing, at last he came to Corycus in Pamphilia, and there burning p. 693the Haven kept himself within: wherefore they leaving Corycus, thought it better to come into Cassius his Camp, and because another Fleet that Tullius Cimber had provided the year before in Bithynia, of which Turulius the Quaestour was Admiral, followed them, and so they came to Cyprus, [Cassi. Parmensis, ad Ciceron. lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 13.]

Concerning the affairs of Dolabella, and of his coming to the City of Laodicea, there are extant two Epistles written to Cicero [in lib. 12. ad familiar.] viz. the fourteenth from P. Lentulus, from Pamphylia, the fourth Nones of June (not Kalends) as manifestly appears, out of the following Epistle to the Senate, to which that refers us, which was dated at Perga, and the thirteeneth that was afterwards sent from Cassius on the Ides of June from Cyprus. In the first he thus related the straites that Dolabella was in, being received into Laodicea. I hope I shall quickly bring him to punishment, for neither hath he any place to flee to, nor can he resist so great an army as Cassius hath. The other Epistle of Cassius (if I be not mistaken) Parmensis, who was also one of the murderers of Julius Caesar, and wrote that taunting letter to Octavianus, mentioned by Suetonius in Octavio. cap. 4. not of Cassius Longinus, who then bare the title of Proconsul of Syria; ef whom also he makes mention in the end of this Epistle: where also we have more exactly represented by him, the condition of Dolabellas Camp in these words. The Tarsenses, very bad allies, and the citizens of Laodicea, much more mad, of their own accord sent for Dolabella: from both which cities, by a number of Greek souldiers, he hath gotten a kind of an army; he hath placed his Camp before the city of Laodicea, and hath broken down part of the wall; and so joyned his Camp to the Town. Our Cassius with ten Legions, and twenty companies of Auxiliaries, and 4000 Horse, hath his Camp at Palium within twenty miles, and he thinkes he may overcome him without once striking stroke; for wheat is now at three tetradarachmes in Dolabella his Camp, and unlesse he hath gotten some supply by the shipping of Laodicea, he must of necessity shortly perish by famine; but that he cannot supply himself, a great Navy that Cassius hath, which Quintilius Rufus commands, those that I, Turulius, and Patiscus, have brought, will easily perform.

When as Dolabella had been at Laodicea some time in good power, especially his Navy, following him so suddenly out of Asia, he went to the Aradians to receive from them both money and shipping: in which place being surprised with a few, he brought his condition into great danger; for as he fled, he met with the army of Cassius, and being overcome in fight by him, he retired to Laodicea, [Dion. lib. 47. pag. 344.]

Cassius, fearing that Dolabella might escape from thence, raised a Rampire two furlongs in length crosse the Isthmus, with stones and materials brought from the Villages that were without the City, and from Sepulchres; and by his messengers desired ships from Phoenicia, Lycia, and Rhodes: but being flighted of all of them, except the Sidonians, he ingaged in a Sea-fight with Dolabella, in which, after the losse of many ships on both sides, five together with all the Mariners were taken by Dolabella, [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 624.]

Then Cassius again sent messengers to those that had slighted his first commands, and to Cleopatra the Queen of Egypt, and to Serapion that commanded her Forces in Cyprus. The Tyrians and Aradians, and Serapion, without the Queens advice, sent as many ships as they had: but the Queen excusing her self that the Egyptians were troubled both with famine and pestilence, sent no aid at all, [Id. ibid. lib. 5. pag. 675.] The Rhodians also and the Lycians, denied they would help any thing toward the civil wars; for even those ships that they had given to Dolabella, were but to this purpose, to convoy him; but they knew not whether he used them in war or no, [Id. lib. 4. pag. 625.]

The Tarsenses endeavoured to keep Tullius Cimber (who was also one of Caesars murderers) from passing the mountain Taurus, as he was hastening to Cassius aid: but by and by being surprised with fear, they, leaving the passages, thinking Cimber had great Forces with him, made an agreement with him: but when afterwards they understood the smallnesse of his Forces, they neither received him into their City, nor supplied him with provision; therefore Cimber thinking it better, to carry his aid to Cassius, than to assault Tarsus, having built a Fort against them, he went into Syria. But the Tarsenses went thither with souldiers, and having seized upon the Castle, they turned their armes against the City Adana, (which being near to them, they alwayes had a controversie with) because they said they favoured Cassius his party: of which Cassius being certified, sent L. Rufus against the Tarsenses, [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 345.]

Cassius, having repaired his Fleet as well as he could, after Statius Murcus with the Navy that he had gotten together was come, twice again fought with Dolabella at Sea; the first upon equal losse on both sides, but in the second fight he had much the better: by land also, having perfected his Rampire, he brough the Ram… to the p. 694walls. Dolabella being thus shut up from bringing of any necessaries either by sea or land, for very want of provision made a sally, but was presently beaten back into the Town. [Id. ibid. Appian. lib. 4. pag. 625.]

Casslus, whenas he could not corrupt with money the watch by night, whom Marsus commanded, corrupted them that kept guard by day whom Quintius commanded, so that whilst Marsus slept by day, he is let in by some lesser ports, the city being taken, Dolabella offered his throat to cut to one of his guard, commanding him that when he had cut off his head, he should provide for his own safety: he did as he was commanded, but withall cut his own throat. [Appian. ibid. cum lib, 5. pag. 673.] We read in the first Suasory of M. Seneca, that Deillias (or Q. De…lias the Historian) was about to go from Dolabella to Cassius, to agree for his own safety, if he should kill Dolabella.

And thus Dolabella was forced to death by Cassius at Laodicea, [Livy lib. 12. Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 752. Vellei, Prtercul. lib. 2. cap. 69. Dio. lib. 47, pag. 345. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18.] with whom Marsus also laid violent hands upon himself. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 625.] and also M. Octavins the Lieutenant of Dolabella, Cassius afforded them buriall, although they cast out Trebonius unburied, and those also that had followed the camp, although they were declared enemies at Rome, he both gave them quarter and impunity, neither punished he them of Laodicea any more, than by imposing a sum of money upon them, [Dio. ut supra.] although Appian saith that he plundred both the temples and treasury, and exacted very grievous tribute of the rest, and that he put to death every noble man, so that he brought the city to most extream misery. [pag. 625. 626.]

Cassius commanded the army of Dolabella, to take the military oath to him. [App. ibid. pag. 625.] and then went to Tarsus, and seeing the Tarsenses had already yeilded to Rufus, he amerced them in all the private, and publick money, and laid no other punishment upon them. [Dio. ut supra. pag. 345.] but he laid a most heavy tax upon them of 1500 talents, whereupon for want of money, they, when the souldiers violently exacted it, were fain to fell all their publick and sacred ornaments, breaking down the pageants and the dedicated things, and when these were not enough to pay the sum, the magistrates sold those that were free born, first virgins and boyes, afterwards women and old men were sold for very little, and after that young men of whom many killed themselves. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 625.]

Whenas after the taking of Laodicea, the governours came from every place together, bringing Crownes and presents to Cassius: Herod expected that Malichus should be here punished for the murder committed on his father Antipater, but he conceiving a suspicion of this thought to make the Phaenicians about Tyre to undertake some greater matters; and because his sonne was kept in that city as an hostage, he thought to steale him away privately into Judea: and whilst Cassius was busied in the war against Antonius, to stir the Nation of the Jews to revolt from the Romans, and to depose Hyrcanus, and get the Kingdome for himself: but Herod being politick, having understood of the treachery, invites both him and Hyrcanus with their companion to supper; at which time he sent one of his servants under colour to provide for the banquet, but indeed he sent him to the Tribunes, that they might set upon Malichus with their weapons, they mindfull of the commands of Cassius, went forth, and finding him neer the city on the shoar, ran him through and killed him, at which Hyrcanus being astonished, fell in a swoune, and being scarcely come to himself, he asked who killed Malichus, and when one of the Tribunes answered, that it was done by Cassius his command, he said, truly Cassius hath preserved me and my country, in killing him that was a traitour to both, but whether herein, he spake as he thought, or through fear approved the fact, it is uncertain. [Joseph. lib. bell. cap. 9. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 20.]

The day before the Kalends of July, M. Lepidus is judged an enemy of the state, (for entertaining of Antonius) and also the rest that had revolted from the commonwealth; but yet there was power given to come in before the Kalends of September, thus Cicero wrote to C. Cassius the kinsman of Lepidus, [lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 10.] adding this moreover. We had gallantly overcome, had not Lepidus, en…rtained Antonius after he was pillaged, disarmed and flying, wherefore Antonius was never so much hated by the city as Lepidus, he raised war from a commonwealth that was in troubles, but Lepidus when it was in peace and quiet.

In the same epistle Cicero sheweth that he received letters from Cassius, dated from the camp the Nones of March, in which he s…gnified that he held Syria, and that he prepared for his expedition into Cilicia against Dolabella, but of the successe of the expedition, and of the mischance of Dolabella, as yet there was no newes at Rome: he had written to Caesar of his returning into favour, as in likemanner Brutus had done to the Senate concerning the state of affaires. [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 343.] for Brutus himself also, in his letters sent to Caesar, perswaded him to resist Antonius, and to agree p. 695with him, [id. ibid. pag. 340.] but in his letters to Cicero, he declared another manner of courage, for when Cicero had wrote to Caesar; that there was one thing desired and expected from him, that he would let those citizens live in quiet, whom good men and the people of Rome thought well of. Brutus in a rage wrote thus back again to Cicero; What if he will not, shall we not be? it is better not to l…ve, than to live by his means. I, by my troth, do not think all the gods, to be so averse from the safety of the people of Rome, that Octavius must be intreated for the safety of one private Citizen, I will not say for the deliverers of the whole World. [lib. ad Brutum. epist. 16.]

The Senate being being certified of the affairs of Cassius, confirmed unto him the government of Syria, (which he then held) and committed to his care the war against Dolabella, (which they knew to have been already ended) [Dio, lib. 47. pag. 343, 344.] And so all governments beyond sea are committed to the disposal of Brutus and Cassius: and there was a command likewise, that all the Provinces and armies from the Ionian sea, to the east, who obeyed the Romans, should be obedient to these two: and moreover, appointing all things that they had done, and praising those armies that had yielded unto them, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. cap. 62, cum Appian. lib. 3. pag. 567, 568.]

Octavius, seeing the acts of the Senate manifestly to tend to the advantage of the Pompeian party, and to the detriment of the Caesarians; and thinking it a disgrace to him, that Decimus Brutus, and not he, was chosen General, for the war against Antonius: hiding his discontent, he demanded a Triumph for the victory at Mutina: and being slighted by the Senate, as though he demanded greater matters than were fit for his age; and fearing least that if Antonius should be utterly vanquished, he should be the more slighted, he began to have some thoughts of agreeing with him, according to the advice of Pansa, upon his death-bed. [Appian, lib. 3. pag. 568.] Which agreement with him was made by M. Lepidus. [Liv. lib. 119. Oros. 6. cap. 18.]

Between these three therefore there was a society of power begun, by the commerce of letters that passed between them, and mention of conditions made in them: and when Antonius warned Caesar, how great enemies the Pompeian party were to him, and to what an height they were come, and how Brutus and Cassius were extolled by the means of Cicero. He declared unto him, that he would joyn his forces with Brutus and Cassius, who were Commanders of 17 Legions, if he refused his alliance. He said moreover, that Caesar ought more to revenge the death of his father, then he the death of his friend: and by the advise and intreaty of the armies, there was an affinity made between Antonius and Caesar, the daughter in law of Antonius, being betroathed to Caesar, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 65.] to wit, Claudia, the daughter of Fulvia, by a former husband, P. Clodius, who was scarce marriagable. [Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 62.]

When the agreement was made with M. Antonius, M. Lepidus, Octavianus sent 400 Souldiers to Rome, to demand the Consuls ship for him in the name of the army: and when the Senate made some doubt, Cornelius a Ce…tn…ion, the chief man of that message, casting his souldiers coat behind him, and shewing his swords hilt, stuck not to say openly in the Court, This shall do it, if you will not do it: and being compelled by his Souldiers, went towards Rome with them. [Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 26. Appian. lib. 3. pag. 582. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 319.]

Whilest he was in his journy, the Praetors placed guards in divers places of the city, and seized upon Janiculum, with a guard of souldiers they had already in the city, and with two Legions that had come from Africa. But when he was entred the city, the Praetors came down from Janiculum, and yielded both themselves and their souldiers unto him. The Legions of their own accord delivering their Ensignes unto him. [Appian. ut supra. 584, 585. Dio. pag. 320.] And in the monethmonth of August, the Legions that were brought from Janiculum, followed the conduct and protection of Octavian; as it is in the Decree of the Senate in Macrobius. [lib. 1. Saturnal. cap. 12.]

In the first day of the chusing of Consuls, as Octavian was taking a…gury in Mars his field, there appeared six Vultures to him, and there being created Consul, and speaking to the Souldiers out of the Rostra, there appeared again six, or as some say, twelve Vultures, as there did to Romulus in his Auguries, when he was about to build Rome, from whence he conceived hope that the Monarchy should come to him. [Juli…s Obsequens, de Prodigiis, Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 95. Appian. 3. pag. 586. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 320.] He being chosen consul, with him, they fled also to Quintus Pedius his colleague; who gave him his portion out of the inheritance of Julius Caesar. [Vell…i. Patercul. lib. 2. ca. 95. Appian. lib. 3. pag. 586. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 320.]

Livius faith he was created Consul, when he was but XIX. years old. [lib. 119,] but Suetonius more freely wrote that he invaded the Consulship in the XX. year of p. 696his age [in Octavio. cap. 16.] and Eurropius in his 7 book, which also Plutarch confirms out of Octavianus his own commentaries, thus writing in Brutus, his army being planted about the city, he received the Consul-ship, being scarce come to mans estate being but twenty yeares old, as he relates in his own commentaries; that he was made Consul, the day before he was twenty years old, on the X Kalends of October, Velleius Paterculus wrote, [lib. 2. cap. 65.] but yet Velleius was mistaken in the assigning the day of his entring upon the Consulship, for there wanted an whole month and five daies for the full compleating of the twentieth year of Octavianus, for neither in the month of September in which he was borne, but in August he first obteined the Consulship, from whence the month Sextilis was called August, as it is man fest out of Suetonius, [in Octavio. cap. 31. Dion. lib. 55. pag. 552,] and from the decree of the Senate produced out of Macrobius. [lib. 1. Saturnal. cap. 12.]

And indeed Dio noted that on the 19 day of the month of August, he was both made Consul the first time, and that he died the same day. [lib. 56. pag. 590.] from whence the observation of the overcurious in Tacitus, [lib. 1. Annal. cap. 9.] arose: that the same day was the beginning of his acceptance of the Empire, and the last of his life, his empire being not ill derived from this first Consul-ship, which he extorted from the Senate against their will, as it is in Tacitus, [lib. 1. Annal. cap. 10.] and laid it down at his own pleasure; although in dissimulation he gave thanks to the Senate; and …eigned that he aceounted it a benefit, that those things that he extorted by force, as if they were offered to him of their own accord; and the Senatours bragged, that they had conferred these things upon him of their own accord: and this moreover they gave to him, whom they vouchsafed not the Consul-ship, that after his Consul-ship should be ended, as often as ever he went to the army, he should alwaies have precedency of the Consuls, and they commanded the other armies to obey him, whom they threatned to punish, because he had gathered forces by his own private authority, and they added also the Legions of Brutus, for disgrace of whom, and for the repressing of whom, the war against Antonius was committed to him; in short the custody of the city was given to his charge, and it was granted withall, that he should have power, even without any prescript form of law, to do whatsoever he would, [Dio. lib. 46. pag. 321.] this power, that he reteined during his life, he bare 56 whole yeares, so that, not without cause Brutus thus gave Cicero this admonition, [in lib. ad Brutum. epist. 4.] I am afraid, least your Caesar will think himself gotten so high by your decrees, that he will scarce come down again, if he be once made Consul.

Octavianus not being content with the former adoption made by the testament of Julius Caesar, got it to be confirmed by a decree of the people, (which Antonius had hindred the year before) in a ful assembly of their wards, and then he took upon him by publick authority the name of C, Julius Caesar Octavianns. [Appian. lib. 3. pag. 586, Dio. lib. 46. pag. 321. 322.]

And presently after by another law newly preferred he absolved Dolabella, (of whose death as yet there was no news brought to Rome,) who was by the Senate adjudged an enemy of the state: and appointed processe for the death of Caesar, [Appian. ibid.] and that it might be thought, that he did nothing by force, but by law, Quintus Paedius his Col…eague in the Consul-ship made the law Paedia; which decreed that all they, that had any hand in the murther of Caesar, should be banished, and their goods confiscate, [Livy lib. 120. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 69. Sueton. in Nerone. cap. 3. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 322.] he appointed L. Cornificius to accuse M. Brutus, and M. Agrippa, to accuse C. Cassius: who being absent were condemned without any hearing of their cause [Plu…arch. in M. Bruto.] Capito the Eunuch of Velleius Paterculus, one of the Senatours order, subscribed to M. Agrippa against C. Cassius, [Vellei. Patercul. nt supra.]

Decimus Brutus one of the murderers also of Caesar, being absent was also condemned: by the command of M. Antonius, in the house of a certain guest of his, a noble man, by name Camelius, was slain by Capenus a Burgundian a year and an half after the death of Caesar, [Livy. lib. 120. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 64. Appian. lib. 3. pag. 588. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18.] whom although Cicero saith that he excelled in this kind of vertue, [lib. 11. ad familiar. epist. 21.] that he never was afraid, nor ever disturbed, yet Seneca declares [in epist. k8.] that he betraied a base fear in undergoing death, for the removing of which fear, Helvius Blasio, a man who alwaies loved him, because they were alwaies souldiers together, killed himself, he looking upon him, animating him by his example to endure the taking of his death, [Dio. lib. 46. pag. 325.] Camelius sent the head of dead Brutus to Antonius, who when he had looked upon it, delivered it to his friends to bury it. [Appian. ut supra.]

He was the next that suffered punishment after Trebonius, for the murder of Caesar, whose murderer he was, when as he was the chiefest of his friends, and he thought it fit, to keep those things that he had received from Caesar, but that Caesar must die, who p. 697gave them him; for whilst Caesar lived he was the Master of the Horse, and commanded the farther Gallia. He was also elected Consul by him, in the year next after the Consulship of Hirtius and Pansa, and Governour also of the hither Gallia, [Vellei. Patercul. & Appian. ut supr.]

At the same time also, Minutius Basillus, one of the murderers of Caesar, was killed by his own servants, because in his anger he had guelded some of them, [Appian. & Oros. ut supr.]

M. Brutus, Year of the World 3962 when he had appeased the army that was like to mutiny by the perswasion of C. Antonius, and had left Antonius himself at Apollonia in the custody of one C. Clodius, he went into the higher Macedonia with the greatest and strongest part of his army, and from thence passed on into Asia, that having drawn them as far from Italy as he could, he might then maintain, them by the help of those that were under his authority. Here in Asia he provided himself of many Auxiliaries, as also of Dejotarus, a man that was now very old, and who formerly had denied aid to C. Cassius, [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 340, 341.]

M. Antonius, and M. Lepidus, leaving their Lieutenants in Gallia, went to Caesar into Italy with the greatest and best part of the army, [Dio. lib. 46. pag. 325.] whose three armies heing mustred together at Bononia, an Eagle sitting upon the Tent of Caesar, beate two crowes that troubled her to the ground, all the army marking it, and presaging, that some time or other there would a difference arise between the Colleagues, and that Caesar would get the Victory of them both, [Id. lib. 47. pag. 328. Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 96.]

These three, at Confluences, about Bononia and M…tina, in a certain little Island that is made by the River Lavinius, had private conference for three dayes together, and so made peace amongst themselves, that they should joyntly order the commonwealths affaires for the space of five yeares, [Liv. 120. Florus, l…b. 4. cap. 6. Plutarch, in Cicerone & Antonio. Appian. lib. 4. pag. 589, 590. Dio. lib. 46. pag 325, 326.]

Here by a common decree they appointed these things: That Caesar should deliver over the Consulship to Ventidius for the remainder of the year; and that a new Magistracy of the Triumviri for the avoiding all civil dissentions should be created; and that Lepidus with Antonius and Caesar, should beare the office for five years with consular power. That the Triumviri should forthwith be annual Magistrates for the city for five years. That the Provinces should be so divided, that, Antonius should have all Gallia, as well Togata on this side the Alpes, as Comata on the other side; except the Province of Narbon. That Lepidus should have the command of this, together with Spain. That Africa, together with Sardinia and S…cilia should fall to Caesars share. And thus was the Roman Empire divided among the Triumviri; deferring the division of the beyond sea Provinces, over which Brutus and Cassius commanded. Moreover it was agreed amongst them that they should put to death their enemies, and that Lepidus should for the following year be chosen Consul in the room of Decimus Brutus, and that he should have the Guard of Rome and all Italy; and that Antonius and Caesar should carry on the war against Brutus and Cassius, [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 590. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 326.]

On the third day, the Triumviri entred Rome, every one apart with his Praetorian cohort, and one Legion. When Publius Titius the Tribune of the people, calling an assembly of the Wards, made a law for the creating a new Magistracy, that the Triumviri for the setling of the common-wealth might govern for five years space with consular authority, [Appian. ibid. 592, 593. Dio. lib. 47. pag. 328.]

M. Cicero, upon the coming of the Triumviri, went out of the city, being assured, which also came to passe, that he could no more scape Antonius, than B…utus and Cassius could escape Caesar, [Livius, apud Senecam, in orat. Suasoria. 7.]

M. Aemilius Lepidus, M. Antonius, and Caesar Octavianus, the V Kalends of December, began the Triumvirate, the same was to continue to the dayes before the Kalends of January which were to be six in number (or of the sixth year following) as appeareth out of the Colotian Marble. [in inscription Gruteri, pag. CCXCVIII.] in which time M. Terentius Varro saw Rome rise up with three heads: and from thence Suetonius [in Octavio. cap. 8.] and Eutropius, [lib. 7.] derive the beginning of the Principality of Caesar Octavianus; reckoning almost XII years before the Victory at Actium, from which they begin his Monarchy, to which there were almost 3 moneths wanting.

The VII Ides of the December of that year, in which Caesar Octavianus substituted himself and Quintus Paedius for Consuls in the room of Pansa and Hirtius, Marcus Cicero was killed by some that were sent from M. Antonius, as the Author of the Dialogue of the causes of corrupted eloquence confirms out of the writings of Tiro, a freed man of Ciceros, ascribed to corn. Tacitus. This was the end of his life, who was the p. 698first that in peace deserved the Triumph and Laurel of the Tongue, and was the father of Eloquence and Latine Learning, and (as Caesar the Dictatour wrote formerly of him) that he had obtained a Laurel far beyond all Triumphs, by how much it is a greater matter to have extended the bounds of the Roman Wit, than of the Empire, [Plin. lib. 7. cap. 30.] concerning whom those things are to be seen, which are in Velleius Paterculus, lib. 2. cap. 66. Seneca in Suasorus, orat. VII. and Plutarch in the end of his Cicero,]

Cleopatra, brought no aid to Cassius, although he demanded Auxiliaries of her with threats, [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 675.]

Whilst Brutus was in Asia, Gellius Publicola laid plots against him, and in Macedonia his brother Marcus, sending some for this purpose, endeavoured to get Caius Antonius out of his power; wherefore Caius Clodius that was left Antonius his keeper, when he could not keep him safely, put him to death, using therein his own authority, or by Brutus his command. It is reported, that when Brutus had a great care for the safety of Antonius, after he understood of Brutus his death, took no more care of him: yet he punished not Gellius, although convict of Treason against him; for seeing that Brutus alwayes accounted him amongst the chiefest of his friends, and also knew that Marcus Messala his brother was very neer allied to Cassius, he let him alone, [Dio. lib. 49. pag. 341.]

Brutus as soon as he understood the endeavour of M. Antonius and the death of Caius Antonius, fearing lest there should arise some innovation in Macedonia, went in all haste into Europe, [Id. ibid.]

The Triumviri at Rome decreed a Temple to Isis and Serapis, [ibid, pag. 336.]

When Octavianus had resigned the Consulship, and his colleague Q. Paedius was dead, the Triumviri created Consul P. Ventidius (Bassa) the Praetor, with one C. Curtinus; as may be understood from the inscription in Gruterus, pag. CCXCVII. out of the Colatian marble; and delivered the Praetorship to one that was Aedile, and afterwards deprived all the P…aetours of their magistracy, which office they were to beare five dayes longer; and sending them into Provinces, substituted others in their rooms, [ibid. pag. 335.] whither is to be referred that of Velleius Paterculus, [lib. 2. cap. 65.] This year saw Ventidius, both Consul and Praetor in that city, thorough which he was led in Triumph to Picencium amongst the captives; concerning whom, being led in Triumph, Valerius Maximus is to be consulted, (lib. 6. cap. 9. and A. Gellius, lib. 15. cap. 4. Plinius, lib. 7. cap. 43.) where also he addeth, That he got his living when he was a young man very basely, by providing mules and coaches for the Magistrates that were to go into the Provinces: whereupon these Verses were commonly written thorough all the wayes of the streets.

Concurrite omnes Augures, Aruspices,

Portentum inusitatum confl…tum est recens;

Nam mulos qui fricabat, Consul factus est.

You Augurs, and Auruspices draw neer,

We have an uncouth wonder happ'nd here;

He that rub'd mules doth Salve Consul hear.

In the end of the year, those that were newly elected Consuls Triumphed; L. Munatius Plancus for Gallia, IIII Kalends of January, and M. Emilius Lepidus the Triumvir for Spain, the day before the Kalends of January; as appeareth out of the Marble Records of Triumphs, [in inscr…pt. Gruter. pag. CCXCVII.] Vid. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 67. Appian. lib. 4. pag. 607.

In the fourth Julian year, The Julian Period. 4672 there was a day in February falsly intercalated; Year before Christ 42 seeing that from the February of the first Julian year until that time, there had passed but the space of three years onelyonly: which errour had continued unto the 37 Julian year; for whereas they ought to intercalate one day, which is made of four quarters, every fourth year being ended before the fifth should begin; the Priests did not intercalate it the fourth year being ended, but beginning; and so the year that was rightly ordered by Julius Caesar, by their negligence was disturbed and disordered, [Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 31. Macrobius lib. Saturnal. cap. 14. fin.]

M. Brutus, having setled all things in Macedonia, went back again into Asia, [Dio. lib. 47. pag, 341.] and having carried a great army thither, he provided a Fleet in Bithynia, and at Cyzicum: he went by land and setled all the cities, and heard the complaints of the Governours. [Plutarch, in Bruto.] He set Apuleius that fled to him from the proscription of the Triumviri, over Bythinia, [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 616.]

p. 699The Epistles of Brutus, which he wrote in a Laconick stile te them of Asia, are extant: which Aldus set forth in Greek, and Ranutius Florentius translated and set forth in Latine, Plutarch recites three of them in his Life: The first whereof to the Pergamenians, is to be seen in the beginning of the Collection already published, another to the Rhodians shall here following be exhibited by us; the third and shortest of all, inscribed in the published Greek Copie to the Bythinians, in the Latin Copy of Ranutius to the Galatians: and in Plutarch to the Samians, is after this manner, foreign, Your councel is to no purpose, your obedience to commands are very slow: what do you think will bethe end of these things?

Cassius intended to go into Egypt, having heard that Cleopatra was gone with a great navy to Caesar and Antonius, supposing that by this means he might both hinder and punish; and also desiring to prevent her, being afflicted with famine, and almost without any forraign aide, by reason of the sudden departure of Allienus, with four Roman Legions. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 625. cum. lib. 5. pag. 675.]

He hoping that he should have a fit occasion for this enterprize, Brutus recalled him into Syria, by messenger after messenger. [Id. ibid. Plutarch in M. Bruto.] And being thus withdrawn from the hopes he had in Egypt, he sent again light Horse men, and not without bribes to the King of the Parthians, and sent Lieutenants also with them, to demand greater aides. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 625.]

Cassius, leaving his brothers son in Syria with one Legion, sent his Horse men before him into Cappadocia; who suddenly set upon Ariobarzanes, who took away great store of mony, and other provision. But Cassius returning from Syria, took pity on the Tarsenses, most miserably oppressed, and quitted them from paying any tributes for the future. [Id. ibid. pag. 626.] And his affairs being thus setled in Syria and Cilicia, he went into Asia to Brutus. [Dion, lib. 47. pag. 345. fin.]

After Cassius was gone out of Syria, there arose a sedition at Jerusalem, for Faelix, who was left there (by Cassius) with souldiers, in revenge of Malichus his death, set upon Phasaelus, and the people took up arms. Herod was there with Fabius, the Governour of Damascus; and having a mind to help his brother, was hindred by sicknesse. Notwithstanding, Phasaelus getting the better of Phaelix, first forced him into the Town, and agreeing upon quarter, suffered him to go out: but he was very angry with Hyrcanns, that after the receipt of so many benefits from him, he did favour Faelix, and suffered the brother of Malichus to seize upon some Castles; for he held many, and amongst the rest Massada, a most strong piece. [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 10. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 20.]

Brutus and Cassius were very joyful and confident at the meeting together at Smyrna, in consideration of both their forces there present: for when as they went out of Italy, poor, and without arms, in manner of most abject exiles, who had not so much as one ship rigged, not one Souldier, nor one Town to friend: in a little time they met together with a fleet, and were furnished with Horse and Foot, and mony to pay them, fit to fight for the Roman Empire. Cassius desired to have the same honour with Brutus, and to give him the like, but commonly Brutus prevented him, coming often unto him, because he was the elder, and of a body so fit to endure labour as he was [Plutarch in M. Bruto.]

Here both of them ordered their councels for the war they were to undertake against the Triumviri. [Livy, lib. 122.] and truly Brutus opinion was to go into Macedonia, with their joynt forces, and to put all upon a general battle; for now the enemy had 40 Legions, of which eight were transported over sea to Iconium. On the contrary, Cassius thought the forces of the enemy were contemptible, and that they would want provision for so great a multitude: the best way was to quell the favourers of the adverse faction, as the Rhodians and Lycians, who were strong at sea, least whilst they were setting upon the enemy, they should come upon them behind them; and this opinion prevailed, [Appian. lib. 4. pag, 626.] for they heard say that the Triumviri were busie about setling their affairs at Rome, and they supposed they should have work enough, Sextus Pompeius keeping the rode against them in Sicily, that was so near. [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 346,]

Moreover, then at Smyrna, Brutus desired that he might have part of the mony, of which Cassius had great store: for he declared that he had spent all that he had in providing of a fleet, by which they might have the whole inland sea with their command. But yet Cassius his friends were against his giving him any; denying it was just, that, that we had saved through parsimony, and had gotten together with ill will, should be spent in bribing the Souldiers; yet he bestowed a third part of all things upon him; and so both of them went to their own charge. [Plutarch,]

p. 700When they, either going about themselves, or sending their Lieutenants, drew to their side, those that were not of the same opinion with them, and got together both men and money, they doing this, all those that lived in those parts, and formerly were not so much as spoken to, presently came in to them; only Ariobarzanes, and the Rhod…ans and Lycians, although they did not resist them, yet denied to enter into society with them, these Brutus and Cassius had in suspicion, as though they favoured the adverse party, because they had received so many favours from the former Caesar; and fearing least in their absence they should raise some stirs, and incite the rest not to keep their promise, they determined first of all to set upon them: hoping that they, to whom, they were superiour in power, and on whom they would bestow favours, would easily be brought either by perswasion, or force, into amity with them. [Dio. ut supra.]

As soon as Herod was recovered, he went against the brother of Malichus, and took from him all the Castles that he had seized upon, and himself also in Massada, whom he let go free upon composition, he also recovered three Castles that were seized upon by Masion, the Tyrant of the Tyrians in Galilee, but gave quarter to all the garrison souldiers of the Tyrians; and sent some of them home well rewarded, by this meanes getting himself the love of the city, and hatred of the Tyrant. [Joseph. lib. 1. belli. cap. 10. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 20. 21.]

The Tarsenses, who had resisted Cassius, were commanded by the Triumviti; and hopes given them that they should receive something, …or the losses they had sustained, of them also Cleopatra obteined, in respect of the aid she had sent to Dolabella, that her son, by name Ptolomaeu…, whom she said she had by Caesar, and therefore called Caesarion, should be called King of Egypt. [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 345.]

Brutus demanded men and money of the Lycians, but because Naucrates, an Oratour (foreign) had compelled the cities to a revolt; and they had seated themselves upon some hillocks to keep Brutus from passing ever; first he sent his horse against them, as they were at dinner, by whom there were 600 put to death, afterwards taking some Castles, and smaller Townes, he let them all go free without ransome, that he might get the favour of the nation, but they being refractory, and discontented for the losses they had received, despised his clemency and good will. [Plutarch. in Bruto.]

Brutus overcame in battle the common army of the whole nation of the Lycians, and possessed their camp also, entring it with them that fled; and had many cities yeilded unto him. [Dio. lib. 47, pag. 347.]

Then he besieged the most warlike of them, having forced them within the walls of Xanthum [Plutarch.] they having levelled their walls to the intent that Brutus should have neither retreat nor materials, and having well fortified their city, drave the enemy from the fortifications, having also a ditch of fifty foot deep, and broad according to the proportion of the depth, so that standing upon the banck they could use their darts and arrowes, as if they had been divided by an unfordable river, whilst Brutus endeavoured to get over the ditch, he covered his pioneers with hurdles; and dividing his army in two for to follow the assault by night, and by day; he brought his materials from far, (as it is usually done when the businesse goeth on heartily,) still urging them on to hasten the work, doing whatsoever was to be done with great earnestnesse and labour: wherefore although at the first he thought, he should do no good by reason of the strong resistance of the enemy, or at least should not overcome them in many months, yet neverthelesse he finished his businesse within few daies, for he assaulted the besieged a far off partly with engines, and neer the gate partly with his cohorts, which he continually changed, they being alwaies wearied with fresh men, and wounded likewise yet stood it out manfully, as long as the fortifications held, but they falling, and the Towns being battered with the engines; Brutus perceiving what would come to passe, commanded them that besieged the gate to retreat, which the Xanthian supposing had been done through negligence of the guard, made a sally out by night with torches upon the engines; but the Roman cohorts hasting thither as it was agreed, they presently fled back to the gate: which they that kept it had now shut, least the enemy should break in with them that fled, where was a great slaughter made of them that were shut out. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 633. 634.]

A river ran by the city, this some passed under water and fled, but they were taken again in nets that were let down into the depth, crosse the channell; and had bels that hung at the top of them which gave notice when any one was intangled. [Plutarch. in Bruto.]

The Xanthians sallyed out again about noon, and beating back the guards burnt all the Engines; and seeing that the gate stood open for the foresaid occasion 2000. Romans rushed in together with the Townsmen, and others also entring in pell mel, the Portcullis fell upon them, either by the Xanthians means, or by the breaking of the p. 701ropes, by which it was let down; therefore as many Romans as had broken in, were either beaten down, or shut in, seeing they could not draw it up again without ropes: and being assaulted from above by the Xanthians, they very hardly at length got into the market-place which was nigh, and there they were grievously infested by the Archers; and seeing they had neither bows nor darts, for fear they should be invironed, they fled into the Temple of Sarpedon. In the mean time the Romans that were without, were very solicitous for them that were intercepted. Brutus also running up and down, tryed all things in all places; and seeing they could not break open the Portcullis, and they had lost their ladders and wodden Towns by the fire, yet some presently made ladders, others brought props to the walls, and used them for ladders; some fastning hooks to withs, cast them upon the walls, and as often as any stook fast, they crept up by them. [Appian. lib. ut supra. pag. 634.]

The Oenandenses, their neighbours and enemies, and therefore at that time the Allies of Brutus, climed up the steep rocks, whom the Romans presently imitated with great earnestnesse, and many fell down, their feet failing them; yet some got over the wall, and opened a little gate, before which was a fortification of sharp stakes set thickly; by the help of these, the most daring got up, and now being increased in number, they went to break the gate open, which had no bars to strengthen it; others also endeavoured to do the same on the other side: and seeing that the Xanthians set upon them that were fled into the Temple of Sarpedon, they that both within and without were breaking open the gate, brake it with such furious noise, that they rushed in, in one company, even as the Sun was setting, and gave a great shoute, that this might be a token to them that were shut in. [Ibid. pag. 634, 635.]

The Romans rushing into the Cities, set some houses on fire, the fire first terrified them, before whose eyes these things were done: and to them that were farther off, gave an occasion to think that the City was taken, therefore the neighbours of their own accord, set their own houses on fire, but the greater part killed one the other. [Dio. lib. 4. pag. 347.] For retiring within their own private houses, they killed every one that was dear to them; they willingly offered their throats to be cut. There being a lamentable cry made at that time, Brutus thought the souldiers were sacking the City, which he forbad by publick Cryers: but when he was better informed, pitying the generous disposition of these men, born to liberty, he by messengers invited them to peace: whom they beat back with theis darts; and having first killed all that belonged to them, and laid them on funeral piles, after they had put fire to them, they cut their own throats. Thus Appian, [ut supra. pag. 635.] But Plutarch after this manner.

Brutus being afraid least the City should be spoiled, commanded the souldiers, that they should quench the fire, and to help the City; but a great and incredible desperation suddenly seized on the Lycians, which you may well compare to a desire of death: for both free men and servants, both old and young, with women and children, assailed the enemy from the wall, that came to quench the fire. The Xanthians themselves brought reeds, and all combustible matter to set the City on a flame; and having set fire to it, used all the means they could to encrease it. After all the City was on a light fire, Brutus being grieved for this, went about the City to help it, and stretching forth his hands to the Xanthians intreated them to spare the City, and to preserve it: but none obeyed him, yea, they themselves destroyed themselves by all manner of wayes; not onelyonly men and women, but little children also, with great cryings and howlings threw themselves into the fire, and some headlong from the wall, some offered their naked throats, to the naked swords of their fathers, desiring them to kill them. The City being thus consumed, there was one woman seen hanging by a rope, which had her dead child hanging at her neck, and with a firy torch, with which she let her house on fire; which sight appeared so tragical, that Brutus could not endure to behold it, but when it was told him, fell a weeping, and pronouced a reward to the Souldiers, whoever had saved a Lycian. They reckon but an hundred and fifty, which would take quarter. Thus Plutarch.

Appian writes that Brutus got but some slaves, but of free-born, scarce CL. women, and those wanted husbands to kill them; and he adds that Brutus saved all the Temples he could possibly. [pag. 635.]

Brutus from thence went to Patara, a City which might seem to be the Dock of the Xanthians, where their ships were laid up, and denounced unto them that they should yield unto him, or expect such a destruction as the Xanthians had; but the citizens yielded not to the peace that was offered unto them; for the servants having newly gotten the liberty, and the freemen that were poor having newly all their debts cancelled, resisted the pacification. Therefore Brutus sent the Xanthians that he had taken p. 702captive unto them, because they were akin to each other, who by seeing their miserable condition, should exhort them to change their purposes; who seeing they were never the more altered from their stiffnesse, although he had granted as a gift to every one his kindred, he permitted them the rest of the day for consultation, and so withdrew himself; but yet he the next morning brought his Forces thither again, [Appian. ibid. Dio. lib. 47. pag. 347.] and setting up a cage in a safe place under the wall, he sold the chief of the Xanthians, bringing them out one by one, if by chance this might move the Patarenses; but when they would not yeild for all this, having sold a few of them, he let the rest go free, [Dio. ibid.]

When also he had taken captive the women of Patara, he let them also go free without any ransom, who having told their husbands and fathers who were of the chief men, that Brutus was a most modest and just man, they perswaded them, that they should yeild, and deliver up the Town to him, [Plutarch.] and he entring the Town, neither put any to death, nor banished any one: but yet commanded all the publick gold and silver to be brought to him; he exacted also every ones particular treasure, propounding a punishment to them that denied it, and a reward to them that brought it forth, [Appian. pag. 636.]

Here a servant betrayed some gold that was hid by his Master, and shewed it to a Centurion that was sent for that purpose; and when they were all brought forth, the Master was silent; but his mother, that she might save her son, followed crying, that she had hid the money: the servant unasked, said that she lyed, and that the other hid the money: But Brutus having commended the young mans patience, and the mothers piety, dismisled them both with the gold, but hung up the servant, who against all equity betrayed his Master, [Id. ibid.]

At the same time also, Lentulus was sent to Andriaca, which was the dock of the Myrenses, and having broken the chaine with which the mouth of the Haven was barred, he went to the Praetor of the Myrenses; whom when Brutus had dismissed, the Myrenses yeilded, and paid the money imposed upon them, [Appian. & Dio. ut supr.] And after the same manner, all the whole Nation of the Lycians was reduced; and sending Embassadours to Brutus, promised they would send both men and money to their power, whom they had found so bountiful and indulgent beyond all expectation. For sending home all the free-borne of the Xanthians, he imposed upon the Lycians onelyonly, an 150 talents, neither used he towards them any other voilence, [Plutarch, Appian. Dio.]

And thus Brutus conquered the Lycians, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 70.] amongst whose Epistles this is reported to be one, to the Rhodians. We have extreamly punished the Xanthians, when they revolted from us; for putting them to death even to the little ones, we destroyed the city with fire and sword. To the Patarenses who were faithful to us, we have released their tributes, and granted them their freedom, and to live after their own laws: and we have given them 50 talents towards the rebuilding of those things that were demolished. You have libetty to provide for your selves, and to see, whether you will be accounted enemies as the Xanthians, or friends as the Patarenses. But in Plutarch this Epistle is much more concise; thus. The Xanthians contemning our bounty, have made their country the Sepulchre of their desparation. The Patarenses who have submiited unto me, want not their liberty in governing their common-weneth; therefore it is in your power, either to chuse the opinion of the Patarenses, or the fortune of the Xanthians.

The Rhodian Noble men feared to contend with the Romans, but the common people were in high conceit of themselves, being mindful of the ancient Victories they had of other manner of men. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 627.] They trusted so much to their skill in Navigation, that they went first to Cassius into the Continent, and shewed to him the fetters that they had brought, as if they would take many of their enemies alive. [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 346.]

Cassius, because he had to do with them that were skilful at sea, exercised at Myndus his ships that he had rigged and furnished with souldiers. Thither the Rhodians sent Embassadours to him, who should intreat him, that neither he would contemn Rhodes who had alwayes revenged the injuries done to her, neither the league that was between the Romans and the Rhodians, by which it is provided in plain terms, that neither people should make war on the other. They sent also Archelaus Embassadour unto him, who had formerly been his Master at Rhodes for the Greek tongue, to demand this of him with more submission; to whom Cassius gave answer, That the league was first broken by the Rhodians, and that he would punish them for it, if they yeilded not presently, [Appian. pag. 626, 627. 630.]

This answer more terrified the wiser citizens; but the people were more moved with the Orations of Alexander and Mnaseas, putting them in mind, with how much greater a Navy Mithridates had inroded Rhodes, and before him Demetrius, two most potent Kings. Whereupon they created Alexander, Prytanis, which is a Magistrate among p. 703them of very great power, and made Mnaseas Admiral. [pag. 627. 628.]

Alexander and Mnaseas, the Commanders of the Rhodians, with 33. choice ships, saile to Myndus, that by this daring, they might put Cassius in fear; and it might by chance be some colour of hope, seeing that having overtaken Mithridates near this Town, they saw an happy end to that war. After they had shewed their skill in sayling, they went to Cnidus the first day. The next day Cassius his souldiers loosed from shore against them that came from sea-ward. [pag. 627, 630.]

Here was a sharp fight between them, the Rhodians with their nimble ships, running hither and thither, sometimes ran through the enemies rancks, sometimes about them: on the contrary the Romans trusting to their great ships, as often as they laid hold on any ship with their iron hooks, by being too strong for them they prevailed, as in a fight at land: but because Cassius had the greater number of ships, the Rhodians could not long dally with their enemies, through their swiftnesse and usual artifices: for whereas they set up them only in front, and then retreated, it did them little good, their enemies still keeping themselves close together. The strokes also of their beaks were of no strength against the heavy ships of the Romans: on the other side, the Roman ships beat those light with a direct assault, until three Rhodian ships were taken, with all the souldiers in them, two being broken, sunck, the rest very much shattered, fled to Rhodes, [pag. 630.]

With this successe the Romans fleet fought with the Rhodian at Myndus [Ibid. cum Dion. pag. 346.] Which fight Cassius beheld from a Mountain; and immediately after he had repaired his fleet, he went to Loryma, a Castle of the Rhodians on the other side of the Continent: from whence he conveyed over his land forces in ships of burden, under the conduct of Fanius and Lentulus; he himself with 80 long ships furnished, to strike a terrour into the Rhodians, both by sea and land, rested himself, expecting if by chance the enemy would leave his fiercenesse. [Appian. pag. 631.]

But they boldly met him again, whom Cassius by the help of Statius (Murcus) overcame, conquering their skill by the greatnesse and number of his ships: and then having lost two ships, they are besieged on every side. [Id. ibid. Dion. pag. 346.]

Immediately all the walls are filled with Souldiers; who might keep Fanius from assaulting them by land, and Cassius with his Navy by sea, not unprovided for invading the walls: for Cassius thinking that some such thing would happen, did bring with him Towns that were folded up, which were there set up. Thus Rhodes, twice beaten by sea, was now assaulted both by sea and land, unprovided, as in a thing they looked not for, to sustein an assault; by which it appeared, it would in short time come into the power of the enemies, being overcome either by arms or famine: and this was known to the wiser of the Rhodians, there having passed secret conference between them, and Fanius and Lentulus: and seeing that Cassius was suddenly come into the middest of the City with his choicest souldiery, it is believed that some lesser portals were opened to him by Citizens that privately favoured him, least the City should be miserably destroyed. [Appian. pag. 631.]

Here Cassius answered the Rhodians, that called him King and Lord, I am neither Lord nor King, but the killer and avenger of a Lord and King. [Plutarch. in M. Bruto.] He sat under a spear for his Tribunall, because he would seem as if he had taken the City by force of arms: and having commanded his army to be quiet, and by his publick Cryers, threatned death to plunderers; he cited before him 50 Rhodian Cityzens, whom he commanded to be put to death, and other 25 not appearing, he banished. [Appian. pag. 731.]

There he dispoiled the Rhodians both of their ships and mony; he scraped together all the gold that belonged either to the Temples or Treasury, yea, he took away all things that were dedicated to the gods, except the Chariot of the Sun. [Id. ibid. Dio. pag. 246.] Neither was he content with all that, but he took privately from the owner, what gold or silver soever he had: denouncing a punishment by a Cryer, if any one hid it, and propounding a reward to them that told of it, to wit, a tenth part, and to the slaves liberty. At the first some concealed their mony, hoping that his threats would go no further than words: but after they saw that rewards were given to discoverers, they desired that the time prefixed might be prolonged: which being granted, some digged up that they had hid in the earth; others drew their mony out of wells, and some again brought more than they hid before. [Appian. pag. 631, 332.] And when as thus he had extorted from private men 8000 talents, and publickly had fined the City in 500 more. [Plutarch. in M. Brut….] He left to the Rhodians remaining nothing but their life. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18.]

This therefore Cassius by a sharp and most prosperous war, took Rhodes, a matter of huge consequence, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 70.] who rejoycing at his sudden overcoming p. 704it and the great store of money, left L. Varus at Rhodes with a Garrison, [Appian. pag. 632.] After this he put to death Ariobarzanes whom he had taken, [Dio. pag. 346. fin.] and commanded a tribute of ten years from all the Provinces of Asia, which he exacted without any abatement, [Appian. 632.]

Then it was told Cassius, that Cleopatra was sailing towards Caesar and Antonius with an huge Navy, and great preparation; she having alwayes before followed that side, for the love she bare to the former Caesar; but then far more eagerly for the fear she had of Cassius: for the invasion of whom, Cassius sent into Peloponesus, Murcus together with one Legion and some Archers in 60 covered ships, to keep the road about the Promontary of Tenarus; but Cleopatra contemning Cassius and Murcus his guard, set sail towards the Ionian Sea: but her Fleet was grievously troubled with a tempest on the coast of Africa, and the tokens of her shipwrack were brought by the waves even into the country of Laconia, and Cleopatra her self fell into a sicknesse, and so returned home, [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 632, 636. cum lib. 5. pag. 975.]

Among Brutus's Epistles, there is one concerning the Victories of him and Cassius, as it were sent to the Coans. Rhodes truly now obeys Cassius, a city rather bold, than strong by her own strength. All Lycia is now at our command, partly conquered in war, and partly for fear of suffering extremities: which choice truly was for their profit; for willingly they chose that, which they must have done in a little time after: Chuse you therefore whether you had rather serve being forced thereto by war, or rather to be called our friends by receiving us.

Brutus being returned from Lycia into Ionium, he did many memorable workes, both in honouring them that deserved well, and in punishing others according to their demerit; and amongst others, Theodorus the Rhetorician, by whose perswasion (as he himself bragged) Pompey the Great was killed, finding wandering in Asia, he put to death, with all manner of torments, [Plutarch, in Bruto, & Pompeio.]

Brutus sent for Cassius to come to Sardes, and as he was coming near there, he went to meet him with his friends: the whole souldiery being ready in their arms, saluted them both Generals: as it is wont to be in great matters between two who have many Captains and Friends, that mutual suspicion and accusations will arise between them. The first thing they did, they two alone went into a private room, and shutting the doors to them, and all men bid w…thdraw, they began amongst themselves first to expostulate, then to argue, and accuse each other: then falling into fear, and to a more free and vehement chiding, their friends wondering at the sharpnesse of this wrath and contention, feared to what issue this would come, [Id. in Bruto.] but all these suspicions, (which each had conceived against other thorough other mens false accusations,) they wisely at length took away. [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 347.]

M. Favonius was then there, (of whom Cicero makes mention of as a familiar friend to Brutus, lib. 15. ad Atticum, epist. 11.) an imitatour a long while of M. Cato, who was a Philosopher, not so much thorough reason, as by some passionate and mad motion; and placed it amongst the least matters to be Consul of Rome: and with a Cynical kind of harsh language which he used, he aleviated the tedium his importunity brought upon many. He then violently thrusting away the porters who forbad him entrance, went into the room where Brutus and Cassius had private conference, with a mimick voyce, pronouncing those Verses that Homer saith Nestor used,

foreign.

At parete ambo, natu me nempe minores;

But both obey, for I your Senior am. and those that follow. This made Cassius laugh, but Brutus thrust him out; calling him foreign and foreign, unlearned dog, and adulterous dog; After this difference was ended, Cassius provided a supper, and Brutus invited his friends thither. As they were going to sit down, Favonius came very trim: Brutus protesting that he came unsent for, and bidding him be gone; but he thrusting in, placed himself at the upper end of the Table between them: and there was at the Feast both mirth and good discourse, [Id. ibid.]

The next day Brutus condemned in publick judgement, and with a note of infamy, L. Pellius, one that had been Praetor, and whose help he had used, being accused of bribery by the Sardians: which deed did not a little touch Cassius, who a few dayes before, onelyonly chastised privately two that were found guilty of the same fault, and absolving them publickly, still made use of them. Whereupon he accused Brutus as too rigidly keeping the laws, and too just, as such a time as he should do but civilly and with humanity: he admonished him again that he should remember the Ides of p. 705March, on which they had killed Caesar, who had not so much vexed all men, as a patrone of them that did it. [Id. ibid.]

Labienus the younger, the son of Titus Labienus, (Caesars Lieutenant in Gallia, being sent by Cassius and Brutus to demand aid of Orodes, the King of the Parthians, remained there a long time with him, without any notice being taken of him, both because the King had no mind to help them, and also because he durst not deny them. [Dio. lib. 48. pag. 371. cum Floro. lib. 4. cap. 9. & Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 78.]

Brutus commanded the whole fleet of the Lycians, to set saile for Abydus, whither also he marched with his land forces; to stay there for Cassius his coming out of lonium, that they might both go to Sestos together. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 636.]

When Cassius and Brutus were about to passe out of Asia into Europe, and to transport their army into the opposite continent; an horrible spectacle is said to be shewed to Brutus; for in the dead of the night, when the moon shined not very bright, and all the army was in silence, a black image of an huge and horrid body, standing by him silently is said to offer it self to Brutus, his candle being almost out, but he asking without fear, what either man or god he was, the spirit answered, O Brutus I am thy evill Genius, thou shalt see me again at Philippi, and that he should answer undauntedly, Then I shall see thee: Florus relates these things [lib, 4. cap. 7. Appian. lib. 4. pag. 668.] Plutarch in the end of Caesars life, but more fully in the life of Brutus. where he adds that the next morning he told Cassius what he had seen, and that he expounded to him out of the doctrine of the Epicureans, what was to be thought concerning such spectrals.

Antigonus the son of Aristobulus (the brother of Hyrcanus) invaded Judea, Year of the World 3963 being aided by Ptolomei the son of Mennaeus, and Fabius the governour of Damascus, whom he had made his friend by money, and Masion the Tyrant of the Tyrians, who adhered to him, for the hate he bare to Herod, whom Herod meeting being scarce entred the borders of the Country, drave him from thence, having overcome him in battle, wherefore Hyrcanus honoured him with crownes as soon as he returned to Jerusalem, for already by promise he was accounted of as one of the family of Hyrcanus, being to marry Mariamme (in Syriack called foreign or Mary) born of Alexander the son of Aristobulus (the brother of Hyrcanus, and Alexandra the daughter of Hyrcanus. [Joseph. lib. belli. 1. cap. 10. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 21. cum lib. 15. cap. 9. 11.]

At the gulf Melanes, Cassius and Brutus having mustered their army, there were found in it 80000 foot, and Brutus had of French and Lusitanian horse 4000, of Thracian, Illyrian, Parthia, and Thessalian 2000. Cassius had of Spanish and French 2000; 4000 horsemen that were archers out of Arabia, Media, and Parthia, (for Justin confirmes that the Parthians sent aides hither, [lib. 42. cap. 4.] there followed also Kings that were allies, and Tetrarchs out of Gallograecia, who brought 5000 horse besides foot forces. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 840.]

These met with the army of the Triumviri, M. Antonius and Octavianus Caesar at Philippi, a city of Macedonia, (not lesse famous for Saint Pauls epistle, than for this war:) [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 70.] in like manner on each side there were 19 Legions. Antonius and Caesar had 13, Brutus and Cassius 20000. the Cassi…s, desiring to tire the enemy out with scarcity of provision, for many daies refused the fight; seeing all things were supplied to them out of Asia, and brought neer hand by sea, whereas the enemies were in want in an enemies countrey; for neither the merchants could get any thing out of Egypt, there qeing a great famine there: neither would Sextus Pompeius suffer any thing to be brought out of Spain or Africk, nor Statius Murcus and Domitius Aenobarbus out of Italy, and truely Macedonia and Thessalia, could not long suffice, which then alone maintained the army; on the other side Antonius, that he might hinder the bringing in provision to the enemy behind them out of Thasus, in ten daies space, having privately opened a passage in a narrow fen, erected many Castles with trenches on the farther side; which afterward Cassius by running a trench from his camp to the sea through all the fen, rendred unprofitable to him. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 652. 653.]

The fight then being begun, (from which Caesar and Antonius are said to have withdrawn themselves) the wing that Brutus commanded, beating back the enemy, took Caesars camp; but the wing in which Cassius was, was put to flight and discomfited, and his camp taken by the Antonians; [Florus lib. 4. cap. 7. Vellei. Patercul. ut supra. Plutarch. in Antonio.] there fell of the Cassians 8000 reckoning the servants, that followed the camp, whom Brutus called Brigae of Caesars army Massala Corrinus, who was then present in Brutus camp, and a little after yielded himself to Caesar, saith he thought there were lost twice so many or more. [Plutarch. in M. Bruto. cum Appiano. lib. 4. pag. 655.]

Cassius having lost his Camp, could not returne thither, but went about unto an p. 706hill by Philippi, to take a view what should be done, [Appian. pag. 655.] and supposing that the whole army was discomfited, killed himself, [Livy, lib. 124.] with the same sword he had killed Caesar, as Plutarch relates in the end of his Caesar. Although in another he himself, with others also, say, That his head was cut off by his freed man Pindarus: whom from the overthrow of Crassus in Parthia, he had appointed for such a necessity. [Id. in Bruto. & Antonio. cum Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 70. Appian. pag. 655. Dion. pag. 354.] Of whom Valerius Maximus, lib. 6. cap, 8. P…ndarus newly m…numitted by Cassius, now overcome in the war at Philippi, withdraw him from the insulting of his enemies, by cutting off his head at his own command, who withdrew himself from the sight of men, by a voluntary death; so that his dead body could not be found: which of the gods, the revenger of so great a wickednesse, bound that right hand with such dulnesse, wh…ch was enraged in the murder of the father of his Country, that it should come trembling to Pindarus his knees, least he should pay that punishment, which he had deserved, at the will of the pious Conquerour? Truly thou, Deified Julius, hast exacted the revenge due to thy heavenly wounds, by compelling that head was perfidious against thee, to be made a suppliant to the a…d… of a base man, forced by the rage of mind, that he would not retein his life, nor durst end it by his own hand.

Brutus, having delivered Cassius his Corps to his friends, caused it to be privately buried at T…asus, least the army, by the fight of his funeral, should be provoked to mourning, and be dejected. [Plutarch. in Bruto. Appian. pag. 655. Dio. pag. 354.] Cassius died the very day he was born, [Appian. ibid.] and his servant in the evening came to Antonius, with his souldiers coat, and his sword, which he had newly taken from his body; which being brought him, the Antonians took such courage, that they set the army in battle array, as soon as it was day. [Plutarch ut supra.]

On the same day that the army of Caesar was overthrown in the field at Philippi, the Marthian Legion, and other great forces, that were bringing to Caesar, by Domitius Culvinus out of Italy, were overcome and discomfited by M…rcus and Aenobarbus in the Ionian sea. [Plutarch. in Bruto. Appian. pag. 656, 657.] Of which victory Brutus was ignorant for 20 daies together; all which time the Souldiers of Caesar and Antonius were miredin the fens of Philippi, and very much troubled with au…umnal showres, that followed after the battle, and conjealed into ice. [Plutarch. ibid.] In which time many Germans fled to Brutus: and in like manner Amyntas, the Generall of Doj…tarus, and Rhascipolis the Thracian, left Brutus his party: which when Brutus suspected, in fear of a greater revolt, he determined to put all upon a general battle. [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 355.]

The night before the battle, it is reported, that that ghost cume again to Brutus, in the same manner as before, but spake nothing, and so vanished away: although P. Volumnius, a man given to the study of wisdom, who was then in Brutus his Camp, and wrote other progidies that happened, made no mention of this apparation. [Plutaroh. in fin. Caesaris, & in Bruto. cum. Appiano, lib. 4. pag. 668.]

At this second fight, not onelyonly Antonius was present, b… also Caesar Octavins, though weak and sickly: of whom Ovid touching the things that were done in this Philippick war, in the third book Fastorum.

Hoc opus, haec pietas, haec prima elementa fuerunt

Caesaris; ulcisci justa per arma patrem.

Caesars first work, or worthie action rather,

Was, By just arms he did revenge his father.

And in the fifth.

Voverat hoc juvenis tunc, cum pia sustulit arma;

A tantis princeps incipiendus erat.

Ille manus tendens: adstanti milite justo,

In conjuratos talia verba dedit, &c.

This the youth vow'd, when first to arms he ran,

Being the chief of them he then began.

His stretch't out hand to th' souldiers whilst he shoke,

He, them confederated, thus bespoke.

Brutus being overcome in battle, fled to an hill by night: and on the next day he desired of Strabo Aegeates, an Epirote, with whom there was friendship, by reason that they studied Rhetorick together, that he would lend him his hand towards his death: p. 707and casting his left arme over his head, when as holding the point of the sword in his right hand, and directing it to his left pappe, where the heart beats, and forcing himself upon a wound, so gave up the ghost, being run through at one thrust. [Livy, lib. 124. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 70. Plutarch in M. Bruto. Appian. lib. 4. pag. 665, 666.]

And this was the end of Brutus and Cassius in this war, who being the murderers of Julius Caesar their Emperour, by whom they were saved in the Pharsalian fight, afterwards murdred themselves, [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 667, 668.] being both of them run through with the swords they had killed Caesar, as Dio affirms in the beginning of his 48. book; and the liberty which they so much desired to see restored, they lost by this murder of Caesar, [Florus. lib. 4. cap. 7.] although they, in lesse than two years, had gathered together more than 20. Legions, and about …0000 Horse, above 200. long ships, and other not contemptible preparations, and had extorted huge sums of mony from men, whether they would or not: and being often victours in the wars, they waged with many Cities, and with Nations of the contrary faction, and had the command of all from Macedonia to Euphrates; and whosoever they made war with, they drew them to their society, and made use of their help which were faithful to them, as of Kings and Governours, yea, of the Parthians, although their enemies. [Appian. pag, 666, 667.]

Antonius standing by the corps of Brutus, modestly upbraided him with the death of his brother Caius, put to death by him in Macedonia; but often saying, That he rather imputed the death of his brother to Hortensius, (who was Proconsul of Macedonia) than to Brutus; he commanded Hortensius to be killed upon his grave, [Plutarch in M. Bruto. & M. Antonio.] He cast upn Brutus his body his purple souldiers coat of great price, and committed the care of his funeral to one of his free men, whom afterwards he put to death, when he knew he had not burnt that coat with him, and sent his ashes to his mother Servilia. [Id. ibid. Appian. lib. 4. pag. 668.] But Octavian sent his head to Rome, that it might be bestowed under Caesars statue. [Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 13.] But in the passage from Dyrrachium, a tempest arising, it was cast into the sea. [Dio. lib. 47. pag. 356.]

As many of the Nobility as escaped into Thasus, some sailed from thence, others yielded themselves to the power and mercy of Messala, Corvinus and L. Bibulus; others having agreed for their security with the Antonians: Antonius himself being come into Thasus, delivered up to him whatsoever of either mony, arms, provision, or other preparation remained. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 669.]

L. Julius Mocilla, one that had been Praetour, and his son, and A. Torquates, and others that were abashed with the like fortune, went into Samothracia, to whom Pomponius Atticus commanded all things to be supplied out of Epirus. [Cornel. Nepos. in Vita Attici.]

Cassius Parmensis, Brutus and Cassius being gone to the war, was left in Asia with a fleet and an army, to exact mony, after the death of Cassius, hoping better things from Brutus, chose 30 of the Rhodian ships, supposing he should fill so many with Mariners of the Allies; the rest he burnt, least the City should make some innovations. Having done this, he sets saile with his own, and the Rhodian ships; but Clodius being sent by Brutus, as soon as he saw the Rhodians about to rebell, (for now Brutus was dead) he withdrew the Garrison of 3000 men, and joyned himself with Parmenses: to them came Toru…us with many other ships, and mony which he had exacted from the Rhodians, before their revolt. [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 671, 672.]

To this Fleet, as in which there was yet some strength, resorted as many as were dispersed thorough Asia for divers affairs; and put into them as many Legionar… souldiers as they could possibly, and made a muster for rowers of bondmen and slaves, and of the Islanders into whose Ports they came. To them came Cicero the younger, and as many of the Nobility as fled from Thasus: So that in short time, there was a great company, and both a fleet and an army not to be contemned, with Leaders also, [Id. ibid. pag. 672.]

These sailed into the Ionian Sea to Statius Murcus, and Cn. Aenobarbus, who commanded great forces, taking Lepidus wth them with another band, who kept Cr…e with a Garrison of Brutus's: where parting, part remained with Aenobarbus, making a faction of their own, (keeping the Ionian Sea, bringing much damage to their enemies;) part went with Murcus and joyned forces with Sextus Pompeius; for joyning himself to Pompeius both with that part of the army that was committed to his charge, and a great Fleet, and the reliques of Brutus his army, he doubled Pompeius's Forces, [Id. ibid. cum Velle…. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 72. & 77. Dion. lib. 48. pag. 361, 368.]

p. 708Caesar and Antonius dismissed the souldiers that had served out their time, except 8000 whom they intreated to serve longer under them, and divided them between them, and took one of an hundred of them for their Life-guard: of eleven Legions and 14000 Horse, which were left of Brutus his army, Antonius took six Legions, and 10000 Horse; and Caesar four Legions, and 4000 Horse, [Appian. ibid. pag. 672. 673.] Moreover it was agreed, that Caesar should give two Legions of his own to go along with Antonius, and that he again should receive two others which were then left in Italy, which were his souldiers under the command of Calenus, [Id. ibid. pag. 673. Dio. lib. 48. pag. 358.]

Caesar taking this businesse upon him, that he might represse Lepidus the Triumvir if he should make any stir, and carry on the war against Sextus Pompeius, and divide the lands promised to the old souldiers that were ensignes, returned into Italy; but in his journey fell so sick, that they that were at Rome thought he was dead. Antonius stayed to go about the Provinces beyond Sea, to abate the enemies pride, and to get money for the souldiers as they had promised them, [Livy, lib. 125. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 74. Plutarch, in Antonio. Appian. lib. 5. pag. 672, 673. Dio. lib. 48, pag. 357, 358.] for seeing they had promised to every souldier 5000 drachmes, they were to take the greater care to find out and to command money, [Plutarch, in Antonio. cum Dion. lib. 47. pag. 352.]

Antonius therefore with a great army passing into Greece, at the first shewed not himself harsh or rigid to the Grecians; but rejoyced to be accounted a friend of the Grecians, especially of the Athenians, on whose City he bestowed many gifts, [Plutarch.]

L. Censorinus being left in Greece, The Julian Period. 4673 himself went into Asia. Year before Christ 41 [Id.] There he going abou…, and sending others, exacted money of the Cities, and sold their Territories, [Dio. lib. 48. pag. 371.] Kings also much haunted his Court, and Kings wives striving amongst themselves in gifts and beauty, offered their service to him. Anaxenor also an harper, Xuthus a musitian, Metrodorus a dancer, and all the Asian comicks and kickshaws crept into the Court; where all things abounded in luxury. At length Antonius being ready to go to the Parthian war, he sent Dellius (the Historian, as Plutarch afterwards calls him, and whom Seneca, in 1 Suasoria, saith, left Cassius and went to Antonius) into Egypt to Cleopatra; commanding her to appear before him in Cilicia, to answer for her self, because she was said to have afforded much help and aid to Cassius, [Plutarch.]

Apuleiu, who was proscribed by the Triumviri, by delivering Bythinia to Antonius, over which he was made Governour by Brutus, obtained of him to be restored into his country, [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 616.]

In Bythinia, Antonius met with Embassies from all Nations; there were also the Rulers of the Jews, to accuse Phasaclus and Herod; as though Hyrcanus reigned onelyonly in shew; but in truth all the power was in the two brothers. But Antonius highly honoured Herod, who was come thither to wipe off all objections, by which it came to passe, that his adversaries were not so much as admitted to speak to him; for this Herod had obtained by bribing him, [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 22.]

At his entrance into Ephesus, the women went before him in habits of the Baccharae, and men in the habit of Satyres and Panes: all the city resounded with hurrying after Ivy Garlands with instruments of musick, flutes and pipes: they called him foreign, Bacchus the bountiful and debonair, [Plutarch.] He there sacrificed to Diana with all magnificence, as to the Protectour of that place: and absolved the Cassiani upon their petitions, who had fled into Sanctuary there, except Petronius who was guilty of the conspiracy against Caesar, and Quintus who had betrayed Dolabella to Cassius at Laodicea. [Appian. lib. 6. pg. 683.]

Thither came the Embassadors of Hyrcanus the High Priest; and of the Jews: to wit, Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, Joseph; the son of Mennaeus, Alexander, the son of Theodorus, bringing unto him a Crown of gold; they declared unto him the same Embassie they did at Rome: desiring him, that those Jews that Cassius had taken prisoners, contrary to the Laws of Arms, might, by his letters written to the Provinces, beset at liberty, and that their Country that Cassius had taken from them, might be restored. Antonius thinking they demanded but equity, presently yielded to their requests, and wrote letters to this purpose, both to Hyrcanus himself, and also to the Tyrians, Sidonians, Antiochians, and Aradians, which are extant in Josephus, [lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 22.]

The Graecians and other Nations inhabiting Asia Pergamena, being cited to Ephesu, Antonius declared unto them, what great promises he had made to his 28 conquering Legions, which with those that belonged to them made up; 150000 men and whenas they had given to Cassius and Brutus his enemies ten yeares tribute in 2 yeares, he demanded of them that they should give him so much in one year, who p. 709complaining that they were exhausted by their former enemies, at length very hardly obteined, that they might pay nine yeares tribute in two yeares, [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 673. 674.]

Antonius deprived many noble men of their estates, and bestowed them upon Knaves, and flatterers, many begged the fortunes of some that were alive, and had them, and some of those that were dead, he bestowed the goods of a Citizen of Magnesia upon a Cook who had dressed but one supper, (as it is reported) handsomely for him; at last, when he had burthened the Cities with another tribute, Hybreas who agitated the affaires of Asia, was so bold to say, if you can exact a tribute of us twice in a year, you must be able also to make two summers, and then to yield fruites to us twice, and when Asia brought in 200000 talents he said if thou hast not received them, demand them, but if thou hast not that that thou hast received, we are undone; sharply nipping Antonius by this saying; who out of simplicity believing his own servants, was ignorant of many things that were done, [Plutarch. in Antonio.]

In like manner other tributes were imposed by the command of Antonius upon Kings, Governours, and free Cities, each according to their abilities. [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 674.]

As he was going about the Provinces, L. the brother of Cassius, and as many as had heard of the act of clemency done by him at Ephesus, and were afraid, humbly came and presented themselves unto him, all whom he absolved, except those that were guilty of Caesars death, to whom only he continued unplacable. [Id. ibid.]

The Lycians and Xanthians he freed from tribute, and exhorted them to rebuild their city, to the Rhodians also he gave Andros, Tenos, Naxos, and Myndus: which not long after he took from them, as ruling too cruelly over them, but also granted to them of Laodicea and Tarsus, liberty and freedome from tributes, to the Athenians that came unto him, he gave first Tenos; and then Aegina, and also Icos, Cea, Sciathus, and Parepathus, [ibid. pag. 675.]

Passing by Phrygia, Mysia, Gallograecia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, Coelosyria, Palestina, Ituraea, and other Provinces of the Syrians, he laid very grievous tributes on them all, he composed also al-differences of Kings, and Cities after his own pleasure, and particularly in Cappadocia, the businesse of Sisenna and Ariarathes, Sisenna being preferred to the Kingdome, in favour of his beautifull mother, yet in Syria he took away Tyrants from divers Townes, [ibid.] he committed the Government of Cyprus, to Demetrius the freed man of Julius Caesar. [Dio. lib. 48. pag. 381.]

Antonius promised the Tarsenses the command of the university, and preferred Boethus to that office in that place, one as well an ill Poet, as an ill Citizen; yet Antonius approved his Poem that he wrote of his victory at Philippi: but the Tarsenses chiefly preferred him, because he was able on a sudden to speak something concerning any subject, but when the accounts of the expences to be laid out in the university, were committed to his charge, he was found to have stollen both other things and also the oyl, upon which account being accused before Antonius, he answered him, as Homer sang the praises of Agamemnon, and Achilles, and also Ulysses, so have I thine, therefore it is not fit that I should be accused of these crimes before thee, but: answered the accu…er, Homer stole no oyl from Agamemnon and Achilles, which because thou hast done, thou shalt be punished, neverthelesse Boethus, having appeased his anger by some services, kept the Government of the City even to the death of Antonius. [Strabo. lib. 14. pag. 674.]

Cleopatra, what being brought in by Dellius, and partly trusting in the comelinesse of her beauty and behaviour, came into Cilicia, unto Antonius, [Plutarch. in Antonio. cum Joseph…. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 23. Appian. lib. 5. pag. 673. & Dion. lib. 48. 371.] the fantasticallnesse of whose coming, is thus described by Plutarch more like a Poet, than an Historian, she was conveyed by a ship all guilt, on the river Cydnus, which runs by the City Tarsus, with purple sailes all spread, and the oares all silvered, with musick flutes, and pipes, and harps, she lay being curiously dressed under a canopie of cloath of gold, as Venus is painted, boyes like to Cupids, stood here and there and fanned her, and her maidens in the habits of Nereides and Graces, stood at the helms, and others plied the oares, all the bancks were filled with most fragrant smels, by reason of the abundance of perfumes, the men from both sides the shore accompanied her from the river, and they that were in the city came to see the sight, so that Antonius was left alone sitting in the Forum, upon his Tribunall, and there went a generall rumour, that Venus was coming to feast with Bacchus, for the preservation of Asia, Antonius sent certain men to invite her to supper; but she thought it rather belonged to him to come to her: who that he might just at her coming shew his gentlenesse and curtesie, obeyed her and came.

Cleopatra, when Antonius accused her that she was not at part of Caesars labours in the last war, objected to him again among other things, both the four Legions that p. 710she had sent to Dolabella, and how her fleet was torn with Tempests, and how often Cassius had threatned her, because she had sent no aide to him: he being overcome, began, like a young man, although he was then fourty years old, to love her; upon whom a good while agone, he had wontonly cast his eyes, when she was a but a girle; when he being a young man, followed Gabinius to Alexandria, being at that time master of his Horse: and immediately Antonius his ancient industry decaying, all men did nothing but execute the commands of Cleopatra, without respect, either of Humane or Divine Law. [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 671, 675, 676.]

At the entreaty of Cleopatra, Antonius sent murtherers to Miletus, to kill her sister Arsinoe, a Nunne of Diana Leucophrine, as Appian relates: [Ibid. pag. 676.] although Josephus saith that she was killed at Ephesus, as she was at her prayers in the Temple of Diana. [lib. 15. cap. 14.]

Antonius commanded the Tyrians to deliver to Cleopatra Serapion, the Governour of Cyprus, who had sent aide to Cassius, and now came to beg his pardon: as also the Aradians, another suppliant; who when as Ptolaemaeus, the brother of Cleopatra, being overcome by Julius Caesar in a navral fight, upon the river Nilus, and was never seen more, had bragged to the Aradians, that he was Ptolomy. He commanded also Megabezus, the Priest of Diana, the Ephesian, to be brought before him, because he had entertained Arsinoe, as a Queen; but at the entreaty of the Ephesians to Cleopatra, he dismissed him. [Appian. ut supra, pag. 676.]

In the interim, Fulvia, the wife of Antonius in Italy, that had nothing of a woman in her, but her body, raised great stirs and wars against Caesar Octavianus. [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 74.] By which dissention both the affinity between them is broken off, and the Common-wealth is broken into open war: for Caesar seeing he could not endure the insolency of his mother in law, (for he had rather seem not to agree with her, than with Antonius) he made a divorce with her daughter Claudia, whom he sware was yet a Virgin. [Dion, lib. 48. pag. 359, 360. Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 62.]

Hereupon Caesar sent into Phoenicia to Antonius, Cocceius and Cecinna, of whom Cecinna, his Embassy being ended, returned to Caesar; but Cocceius tarried with Antonius. [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 707.]

There came an hundred of the most honourable among the Jews to Daphne, near Antioch in Syria to Antonius, now doting on the love of Cleopatra, that they might accuse Phasaelus and Herod; having chosen out for this purpose the most eloquent of their whole number, and Messala undertook to defend the young mens cause: Hyrcanus also assisted him, who had betroathed his daughter to Herod. But parties being heard, Antonius demanded of Hyrcanus, which party he thought to be fittest to govern a Common-wealth: when he had answered on the young mens behalf, Antonius who loved them, because he had been kindly entertained by their fathers) made them both Tetrarchs, leaving unto them the government of all Judea, and wrote letters also to this purpose, and clapt fifteen of their adversaries in prison, and would have put them to death, had not Herod interceded for them. [Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 10. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 23.]

Then a thousand men came from Jerusalem to Tyrus, to Antontus, who being already bribed by the brethren, commanded the magistracy of that place, that they should kill the Embassadours, as men that made innovations, and that they should aide the Tetrarchs: but Herod and Hyrcanus coming to them at their time without the City on the sea shoare, advised them earnestly to withdraw; and admonishing them what danger would ensue, if they followed the suite: but they contemned this advice. Whereupon certain Jews, and the inhabitants of that City, brake out upon them, and killed some, and wounded other some; but Hyrcanus caused the wounded to be cured, and dead to be buryed, and the rest took their flight homewards: but whrn the people did nothing but raile against Herod, Antonius in his displeasure slew those that he had in hold. [Ibid.]

Cleopatra being returned home, Antonius sent Horesemen to Palmyra, a City seated not far from Euphrates, to plunder it; a light crime being objected against them for colour sake; that whenas they lived in the confines of the Romans and Parthians, (they being Merchants, carried out of Persia, Indian, and Arabian wares to the Romans) but indeed, that they might enrich the Horsemen: of which when the Palmyreni had an inckling, they carried their goods to the other side of the bank, and placed Archers to keep them off, in which kind of weapon they do excel: but the Horse men finding the City empty, returned without either plunder or bloudshed. Hereupon presently after followed the Parthian war; many Tyrants out of Syria, whom Antonius had expulsed from thence, flying to the Parthians, and inviting them to seize upon Syria. [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 676, 677.]

p. 711Antonius, Year of the World 3964 when he had laid grievous tributes on the people, and had thus offended the Palmyren…; he staid not to settle the troubles of the Province, but dividing his army into winter quarters, he himself went into Egypt to Cleopatra, [ibid. pag. 677.] leaving Plancas in Asia, and Saxa in Syria, [Dio. lib. 48. pag. 371.] to wit Decidius Sava: of whom Cicero makes mention in 13 Philippick, as one of M. Antonius guard, and Livy [in lib. 127.] as of his Lieutenant in Syria.

This thing gave occasion to many stirs; for they that inhabited the Island Aradus, obeyed not those that were sent to them, for the ex…cting the money, but also slew some of them: and the Parthians whereas before they were in some commotions, then much more made insurrections against the Romans, Labienus, and Paco…us the son of Orodes being their Commanders, [Dio. ibid.]

To the Aradians belongeth, that that is read in the Chronicle of Eusebius. Curtius Sulassus was burnt alive with four cohorts in the Island Aradus, because he too fiercely exacted the tributes. Concerning Labienus, who Livy notes in lib. 127. to have been of Pompeyes faction, thus we read in Plutarch, [in Antonio.] When the forces of Parthians were in suspence, of which Labienus being created General for the conduct of the Parthians, the Kings Captains being about to set upon Syria, Antonius was drawn away to Alexandria by Cleopatra. From whence a place that was brought to this purpose by the compiler of the Parthian Story of Appian, [pag. 155, 156.] is to be corrected: who foolishly insinuates, that Labienus was brought by the Kings Captains to Alexandria: but Dio explains both the Original and Progresse of this Expedition after this manner.

After the overthrow of Philippi Labienus, supposing that the Conquerours would pardon none of the adverse party, thought it better to live with Barbarians than to perish in his own country, and therefore stayed with the Parthians: and as soon as he understood of the sloth of Antonius, and his love and journey into Egypt, he advised the Parthians to make war upon the Romans, whose armies partly were cut off, partly received some losse, and the rest disagreed among themselves, and looked every day again as if they would come to a civil war. Wherefore he perswaded the King, that whilst Caesar was detained in Italy by reason of Sextus Pompeius, and Antonius gave himself over to his love in Egypt, he might subdue Syria, and the countries neer unto it. He promised him also that he would be the General of this war, and so he might move many Nations to revolt from the Romans, who were offended with them, for the continual dammages with which they were afflicted by them, [Dio. pag. 371, 372.]

When he had perswaded the King by this discourse to make war, having received great forces from hi… and his son Pacorus, he brake into Phoenice; and setting upon Apamea, but being beaten from the wall, he took the Garrisons that were placed in that country by their voluntary resignation: those consisted of Cassius and Brutus his souldiers; whom Antonius had chosen into his army, and had left to keep Syria, as well knowing that country: therefore Labienus easily made them of his party, as they that were familiarly acquainted with him; except Saxa, who then commanded them; for he being the brother of Decidius Saxa the Lieutenant of Antonius, and his Quaestor, was the onelyonly man that joyned not with Labienus, [Ibid.]

Labienus overcame his Saxa in a set battle by the multitude and valour of his Horse, and pursued him as he was flying by night out of his Camp. He had before shot ticke…s into his Camp, to draw his souldiers to his party; which thing also Saxa fearing fled. Labienus having overtaken him, killed most of them that were with him: but when Saxa had fled to Antioch, he took Apamea, which no longer … him, because it was generally reported that he was dead. He also took Antioch, deserted by Saxa, [Ibid.]

M. Antonius being splendidly entertained by Cleopatra, wintered in Egypt without his imperial ensignes, either as being in anothers government and royal City, or because he would solemnize Festival dayes in his winter quarters; for setting aside all businesse, for his country, he wore the Grecian four-cornered Robe, and the white Attic shooe called Phaecusium, which the Athenian and Alexandrian Priests did use. When he went abroad he went onelyonly to the Temples, or places of Exercise, or to the meetings of Philosophers, alwayes keeping company with the Grecians, and courting of Cleopatra, for whose sake chiefely he said he undertook this voyage, [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 677.]

Being thus given to luxury with Cleopatra and the Egyptians, he lay there idle even to his utter destruction, [Dio. lib. 48. pag. 373.] Plutarch describeth at large the luxury of him and his son, relating those things concerning this businesse that Philotus the Amphissian Physitian told his Grandfather Lamprias, who was then at that time at Alexandria following his studies.

Cleopatra departing from him neither by night nor day, played with him at dice, p. 712drank with him, hunted with him, and saw him exercising himself in his armes; she accompanied him by night thorough the streets as he was eve…dropping at the gates and windows of the citizens, and talking to them that were within, and rambled with him, clad in the habit of a serving-maid; for he was wont to wear such habit himself; whereupon he returned home oftentimes well jeered, and oftentimes well cudgelled, [Plutarch. in Antonio.]

Antonius deteined the Embassadours that were sent to him from the Italian Colonies; either because it was winter, or because he would conceal his counsels. [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 701] but in the mean time Caesar Octavianus did besiege the Consul L. Antonius his brother, at Perasium in Hetruria, [Id. ibid. pag. 689.]

Cn. Domitius Calvinus, The Julian Period. 4674 and Asinius Pollio being Consuls, Year before Christ 40 Perusia was taken by Octavian. [Dio. lib. 48. pag. 365.]

Labienus having followed Saza, flying into Cilicia, there killed him. [Dio. lib. 48 pag. 372.] Labienus going from Brutus his camp to the Parthians, and leading an army of them into Syria, killed the Lieutenant of Antonius, had very much afflicted the transmarine provinces: saith Velleius Paterculus [lib. 2. cap. 5.] but Florus in his fourth book 9 chapter Saxa (for thus it is to be read there; not Casca) the Lieutenant, was beholding to his own sword, that he might not come into his enemies power.

Saxa bein dead, Pacorus subdued all Syria, [Florus & Dio. ut supra. cum Livio. lib. 127.] Tyrus only excepted, which the Romans that were left, and the Syrians who agreed with, had taken before, and neither by perswasions, nor force could they be reduced under his power, for the Parthians had never a fleet with them. [Dio, ibid.]

In the second year (as it is in Josephus, [lib. 14. cap. 23.] to wit from the coming of Antonius into Syria, in which, Pacorus the Kings son, aed Barzapharnes a ruler of the Parthians seized upon Lysia, Ptolomaeus the son of Mennaeus died, whose successor in the principality Lysanias his son, (whom Dio saith was made King of the Ituraeans by Antonius) was made friends with An Antigonus the son of Aristobulus, a noble man, who could do much with him, reconciling them.

M. Antonius at the beginning of the spring, went against the Parthians, he came as far as Phaenicia, yea he came to Tyre; [Plutarch. in Antonio. Appian. lib. 5. pag. 701.] he sailed thither, as if he would bring aid to the City; but seeing all the country about seized upon by the enemy, pretending the war against Sextus Pompeius, he left it; on the contrary, under pretext of the Parthian war he excused himself, that he did not sooner go against Pompey: it so happened, that he neither came to help his allies, under colour of Pompey, neither aided he Italy, under colour of the allies. [Dio. lib. 48. pag. 372.]

As he was passing by the continent, and sailing by Cyprus and Rh…s to Asia, he heard of the event of the siege of Perusia: and accused his brother Lucius, and his wife Fulvia. bu… more especially Manius, who was his agent in Italy in his absence, then passing into Graecia, he met with his mother Julia, and his wife Fulvia, who had fled out of Italy; and from hence, as he sailed into Italy, he took Sipus. [Id. ibid. cum Ap. lib. 5. pag. 679. 701.]

Fulvia being dead at Sicyon, her husband Antonius, at the perswasion of his mother Julia and L. Cocceius, being obout to treat of a peace with Caesar, recalled Sextus Pompeius (with whom he had already entred into league,) into Sicily, as it were to provide for those things that they had agreed upon; and he sent Domitius Aenobarbus into Bythinia to command there. [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 707. 708.] and seeing that Marcellus the husband of Octavia, the most beloved sister of Caesar, although by another mother, was newly dead: for the more firm confirmation of a peace, she is betrothed to Antonius, who although he did not dissemble that he had to do with Cleopatra, yet denied that she was his wife. [Id. ibid. pag. 709. Livy, lib. 127. Plutarch. in Antonio.]

Then, dividing the Roman Empire between them, they made Codropolis, a Town of Illyrium, (which seemed seated within the innermost part of the Adriatick gulf,) to be the bound of each ones dominions: so that all the Eastern Countreys, aswell Islands as Provinces, both of Europe and Asia, even to the river Euphrates, should fall to Antonius his part, and the Western as Sardinia, Dalmatia, Spain, and Gallia to Caesars, for the Provinces of Africa, Lepidus the Triumvir had already received from Caesar, and Sextus Pompeius had seized upon Sicily, [Plutarch. Appian. ibid. Dio. pag. 374.]

The war against Pompeius sell to Caesar; unlesse something else did intervene, and to Antonius sell the Parthian war, to reveng the injury done to Crassus: Domitius Aenobarbus (although one of the murderers of Julius Caesar) was taken into league by Caesar, upon the same condition that he was formerly, by Antonius it was added to the league, that it might be lawfull, for both the Generals, to muster the like number of Legions out of Italy, upon these articles the last league was made between Caesar and Antonius. [Appian. pag. 709.]

p. 713Caesar and Antonius entered Rome with an Oration, for joy of the peace that was made between them, [inscript. Gruter. pag. CCXCVII.] whom the citizens entertained as triumphing; and clad them in a triumphal Robe, and placed them to see the Playes, in Ivory chairs, [Dio. pag. 375.] and then also was solemnized the Marriage between Antonius and Octavia, who was then great with child: and because the law forbad any woman to marry till ten moneths after the death of her husband, the time was remitted by a decree of the Senate, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 78. Plutarch in Antonio. Appian. lib. 5. pag. 710. Dio. pag. 375. fin.] But Antonius put Manius to death because he had exasperated Fulvia by his often complaining on Cleopatra, and because he had been the cause of so great evils, [Appian. ibid.]

Asinius Pollio had a son born in his Consulship, whom he called Salonius, from his taking Salonae, a city of Spalato in Dalmatia: for whom Virgil in his Pollio singing verses upon his nativity, out of the Cumaean or Sibylline Poemes, who dividing the ages of the World by mettals, and in the tenth and last age of the World, (in which Sol or Apollo was to rule) foretelling that there should come to be a restoring of all things, pronounced that this year the Golden Age (and with it the Virgin, Erigone, or Astraea, who had left the earth in the Iron Age) should return again. [Servius in Virgil. Eclogue. 4.] In which description the Poet seems to have inserted those things which either he had heard spoken of by the Jews, whom (Cicero in orat. pro Flacco. saith) that there were many dwelt at Rome about the Aurelian Stayres; or which he had himself read in the bookes of the Prophets, (which were common in the Greek tongue) written of him.

Pacor…s the King of Parthia his son, having taken Syria, went into Palestina, and deposed Hyrcanus, who was set by the Romans to govern that country, and placed his brother Aristobulus in his room. Thus Dio, [lib. 48. pag. 372, 373.] ill confounding Aristobulus the father, with Antigonus the son; whenas he himself afterwards alwayes calls this Antigonus the King, and not Aristobulus, [lib. 48. pag. 382. & lib. 49. pag. 405.] But most fully doth Josephus lay open this whole matter after this manner.

Antigonus the son of Aristobulus, said that he would give to the Parthians a 1000 talents and 500 women, if they would translate the kingdom from Hyrcanus upon him, and would also kill Herod with all that belonged to him: which things although he performed not, yet the Parthians to claim the kingdom for Antonius, marched with their army towards Judea. Pacorus the Kings son by sea, and Barzapharnes by land. The Tyrians shut their gates against him, but the Sidonians and them of Ptolomais, opened their gates to him. He sent a squadron of horse into Judea before him to see what was to be done, and gave command that they should help Antigonus. He that commanded the squadron was the Kings Buttler, and called also Pacorus.

The Jews also inhabiting Mount Carmel, joyning themselves with Antonius, and shewing themselves ready with him to inrod the enemies country, he began to conceive some hope, that by their help he might bring under his power that part of the country, which is called D…ynos; where having encountered with his enemies, and putting them to flight, he pursued them even to Jerusalem.

Here also they of Antigonus his party, their number very much increasing, set upon the Kings house; Phasaelus and Herod defending it: where in the Market-place there was a fight between them, and the enemies being overcome by the brethren, fled into the Temple: whom they having shut up in the Temple, they appointed 60 men to keep them, placed in the adjoyning houses: but these, the people bearing a grudge to the brethren, burnt them with fire. Whereat Herod being angry, killed many of the people: and every hour, one laid waite for another, so that every day some were murdered.

When the day of Penticost was come, there were many thousands of men, as well armed as unarmed, gathered together about the Temple, from all parts of the country, who seized upon both the Temple and the City, except the Kings house; for this Herod kept with a few souldiers, as his brother Phasaclus did the walls. But Herod (being something helped by his brother) assaulted his enemies in the suburbs, forced many thousands of them to flee, some into the City, some into the Temple, and some into a Rampire that was neer the City.

In the mean while, Antigonus demanded that Pacorus the General of the Parthians might be admitted to conclude a peace between them. Pacorus being entertained by Phasaelus, perswaded him that he would go as Embassadour to Barzapharnes, laying an ambush for him: he suspecting nothing went; Herod by no means approving this matter by reason of the perfideousnesse of the Barbarians, but advising rather that he would kill Pacorus, and those that came with him. Wherefore Hyrcanus and Phasaelus went on with their Embassie; and Pacorus leaving with Herod 200 p. 714Horsemen, and ten whom they call Elutheri, took with him the Embassadours.

But as soon as they were come into Galilee, the governours of those Towns came out against them in arms; and Barzapharnes entertained them with a chearful countenance, and bestowed gifts upon them, but afterward laid ambushes for them. Phasaelus was brought with his traine to a place near the sea side, called Ecdippon. Where Ophellus, learning from Saramulla, the richest of all the Syrians, that there were ambushes laid for Phasaelus, offered him shipping to shift away: but he unwilling to leave Hyrcanus and his brother Herod in Jeopardy, expostulated with Barzaphernes, concerning the injury offered to Embassadours, who swearing that these things were not true, went presently to Pacor…s.

He was no sooner gone, but Hyrcanus and Phasaelus were clapt up in prison, much detesting the perjury of the Parthians, and to Herod also was an Eunuch sent with command, to surprize him if he could get him out of the City. Herod understanding from others what had happened to his brother, taking with him what aide he had about him, and setting the women on Horses, to wit, his mother Cybele, his sister Salome, his wife Mariamme, and the Mother of his wife Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus, and his youngest brother Pheroras, with their Servants, and the rest of the company, he by night, unknown to his enemies, took his flight into Idumaea.

In the journy, his mother by the overthrow of her Coach, was in great danger of death, that Herod was so astonished, least the enemy should overtake them whilst they stayed there: that he thought to kill himself with his own sword: but being restrained by them that were about him, he went towards Massada, a most strong fortified place, (which is seated in the Country af Arabia, and Palestina) by the nearest way he could possibly: the Parthians first pursuing him, and then the Jews, when he was but 60. furlongs from the City, but both overcome in fight.

After he was come to Ressa, a Village of Idumea, his brother Joseph came unto him; and seeing they brought so great a multitude with them, as without any hired Souldier, the Castle at Massada, whither they were determined to fly, could not hold them, he dismissed the greater part of them, to wit, 9000. commanding them to shift for themselves in Idumaea, giving them victual, but taking unto him the choicest men, and his nearest friends, he entred the Castle, and there disposing of the women, with the rest of their companions, because there was plenty of corn, water, and things necessary besides, he himself went unto Petra, a City of Arabia.

The next day after he was fled from Jerusalem, the Parthians plundred all the goods of the Citizens of Jerusalem, and the Kings house also, onelyonly the treasure of Hyrcanus, which was 300 talents remained untouched: a great part also of Herods substance, especially that that he providently had carried into Idumaea: neither were the Parthians contented with the plunder of the City, but going out of the City, they harrassed the Country also, and rased the rich City of Marissa.

Antigonus, being thus brought back into his Country, by the King of the Parthiaans, received Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, that were then prisoners; but he was very much agrived, that the women were got away, whom he had intended to deliver to the Parthians, together with the mony that he had promised to give them: but then being afraid, least Hyrcanus, whom the Parthians had then prisoner, should again, by the favour of the people, be restored into his kingdom, he cut off his ears, that so he might be rendred unfit for the Priesthood: the Law forbidding, that any one that wanted any member, should approach unto the Altar. [Levittic. XXI. 17, 18. &c.]

Phasaelus knowing that he was appointed to be put to death, seeing he could not lay violent hands upon himself, by reason of his chains, he beat out his own brains against a stone; but before he was quite dead, hearing by a woman, that his brother Herod was escaped, he greatly rejoyced that there was left one to revenge his death. But the Parthians, although they missed of the women which they most of all desired, notwithstanding, having setled all things at Jerusalem with Antigonus, when they departed, took Hyrcanus along with them prisoner into Parthia. [Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 11. lib, 14. Antiquit. cap. 24, 25.]

At the same time Labienus took Cilicia, and all the Cities seated in the Continent of Asia, (for, for fear of him, Plan…u…, the Lieutenant of Antonius in Asia, had fled into the Island) except Stratonicea, most of them without stroke striken, but Melissa and Alabanda he took by force: for these Cities, when they had entertained a Garrison from Labienus, on a certain festival day, put to death the Garrison, and revolted. Wherefore Labienus having taken Alabanda, put the Citizens to death, and raised M…lissa, being abandoned by the inhabitants: and although he had a long time besieged p. 715Stratonicea, yet could he by no means get the City. At length, when he had gotten their mony, and robed their Temples, he called himself the Parthian Emperour, by a clean different reason from the Romans; for he imposed upon himself a name from them whom he led against the Romans, as if he had conquered them, and not his fellow Citizens. [Dio. lib. 48. pag. 373.]

Thus the Parthians, conquering for themselves under colour of Auxiliaries, Labienus being their Captain, they made excursions from Euphrates and Syria, even to Ionium, but yet more like thieves than enemies. [Florus, lib. 4. cap. 9. Plutarch in Antonio. Appian. in Syriac. pag. 120. in Parthic. pag. 134, 156. lib. bell. Civil. pag. 709. For the stopping of whose progresse, M. Antonius sent into Asia his Lieutenant M. Ventidius Bassus. [Plutarch. ibid. Appian. pag. 156, & 709.]

Ventidius was come to Labienus, before he knew any thing of it, who being terrified with his sudden coming, and destitute of his forces, for he had none with him, but Souldiers gathered out of Asia, and was without the Parthians, and not daring to meet him, he immediately put him to flight, and followed him as he fled with his light harnessed Souldiers, and having overtaken him at the Mountain Taurus, would not let him go any further. [Dio, lib. 48. pag. 380, 381.]

In that place they lay quiet many dayes in their Camps, one over against the other, Labienus expecting the Parthians, and Ventidius the Legions: when as in those dayes that happened to both of them, that both desired to hide. Ventldius, because he was afraid of the Parthian Horse, kept himself on high (for there he had placed his Camp) and the Parthians trusting to their multitude, and contemning those that they had in times past overcome, before they joyned with Labienus, early in the morning went towards the hill, and nobly coming out against them, they intended to go even to the top of the hill: and when now they were come up, the Romans running towards them, tumbled them headlong without any great paines. Thus the Parthians being slain partly by the Romans, but the greater part destroyed by their own party in their retreat; seeing that some were flying, when as some were but just come to the hill. [Ibid. pag. 381.]

Ventidius followed the Parthians that turned their flight, not towards Labienus, but into Cilicia, even to the Camp; who seeing Labienus there stood still: but when Labienus had set his men in array; but seeing his men astonished by the flight of the Barbarians, he durst not fight, but by night determined to fly some whither. Ventidius having intelligence of this by some Fugitives, killed many of them in their departure by ambushments; all the rest being deserted by Labienus, he took to himself. [Ib.]

Labienus, having changed his habit, fled, and after he had laine hid in Cilicia some time, he was sought out, and taken by Demetrius, who then governed Cyprus for Antonius. [Ibid.]

These things thus done, Ventidius recovered and setled Cilicia, he sent before him Popedius Silo, with Horsemen to the Mountain Amanus, seated in the confines of Cilicia and Syria, in those straits, which are called the gates. Silo by no means could get a Castle that was built there; and also he was brought into great danger by Pharnapates, the Lieutenant of Pacorus, who kept that passe, and had been utterly routed, but that Ventidius came by chance as they were fighting, and so brought aide to his own party. He setting upon the Parthians on a suddain, and they also fewer in number, Pharnapates, with many others, being killed, he recovered Syria, now relinquished by the Parthians, without any war, except only Aradus: for the Arabians fearing they should be compelled to suffer punishment for the boldnesse against Antonius, yielded not to Ventidius, although some time assaulted by him. [Ibid. pag. 381, 382.]

Herod, not yet assured of his brother Phasaelus his death, went unto Malchus, the King of the Arabians (Nabataeans) who was obliged unto him, for many favours he had done him; being willing to expend 300 talents, to redeem his brother as soon as he could from the enemy: for which cause he carried with him Phasaelus, his brothers son, a child of seven years old, to leave him in pledge with the Arabians. But there met him some that were sent from Malchus, to him; that he should depart from the bounds of the kingdom, for so the Parthians had commanded: but he pretended this by the perswasion of his Noble men, and that he might cousen him of that treasure which his father Antipater had committed to their custody. Which Herod taking very heavily, returned into a certain Temple, where he had left many of his followers: but the next day, when he came to Rh…ocorura, he heard of his brothers death. [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 25.]

Malchus repenting of this ingratitude, sent in all hast after Herod, but could not overtake him, for he was gotten far onward of his way, posting to Pelusium, where the Mariners that were to saile to Alexandria, denying him passage; he was by the Magistrates of the place honourably entertained, and brought to Cleopatra the p. 716Queen, who could by no meanes, detaine him then, because he was hastning to Rome although the sea was very much troubled with tempests, and the affaires at that time were in no very good condition in Italy, for seeing that it was not yet winter time, (as Salianus hath observed against Tormellus, in the year of the world 4014 num. 26. & 27.) I take that foreign in Josephus concerning a storme at sea, which Herod neglecting, sailed from Alexandria towards Pamphilia, and being tossed with a grievous tempest, he cast over board much of his substance, and scarce got to Rhodes. [Joseph. ibid.]

Then met him at Rhodes two of his greatest friends, Sappinas and Ptolomaeus, and finding the City had suffered much in the war against Cassius, he could not be restrained no not by his present poverty, but that he would do something for it even above his ability, he then caused a frigot to be built, and embarking himself with his friends, he arrived at Brundusium in Italy, from thence he went to Rome, and declared unto Antonius those things that had happened to him and his family, and how through these tempests, (foreign) and continuing all dangers he had retired to him as to his only refuge, and in whom all his hope lay. [id. ibid.]

The narration had moved the compassion of Antonius, calling to remembrance also his fathers friendship, but especially the promise of money, if he were made King by his meanes, and the hatred of Antigonus, as of a man of a turbulent spirit, and an enemy to the Romans: made him more inclined to Herod: Caesar also, partly for that Antipater had been fellow souldier with his father in Egypt; and for other curtesies which he had shewed him, and partly that he might gratifie Antonius, whom he knew was well affected to Herod, was willing to promote his endeavours, whereupon the Senate being called, Messala, and then Atratinus, brought forth Herod, and after they had praised him, reckoning up the services and good will, that both his father and he had done for the Romans; they accused also Antigonus for ancient crimes, and that but newly in contempt of the Romans, he had received the Kingdome from the Parthians, and when Antonius had declared to the Senate, how much conducing it was to the Parthian war, that was then in hand, that Herod should be made King; Antigonus was declared an enemy, and the Kingly title was devolved upon Herod by their generall suffrage. [id ibid. cap. 26.]

The Senate being dismissed, Antonius and Caesar went out leading Herod between them, and being accompanied with the Consuls and other Magistrates, they went up into the Capitoll, to do sacrifice there, and to place there the decree of the Senate, and the new King the first day of his reign, was feasted by Antonius, and after this manner he obteined the Kingdome, in the CLXXXV. Olympiade, (not CLXXXIV. as it is in Josephus) (Domitius Calvinus II. and Asinius Pollio being Consuls, and within seven daies Antonius dismissed Herod out of Italy, honoured with this unexpected felicity. [ibid.]

All the time of Herods absence, Antigonus assaulted his family in Massada, abounding in all other provision, but only wanting water: so that for this very cause his brother Joseph was determined with 200 of his friends to fly unto the Arabians, for he had heard that Malchus now repented of the ingratitude he had shewed Herod; but a shower falling that night, he changed his purpose, for the cisterns being filled with water, they made a gallant sally out, and killed many of Antigonus his men, both in open field, and covert assaults. [ibid.]

Ventidius easily recovered Palestina, Antigonus the King thereof being much afraid and exacted great sums of money from all men, but especially from Antigonus, Antiochus (Commagenian) and Malchus the Nabathaean; because they had aided Pacorus. [Dion. lib. 48. pag. 382.] he came also into Palestina, under colour as though it were to help Joseph: but indeed with this purpose to extort money from Antigonus; therefore he encamped neer Jerusalem, and drew from him a sufficient sum of money and to the intent that his fraudulent dealing should not be discovered, he left Silo there with some part of his forces: who also was to be pleased by Antigonus, least he should raise him some new troubles, till the Parthians as he hoped, would come to his aid. [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 26.]

There was in the company of Antonius an Egyptian, one that cast nativites, who told him, that although his fortune was most splendid and great, yet it was obscured by the fortune of Caesar, and therefore perswaded him to get from that young man as far as he could, for thy Genius (said he) is afraid of his Genius; for whereas thy Genius is erect and high when alone, but he coming neer, is rendred more remish and lither. [Plutarch, in Antonio.]

After these things Antonius being to go to the Parthian war, had all his acts aswell past as to come, confirmed by the Senate, he again dismissed many of his commanders, and disposed all things as he would himself, he called some Kings by his owne authority, who should only pay a certain tribute, as he made Herod King both of the p. 717Idumaeans and Samatitanes, so Darius (the son of Pharnaces, and nephew of Mithridates) of Pontus, Amyntus of the Pisidians, Polemon of part of Cilicia, and other Kings of other Nations, [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 715.] Then committing the care of his family to Caesar, he departed out of Italy, taking with him Octavia into Graecia, of whom he had one son born, [Plutarch.] and there he spent many dayes, [Dio. lib. 48. pag. 380.]

But his army, which was otherwise to winter about him, that he might accustom it to plunder and exercise, he sent against the Parthieni, a Nation of Illyria, in former time greatly affected to Brutus: others against the Dardanians, these also were of Illyria, and were wont to make inrodes into Macedonia: others he commanded to stay for him in Epirus, that he might have them all about him; for he had intended his winter quarters should be at Athens. He sent also Furnius into Africa, that he might conduct the four Legions of Sextius against the Parthians, for he had not as yet heard that Lepidus had taken them from Sextius. These things being thus disposed, he wintered at Athens with Octavia, as he had done before at Alexandria with Cleopatra, [Appian. pag. 715, 716.]

As he wintered at Athens, the first news of Ventidius's prosperous successe were told him; how that the Parthians being overthrown, Labienus and Pharnapates, or Phraates the chief General of King Herod or Orodes, were killed by him. For this Victories sake he made a Feast for the Grecians, and set forth Playes of exercises to the people of Athens, in which he himself would be chief; wherefore leaving at home his Imperial ensignes, he went abroad with the rods that Judges in such exercises used, clad with coats and shooes called Phaecasia; and staving the young gamsters when they had contended as long as he thought good, parted them, [Plutarch.]

Antonius was praised at Rome, and processions decreed in his name: but to Ventidius himself, there was no reward decreed by the Senate, because he was not General, but carried on the war under the authority of another, [Dio, lib. 48. pag. 382.]

The countries of Attalus and Dejotarus, which two were dead, were delivered to one Castor, [Ibid. pag. 277.]

Herod being returned out of Italy to Ptolomais, having gathered store of souldiers both of hired, and those of his own country, hasted thorough Galilee against Antigonus; being aided by Silo and Ventidius, to whom Dellius (for so his name is to be read, in the 15 book, cap. 2. not Gellius) was sent from Antonius with commands, that they should conduct him into his kingdom: although Ventidius was by chance detained for setling the tumults in divers cities, that the Parthians had raised: but Silo was in Judea, but bribed with money by Antonius. Yet Herods forces, as he went on, daily increased, and all Galilee, a few excepted, stood for his party, [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 27.]

As Herod was marching to Masada, because he must of necessity succour his kindred, Joppe would not let him passe: which he must first take from the possession of the enemy, because he would not have behind him any fortification, in his march to Jerusalem: which occasion Silo taking hold on, dislodged his army; whom when the Jews pursued, Herod met with a small band of men, saved Silo, & who fought very cowardly, [Id. ibid.]

After Joppe was taken, he hasted to Masada to deliver his kindred from the siege, and his army was greately increased, many of the country people joyning with him: and having discharged his friends from Masada, he approached Jerusalem, in spight of Antigonus who had laid ambushments for him in all convenient places: the souldiers also of Silo following him, and many of the Jews terrified with his power. And when he had encamped on the west side of the City, those that kept the walls on that side, shot at him their arrows and darts: divers also coming out in troops, and beating up their quarters, Herod commanded an Herald to proclaim round about the walls, that he came for the publick good, and for the conservation of the City, and that he would pardon all former injuries. On the other side, Antigonus turning his speech to Silo, and the Romans, told them, That it was unjustly done to give the kingdom to Herod, a private man, and an Idumaean; that is, an half Jew: whenas by custom, it ought to be given to the Priests line: and whenas Antonius his men, valiantly shooting from the Towres, had droven the enemy from the walls, Silo being bribed, suborned some souldiers of his acquaintance, who should demand larger provisions, and money to buy them, and should request to be withdrawn into commodius winter quarters. Whereupon the army being troubled and preparing to dislodge, Herod intreated the Captains and souldiers of Silo his army, that they would not leave him now, he being sent both by Caesar and Antonius, and all the rest of the Senate: and presently sending his souldiers into the country, he cut off all occasion of Silo his departure: such store of all necessaries being brought thither, more than any one p. 718could hope for. He commanded also his friends that inhabited about Samaria, that they should bring to Jericho, corn, wine, oil, cattle, and other necessaries, that for the future, there might be enough for the souldier, [Ibid.]

Antigonus, whe… he knew this, presently sent into the country those that should intercept the victuallers; but Herod taking with him some Cohorts, whereof five consisted of Romans, and as many of Jews, with whom he intermixed some forreign souldiers, and a few Horse, and went to Jericho: where finding the City forsaken of the inhabitants, and 500 that had fled with their families to the tops of the Hills, whom he took and let go again: But the Romans entering the City, plundered it, finding the houses full of all precious moveables. The King therefore leaving a Garrison there, returned, and dismissed the Roman army to winter in the countries lately surrendered to him; namly, Idumaea, Galilee, and Samaria. Antigonus also obtained of Silo by bribery that part of the Roman army should be lodged in Lydda, currying favour with Antonius. Thus the Romans lived in all plenty, and free from bearing armes, [Ibid.]

But Herod could not be idle, The Julian Period. 4675 for sending his brother Joseph into Idumaea, Year before Christ 39 with a 1000 Foot, and 400 Horse, himself went into Samaria, and there setled his mother and the rest of his kindred, whom he had drawn out of Masada, and marched into Galilee; and there surprised some places that were held by Antigonus his Gorrisons. And when he came to Sephorus in snowy weather, Antigonus his men fled from thence, and he took great store of necessaries. From thence he sent a troop of Horse, and three Companies of Foot, against some theeves that inhabited in caves, to keep them from doing of mischief: they were not far from the Village Arbela. On the 40 day he came with the whole army, whom the enemy boldly met, and made his left wing begin to waver, until he came with the main Body, and succoured them, and forced his enemy that was conquering, to flee, and his own men who were fleeing to stand: and not content with this, he followed the chase as far as Jordan; so that he drew all Galilee to his subjection, except those that inhabited the caves: and giving every man of them a 150 drachmes, and more to the Captains, he dismissed them into their winter quarters, [Ibid.]

In the mean time, Silo came to him with his Captains who had wintered with Antigonus, for that he would not maintain them longer than one monethmonth; for he had sent to the inhabitants thereabout, commanding them, to spoile the country of all victual, and to flee to the mountains, that the Romans might perish thorough famine: but Herod committed the charge of provision to his brother Pheroras, commanding him to rebuild Alexandrium; who in a short time furnished the souldiers with abundance of all necessaries; and rebuilt again Alexandrium, which was formerly dismantled. About this time Antonius sojourned at Athens, [Ibid.]

P. Ventidius, when he heard that Pacorus was gathering an army and coming into Syria, was afraid; whenas neither the Cities were setled, and the armies as yet were dispersed in their winter quarters. Wherefore that he might give a stop to Pacorus, and remedy the slownesse of his own Forces, he went to Chaunaeus a certain Governour, one that he was well acquainted with, but one that he knew wished well to the Parthians. Him neverthelesse he highly honoured as if he had been his faithful friend, and demmanded advice of him in some affairs; so that, yet without any hurt to himself, he would seem to have this opinion of him, that he would make him partaker of his most secret counsels. The businesse being brought to this passe, he feigned as though he were afraid lest the Parthians omitting their usual passage over Euphrates at Zeugma, should use some lower part of the River: because that there the Champain were fitter for the Parthians, but here the Hill for him; and thus he perswaded Chaunaeus, and by him deceived Pacorus. So that chusing the longer march by the Champain, (by which Ventidius feigned he would not have him come) he gave Ventidius time to collect his Forces. Thus Dio relates the businesse in the 56 book of Histor. [pag. 403, 404.] but Frontinus, lib. 10. Stratagem. cap. 1. thus. Ventidius in the Parthian war against King Pacorus, knowing that one Pharneus a Cyrrhestian by birth, who seemed to be one of his allyes, that he told the Parthians, whatsoever was done in his Camp, turned the perfidiousnesse of the Barbarian to his own profit; for those things he most desired, he dissembled as though he were afraid they should happen, and those he was afraid of, he made as though he desired: for being troubled lest the Parthians should passe Euphrates, before that the Legions could come to him, which he had in Cappadocia on the other side Taurus; he very carefully wrought with the Traytor, that by his ordinary perfidiousnesse he should perswade the Parthians, that they should passe their army over at Zeugma, both where the cut is shorter, and the chanel not so deep; for if they should come that way, he affirmed, that he could make much use of the Hills to evade the archers, but that he was mightily afraid, if they should come into the open field.

p. 719Antonius having spent the winter at Athens, with great luxury and pleasure of Octavia, as if he had been clean another man, he returned to the old Roman fashion, and changed his behaviour; for now the Lictors were about the gates, and the Captains; and his guards, and all things ordered to make men afraid of him. Embassadors now had audience, which were deferred for a long time; justice was administred, the ships were lanched, and things were in a hurry for the preparation. [Appian. l. 5. p. 716.] Finally, he took him a Crown from the sacred Olive tree, being to go to the war; and for satisfaction of a certain oracle, he carried with him a vessel, filled from the Mountain Clapsydra. [Plutarch. in Antonio]

In Syria, Ventidius sending for Silo to go against the Parthians, commanded him first to aide Herod, and then to bring Herod along with him, and the rest of the Auxiliaries of those Provinces; but Herod, having sent Silo unto him, marched with his souldiers against the thieves that lived in the caves; as Josephus more fully shews in [lib. 1. Bell. cap. 12. lib. 14. cap. 27.]

Herod made Ptolomeus governour of the Country, but his government happened not well for him; for being invaded by them, who formerly disturbed the Country, he was killed. Which being done, they retired into fens, and unaccessable places, infesting with robberies and inrodes all that Country. But Herod being returned, made them pay dear for their thievery; for of these revolters, some he killed, others flying into fortified places, having conquered them, he punished them, and rased their strong holds; and so taking away the authors of the innovations, he fined the Cities in an 100 talents. [Joseph. ibid.]

Pacorus coming into Syria, with great forces of the Parthians, left that shorter cut at Zeugma, and brought his army about by the lower way: and whilest the Barbarians joyn the bridge to those wider bancks, and therefore more unwildy, and bring on their Engines, 40 dayes are spent: which spacce Vintidius used to gather his forces together, which he received, but three dayes before the Parthians came: whom when Ventidius had suffered to passe the river, for he did not set upon them in their passage; he brought them into this opinion, That the Romans were effiminate and cowards. Ventidius also, by a dissembled fear, kept himself a long time quiet, and suffered the Parthians a long time to insult, At last he sent part of the Legions against them, as they were in security and jollity: at whose first brunt the Parthians were discomfited and routed. But when Pacorus saw his men flying, he thought that all the Legions had been withdrawn with them, wherefore he set upon Ventidius his Camp, with his main body, as though it had been left without any to defend it: which being seated upon an hill, and the Parthian Horsemen invading, they were ceasily tumbled down the precipice, by a sudden sally that the Romans made. Yet Vintidius lead not out the other part of the Legions into the Camp again, till they were come within half a mile of him; and then made so sudden eruption, that being near them, he made their darts of no use against him, of which there was great use at a distance: by which policy he quickly beat the Barbarians, because carried with a kind of ostentation of confidence, The slingers helped him very much, who exceedingly afflicted the Barbarians with their violent strokes at a distance: yet the Parthians, of whom many armed at all points, fought stoutly; and Pacorus himself valiantly fighting, fell down dead: for whose dead body a few couragiously strove, but in vain: to be short, Ventidius slew all the Parthian Horsemen, all along between the river Orontes and Euphrates, making a slaughter of above 20000. neither in any war did the Parthians receive a greater wound. Of them that fled, some that endeavoured to get home over the bridge, being prevented by their enemies there perished: others fled into Commagena, to King Antiochus. And thus Ventidius again drave the Parthians within Media, and Mesopotamia, but would not pursue them any farther, fearing the envy of Antonius. [Livy, lib. 128. Florus, lib. 4. cap. 9. Strabo. lib. 16. pag. 751. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 78. Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 27. A Gellius. lib. 15. cap. 4. ex Sueton. Justin. lib. 42. cap. 4. Plutarch. in Antonio. Jul. Fronton. Stratagem. lib. cap. 1. & lib. 2. cap. 2. Dion. lib. 49. pag. 409. Eutrop. lib. 7. Sext. Ruf. in Breviario. Oros. l…b. 6. cap. 18.]

The most famous victory was obtained in Syria Cyrrestica. [Strabo, Plutarch, Dio.] and Pacorus was killed the same day of the year, in which (fourteen years befor) his father Orodes had killed Crassus by his Captain Surena. [Dio. pag. 404. Eutrop. Sext Rufus, &. Oros.] which was done in the monethmonth of June, as Ov…d saith in his 6. lib. Fastorum.

Ventidius making an expedition against those that had revolted, subdued them, [Plutarch.] for the Syrians did extreamly love Pacorus for his justice and clemency, as never any King the like, [Dio. pag. 404.] Wherefore, when as Syria expected the event of the war, but doubtfully, Ventidius carrying about Pacorus his head to all the Cities that had revolted, he easily quieted it without any stroke stricken. [Id. ibid. Florus lib. 4. cap. 9.]

p. 720Ventidius making an expedition egainst those that had revolted, subdued them. [Plutarch.] for the Syrians did extreamly love Pacorus for his justice and clemency, as never any King the like. [Dio. pag. 404.] Wherefore, whenas Syria expected the event of the war; but doubtfully, Ventidius carrying about Pacorus his head to all the Cities that had revolted, he easily quieted it without any stroke stricken. [Id. ib. Florus, lib. 4. cap. 9.]

Orodes, who a little before had heard that Syria was wasted, and Asia seized upon by the Parthians, and gloried that Pacorus had conquered the Romans; when he heard of a suddain, that his son was dead, and his army destroyed, for very grief fell mad: for many dayes he spake to no man, nor eat any thing, but was speechlesse, so that he seemed to be striken dumb: but after many dayes, when grief had loosened his voyce, he did nothing but call Pacorus, that he spake with him, and that he stood by him, and then again would with tears bewaile the losse of him. [Justin. lib. 42. cap. 4.]

At Rome there were decreed for this victory against the Parthians, both processions and a Triumph (but yet he never triumphed) both for his eminency, and also according to the Laws, because it was his Province. There were the same things decreed to Ventidius, because he seemed abundantly to have recompensed the overthrow of Crassus, by the like upon Pacorus. [Dio. lib. 49. pag. 404, 405.]

Ventidius led his army against Antiochus the Commagenian, under colour, that he had not given him his servants, but indeed in hope to possesse his treasure, of which Antiochus had good store, [Id. ibid. pag. 404.]

Him he assaulted, being shut up in Samosata, but promising 1000 talents, and that he would be obedient to Antonius, he commanded him to send Embassadors unto him, (for he was far from thence) to demand peace of him; for this onelyonly he would have to belong to him, that all things should not seem to be done by Ventidius alone, [Plutarch. in Antonio.]

Antonius commanded Ventidius, that he should send Machaeras to aide Herod with two Legions, and 1000 Horse, [Joseph. lib. 4. cap. 27.] but yet for both the victories of Labienus, and of Pacorus, which were gotten by Ventidius, Antonius did not only not rejoyce, but envied him also, because of his prosperous successe by his own conduct; and although there were processions and a Triumph decreed to him, for both the victories that Ventidius had gotten, yet he thrust him from his charge, (the government of Syria) and neither then, nor hereafter, used his help any more. Thus Dio, although Plutarch hath written, that he was honoured by him, and that he was sent by him to Triumph.

Machaeras being drawn by Antigonus, and corrupted with mony, against Herods perswasion went unto him, as if he went to look to his actions; but Antigonus suspecting him, gave him not admission, but drave him from thence with slings: he then perceived that Herod had given him good counsel, and his own error in not following it. Wherefore he retired to Emmaus, and in his march killed all the Jews that came to hand, without distinction of friend or foe, he being angry at those things that had happened. At which fact Herod being sore grieved, came to Samaria, with an intent to go to Antonius; saying, That he had need of other manner of men than those, who did him more hurt than his enemies, whereas of himself he was to subdue Antigonus. But Machaeras overtaking him, entreated him to stay, or if he were determined to go on, at least that he would give him his brother Joseph, that they together might make war against Antigonus. Thus was he, after much intreaty, reconciled to Machaerus, and having Joseph his brother with the army, command him that in his absence, he should put all to the hazard of a battle, but he himself hasted to Antonius, whom he found assaulting Samosata, a city neer Euphrates, and brought with him Auxiliaries both of Horse and Foot. [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 27.]

After he was come to Antioch, he found many there, who desired to repaire to Antonius, but durst not venture, because the Barbarians had beset the wayes, to whom he offered himself to be their guide, and so came to Samosata to Antonius, having overcome the Barbarians once or twice, when he was entertained by him very honourably and much praised for his valour. [Id. ib.]

Seeing the siege of Samosata lasted long, the besieged turning valiant, out of dispaire of peace. (as it is in Plutarch) Antonius also suspected that his souldiers alienated from him, because he had used Ventidius ignominously, (as Dio hath it) he privately mentioned some hope of peace, that he might with honour depart: and when he could not receive no more than two hostages, and they not noble men, neither the mony he had demanded; he granted peace to Antiochus, and was content with 300 talents, yielding also unto him, that he might put to death Alexander, who had formerly fled from him to the Romans. Dio. lib. 49. pag. 405. Plutarch. in Antonio. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18.]

p. 721This war being ended after this manner, Year of the World 3966 he delivered to C. Sosius the gouernmen… of Syria and Cilicia with an army, [Dio. lib. 48. pag. 405. Joseph. lib. 14. pag. 27.] who had often very good successe in Syria. [Plutarch. in Antonio.]

The affaires in Syria being something setled, Plutarch writes, that Antonius returned to Athens; Josephus, that he went into Egypt, Dio that he intend…d to go for Italy, so that he may seem first to have returned to Athens, from thence to have passed into Italy, being called thither by Caesar, and the King returned to Athens to have sailed into Egypt to winter with Cleopatra, for he was sent for by Caesar from Athens, that they might consult together about the war against Sextus Pompeius, whither he came with a few as far as Brundusium; where seeing he found not Caesar at the day appointed, being affrighted with a certain prodigie, he went back again into Grae…ia under colour of the urgency of the Parthian war; Caesar not taking it well, that he did not stay for him. [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 717. 718. Dio. lib. 48. pag. 385.] Josephus unmindfull of his brother Herods commands, in his absence taking with him his own and five Roman cohorts given him by Machaeras, went towards Jericho, that he might reape the enemies corn now it was ripe, and encamped in the mountaines, and because the Roman cohorts were most raw souldiers & unskilfull of the art military, because most of them were taken up out of Syria, he being circumvented by the enemies in the midst of those fastnesses, having lost six cohorts, he himself also valiantly fighting was slain; yea Antigonus being master of the dead bodies, was so enraged, that he whipped the dead body of Joseph; although Pheroras his brother offered 50 talents to redeem it, after which the Galileans revolting from their Governours, drowned those that were of Herods party in the lake, in Idumea, also there were many innovations; when Machaeras fortified Gitta. [Joseph. lib. 1. cap. 13. Antiquit. 14. cap. 27.]

Caius Sosius being commanded by Antonius to help Herod against Antigonus, sent with him two cohorts into Judea, [id. ibid.] he subdued the Aradians, who had endured a siege but now were worne out with famine and sicknesse. [Dio. lib. 49. pag. 405.]

His brothers mischance was told to Herod at Daphne, the suburbes of Antioch, who expected some such thing by reason of some dreames that he had, wherefore hastning his journey, after he was come into mount Libanus, he took with him 800 men of that place, and leading with him one cohort of the Romans, and came to Ptolaemais; from whence by night he went with the army and passed through Galilee. [Ioseph. ut supra.]

Here his enemies met him, who were overcome in fight and forced into the castle from which they issued the day before, when Herod assailed by break of day, but being compelled to desist by reason of extremity of the weather, he led his men into the villages adjoyning, but upon the coming of another cohort from Antonius, they that kept the fort were dismayed, and forsook it by night: Herod also hasted to Jericho, with an intent to revenge his brothers death, whither when he was come, he made a feast to the noblemen; and after the feast was ended, and the guests dismissed, he retired to his lodging, and the room in which they had supped, being now empty of company, fell down and did no body any hurt, whereby it came to passe, that all thought Herod to be beloved of God, who had so miraculously preserved him. [ibid.]

The next day 6000 of the enemies came down from the tops of the mountaines, to fight with him, and terrified the Romans, and their forlorn hope with darts and stones chased Herods souldiers, so that the King himself received a wound in his side. [ibid.]

Antigonus sent a captain whose name was Pappus into Samaria, desiring to seem to have so many forces, as he could make war abroad, but he went against Machaeras; and as touching Herod he had taken five townes, and put 2000 of the Garrison souldiers to the sword, and then having set the Townes on fire he went against Pappus, who was encamped at a village called Isanae. [ibid.]

Herod, many coming to him out of Jericho and Judea, when he saw the enemy was so bold as to come to battle with him, fought with them and overcame them: and being inflamed with a desire to revenge his brothers death, he slew them that fled, and followed them even into the village, but the houses being filled with souldiers, and some flying to the tops of the houses, these being overcome and the houses throwen down, yet he found all other places filled with souldiers, all whom being after a miserable manner crushed to death, the rest fled out in companies being sore affrighted, and immediately Herod had gone to Jerusalem, had not the sharpnesse of the winter hindred him, and put an end to the war, for now Antigonus began to think of flying, and to forsake the city. [ibid.]

Herod in the evening, when he had dismissed his friends to refresh themselves, he as yet hot in his armour, went into a chamber being accompanied with only one p. 722servant to wash himself, where within were some of his enemies armed, whom fear had forced thither, and whilst he was naked and washed himself, one with a drawn sword run hastily out of the doores, and then another, and likewise a third all armed, they were so astonished, that they were glad to save themselves, without doing the King any hurt; the next day among others he cut of Pappus his head, and sent it to his brother Pherorus in reveng of his brothers death whom he had killed, for it was Pappus who with his own hand had killed Joseph. [Ibid.]

At Rome on the V Kalends of December, P. Ventidius for his victory at mount Taurus, and over the Parthains, as we read in marble Kalendars of the triumphs [Gruterus inscript. pag. CCXCVII.] Thus Ventidius Bassus a man of base parentage came by the favour of Antonius to such height of honour, that he was made Governour of the Eastern Provinces, and triumphed for his conquest over Labienus Pacorus and the Parthians, who himself was once, and again too, (if we may believe Massurius in Pliny) led in triumph with other captives, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 65. Valerius Maximus lib. 6. cap. 9. Pliny. lib. 7. cap. 43. A. Gellius. lib. 15. cap. 4. ex Sueton. Plutar. in Antonio. Dio. lib. 49. pag. 405. Eutrop. lib. 7.] see before in the end of the year of the Julian Period 4671. Spain being now reduced under the power of Caesar Octaviauus by Domitius Calvinus the Proconsul, the Spaniards begins their computation of time from the Kalends of January of this year, as may be understood from others, and also from Eulogius the Arch-bishop of Toledo, in his memorial of the Saints.

In the beginning of the Spring, Antonius arrived with 300 ships at Tarentum, out of Syria (as Dio) or from Athen, (as Appian hath it) to aid Caesar against Sextus Pompeius: of which when he would make no use, Antonius took it ill, yet stayed in the same place; for seeing that he had against his will bestowed so much cost upon the Navy, and had need of Italian Legions …or the Parthian war, he thought to change his fleet for them: and although by the agreement, both of them had power to raise souldiers in Italy; yet it would be very difficult for him, Italy by lot falling to the others share. Wherefore he sent Octavia (who accompanied him out of Greece, who also was then with child, and by whom Antonius had had a second daughter) to her brother Caesar, that she might be a stickler between them: who brought the business to that passe, that Antonius should deliver to Caesar at Tarentum presently, an 150 ships, (for which Plutarch puts an 100 beaked-ships) for which Caesar promised that he would send to Antonius out of Italy foreign (as it is in the same Plutarch) or 20000 souldiers, (as Appian hath it) Moreover besides the covenants, Octavia obtained for her brother of her husband, 20 small ships, as Plutarch, or ten Galions three oares on a seat, as Appian relates: and Caesar again gave to Octavfa a 1000 picked men for his guard, leaving the choice of them to Antonius, [Plutrch in Antonio. Appian. lib. 5. pag. 725, 726. Dio. lib. 48. pag. 390.] and that there might be more tyes of kindred, Caesar betrothed his daughter (Julia) to Antyllus the son of Antonius, and again Antonius betrothed the daughter he had by Octavia, to Domitius (Aenobarous) although he was guilty of the murder of Julius Caesar, and had been proscribed: but these things were but feigned by them, as which they would never do, but onelyonly the present occasions required it. [Dio. ibid.]

And because the five years time of the Triumvirate was our, they prolonged their power to themselve… for another five years, not caring for the peoples consent, [Id. ibid. Appian. pag. 726, 727.] But Antonius sent back Octavia into Italy, for fear of any danger in the Parthian war: and having commended to Caesar the children that he had both by her, and Fulvia, he went into Syria, [Plutarch in Antonio. Appian. pag. 727. Dio. pag. 390, 391.]

Cleopatra built a new Library in the same place, where the old one at Alexandria was burnt in Julius Caesars time, which was called the daughter of the former: as Epiphanius affirmeth in his book of measures and weights: when yet from the 7 year of Ptolomaeus Pniladelphus, in which we have shewed at the year of the Julian Period, 4437. that the former Library was built, he ill reckons 249 years to this time, which should end in the year 4686 of the Julian Period, which was one year after Cleopatra's death, and whereas the chief errour of the calculation ariseth from hence, that Epiphanius attributes 32 yeares to the reign of Cleopatra, for 22 which ten superfluous yeares being taken away, we make the time between the beginnings of the two libraries 239 yeares, and to this belongeth, that which is read in Plutarch, in Antonio. that it was objected to Antonius by Calvisius, that he had given to Cleopatra the libraries that were at Pergamus, in which were 20000 entire books, or single volumes, and Strabo spake of foreign, possessions, not of libraries that were then extant in his time, [lib. 13. pag. 624.] (as Lipsius thought in the fourth chapter of his Syntagme of libraries.)

Herod in the beginning of the third year, after he had been declared King at Rome, coming with an army to Jerusalem, encamped neer the City; and presently p. 723moving neerer where he thought the walls f…est to be assaulted, he placed his tents before the temple; intending to assaile them, where Pompey had done in time past, wherefore having compassed the place with three bulwarks, he erected his batteries, by the assistance of many workmen, and fetching materials from all places thereabouts, and setting fit men to oversee the workes, he went to Samaria to solemnize his marriage, with Mariamme the daughter of Alexander the son of Aristobulus, who was formerly betroathrd to him. [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 27. fin.]

After the marriage Sosius came through Pnaenicia, having sent his army through the continent, and thither himself also came having with him many both horse and foot: Herod also came from Samaria, bringing with him no small accession to the old army: for they were about 3000, all the army being come together, there were eleven Legions of Foot, and 6000 Horse, besides the Syrian auxiliaries, (which are not to be reckoned for the least part) placed their camp at the north wall of the City, of this army there were two Generals, Sosius who was sent by Antonius to aid Herod, and Herod, who made war for himself with an intent, that having dispossessed Antigonus an enemy of the people of Rome, he might be King in his room according to the decree of the Senate. [Id. ibid. cap. 28. lib, 1. bell. cap. 13.]

The Jews being gathered together out of the whole Country, and here shut up within the walls made valiant resistance, boasting much of the temple of the Lord, and wishing well to the people, and saying, that God would not forsake his in their danger, and spoiling all provision that was without the City, both for man and horse; by secret thefts also they made provisions very scarce to the besiegers, but Herod provided well for this, for placing ambushments in convenient places he prevented the thieves, and sending souldiers he fetched provisions afar off, so that in a short time the army was well furnished with all necessaries. [ibid.]

By the multitude of the workmen, the three bulwarks were easily finished, it was now summer, and the work went on, being hindred by no untemperatenesse of the weather, he often battered the walls with his engines, and left nothing unassayed, but the besieged fought valiantly, and used all cunning to evade their enemies endeavours, and making often sallies out, they set fire on their works both which were begun, and some also finished, and coming to handy stroakes with the Romans they were nothing inferiour to them in manhood, but only in martiall skill. [ibid.]

The Sabbaticall year now coming, Year of the World 3867 brought a famine to the Jews that were besieged, notwithstanding which, they built a new wall for that, that was beaten down by the Engines, and countermined the enemies mines, so that sometimes they came to fight hand to hand under ground, and using despair rather than courage, they held out to the last, [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 28.] although Pollio the Pharisee, and Samias his disciple, advised them to receive Herod into the City, saying they could not avoid his being their King by reason of their sinnes. [Id. ibid. cap. 17. lib. 15. cap. 1.]

They held out the siege during five months space, for all there was so great an army besieging them, [Id. lib. 1. bell. cap. 13.] at length 20 of Herods choicest souldiers got upon the wall, and then the Centurions of Sosius. [Id. ibid. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 28.]

The first wall was taken on the 40 day, and the secoud on the 50, and some galleries about the temple were burnt, which Herod slandered Antigonus to have burned, to have brought him into hatred with the people, the outward part of the temple being taken, and the lower City, the Jews fled into the inner part of the temple, and the upper City; and fearing that they should be hindred from offering the daily sacrifices to God, they sent Embassadours to demand leave that those beasts only might be brought in which also Herod granted, hoping by this meanes they would leave their obstinacy and submit themselves. [ibid. cap. 28.]

But perceiving that his opinion failed him herein, The Julian Period. 4677 and that the besieged obstinately contended to continue the soveraignty in Antigonus, Year before Christ 37 he gave a generall assault, and won the City, [ibid.] to wit: on the Kalends of January, of the year of the Julian Period, 4677 on the second day of the month Cislu, which according to the accounts of the Eastern people of the civill year was the third, being the 28 day in which the Jews were wont to celebrate a solemn fast, in memory of the holy rowle that was burnt by Jehoiakim, as hath been formerly shewed by us, at the year of the Julian Period 4650.

These Kalends of January, by reason of the bad account intercalating received at that time at Rome, till upon the last of December, which ended both the first five years of the Triumviri, and also the Consulship of Claudius and Nortanus, to which this calamity of the Jews is referred by Dio, [lib. 49. pag. 405.] and the next day M. Vespsanius Agrippa, and L. Cuminius Gallus entred upon their Consulships at Rome, to which the same is referred by Josephus, in the last Chapter of the 14. book of p. 724Antiquities, declaring the time that this happened in. This calamity of Jerusalem happened in the Consulship of M. Agrippa and Canidius Gallus, in the CLXXXV. Olympiade, (to wit in the third year) the third monethmonth, on a solemn Fast-day, as if the calamity brought upon the Jews twenty seven years before, had come about again upon the same moment of time, (for the City was taken by him on the same day.) But yet this intervall of time exceeds the true account one year; unlesse you interpret foreign, in the year after twenty seven, as Mark VIII. 31. it is said, that Christ shall rise again, foreign, after three dayes; which is more clearly propounded, Matth. XVI. 21. foreign on the third day, and that in the II of Mac. XIV. 1, foreign, after the time of three years, the Interpreters expound it of the third year, in the Catalogue of the Stadionic, of Julius Africanus, Olympiade CXI. the Games of Olympus are said to be celebrated by Nero not at a lawful time, but foreign, to wit, in the second year of that Olympiade. [in Graec. Eusebian. Scaligeri. pag. 221.] Yea, even in Josephus himself, that which in the first book of the war, cap. 11. is said, foreign, in the 14 of Antiquities, cap. 23. is expounded foreign.

The City being won, all things were filled with murthers: the Roman, being incensed that they had so long continued the siege, and the Herodian Jews endeavouring to extirpate the contrary faction, so that there were continuall slaughters through the Porches and Houses, yea, the reverence of the Temple not saving the suppliants: they spared neither age nor sex, nor so much as the children: and although he besought them, and intreated them to forbear, yet none obeyed him, but as if they had been mad, they shewed their cruelty without any distinction of age. [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. ult.]

Antigonus coming down from the Town, fell at Sosius his feet; who nothing pitying the change of his fortune, insulting over him, called him, Madam Antigona, but put him in prison, and set keepers over him. [Id. ibid.]

When as a multitude of strangers that he had hired, came rushing in, not into the Temple onelyonly, but also the Sanctuary; whereof some he rest rained by entreaty, some by threats, and some by force of arms: thinking his victory worse than if he had been overthrown, if any of those things which were not lawful to be seen, were beheld by the prophane multitude. He forbad also any plunderings in the City, as much as in him lay; and likewise intreating Sosius, asking if the Romans would make him King of a wildernesse, the City being so exhausted with rapines and murders, who answering, That the Souldiers desired the plunder of the City, in regard he had indured the siege: whereunto Herod answered, That he would reward every man out of his own Treasury, and by this means he freed the City from any farther vexation, by performance of his promises, for he bestowed his gifes liberally to the Souldiers, and in proportion to the Commanders, and royally to Sosius, and so Sosius, offering a Crown of gold to God, departed from Jerusalem, leading Antigonus with him prisoner to Antonius. [Ibid.]

Herod, making a difference of the multitude of the City, advanced those that were of his faction, and daily put them to death that were of the contrary. [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 13, lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 1.] Among whom, he also put to death all those judges of the great Sanhedrim, who had accused him of some capital crime before he was King, except Pollio the Pharisee, and his disciple Sameas, whom he highly honoured. [Id. ibid. 14. Antiquit. cap. 17. lib. 15. cap. 1.]

He gathered together all the royall ornaments, and what by collections, and by taking away from rich men, great store of gold and silver, and gave it all to Antonius and his souldiers. He put to death also 45 of Antigonus his chief Noble men, and set watch at the doors, that none of them might be carried out under colour of being dead; and what gold or silver soever was found, was all brought to Herod, so that there was no end of these miseries, for the covetousnesse of the needy Conquerour consumed all their goods. The fields also, by reason of the Sabbatical year, lay untilled, in which it was unlawful to sow. [Id. lib. 15. cap. 1.]

Of these miserable times, among others were spectatours, Zacharias the Priest, with his wife Elizabeth, of the relicks of Davids stock, Heli and Joseph, Anna also the Prophetesse, of the tribe of Aser, and Simon the Just, who received an answer from the Holy Ghost, that he should not see death, till he had seen the Lords Christ. [Luke II. 26.]

Antonius, having taken Antigonus, intended to keep him prisoner with him untill his Triumph: but seeing Herod was afraid, least Antigonus, being brought to Rome by Antonius, should contend with him before the Senate, for his right to the kingdom: and Antonius heard, that the Nation were ready to innovate, and for hatred to Herod, favoured Antigonus, having received great sums of mony from Herod, he cut off Antigonus his head at Antioch, having lulled him on with vain hope of life, even unto the last: which being done, Herod was totally freed from fear, the principality p. 725of the Hasmonaeans, being taken away. [Id. ibid. & lib. 14. cap. ult. lib. 20. cap. 8. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 13.]

From the beginning of the Priesthood and principality of Antigonu…, to the taking of Jerusalem, are reckoned about two years and seven moneths, from whence also in the third year of the reign, both of Antigonus, and also of Herod, he is said to be killed by Antonius, in the 52 Chapter of the Jewish History, which is written in Arabick, set forth in the Paris Bible of many Languages: But Josephus attributes to Antigonus but three years and three moneths, [lib. 20. cap. 8.] which if they be to be extended to his death, will argue that it was delayed till the monethmonth of August of this year: to which, according to our account, from the beginning of the Captain-ship of Judas Maccabaeus, there passed 126 years, and two or three moneths. Josephus also not disagreeing in the end of his 14 book, where he writes, that the principality of the Hasmonaeans ended, Antigonus being slain, foreign, after an 126 years. But Herod, in the same Authour, [lib. 17. cap. 8.] allows only 125 years to the government of the Hasmonaeans: which being deduced from the beginning of Judas Maccabaeus, are ended in the beginning of the third year of the reign of Herod, in which the siege of Jerusalem began.

Now let us see what forraign Writers have delivered concerning the taking of Jerusalem, and the death of Autigonus. Livy seemeth in lib. 128. to have spoken of this History; in the Epitome of which, The Jews are said to be subdued by the Lieutenants of Antonius, for so the old books have it, where the Vulgar read, The Embassadors of the Jews were killed by Antonius. But of the death of Antigonus, we have this Testimony preserved by Josephus [lib. 15. cap. 1.] out of the books of Strabo the Cappadocian. Antonius having brought Antigonus the Jew to Antioch, caused him to be beheaded; and was supposed to be the first among the Romans, that put a King to death after this manner; thinking that the Jews could not be brought otherwise to admit of Herod for their King: for neither by torments could they be brought to vouchsafe him the name of King, in so high esteem held they the former King. Wherefore it was thought fit to obscure his memory by some ignominious death, and lessen the publick hatred they had against Herod. Of whom Plutarch in Anton. He bestowed tetrarchies of great nations upon many private men, and took away kingdoms from many, as from Antigonus the Jew, whom he brought forth and beheaded, with which punishment no King was ever put to death before.

Dio also mentions this History, [lib. 59. pag. 405.] writing thus of Sosius. He conquered Antigonus, who had killed a Garrison of the Romans which was with him; for being overcome in battle at Jerusalem, for it fled thither. The Jews, (a nation of unplacable anger, if it be once stirred) did many injuries to the Romans, but suffered far more: those were taken first by them, who fought for the Temple of their God: and then the rest, upon a Saturday, which day they keep a Festival with so much religion, that those that were formerly taken with the Temple, as soon as that day was come, they begged leave of Sosius, that they might go up to the Temple, and there with the rest offer sacrifice after the custom. Over these (Antonius) made one Herod Ling: but Antigonus he put to death, after he had scourged him, and tied him to a post, (which was never done to any King before by the Romans) to wit, to be beheaded at a post. Concerning which the first Excercitation of Causabon upon Baronius, cap. 7. is to be consulted, but that this was done Claudius and Norbanus being Consuls, as Dio intimates, it is true of Antigonus his being overcome, and of the taking of Jurusalem; but by no means concerning the death of Antigonus, which he underwent in the Consulships of M. Agrippa, and Caninius, or Canidius Gallus, which was the next year.

Nothing worthy of memory was done by the Romans this year in Syria, for Antonius spent the whole year in going into, and returning from Italy: and Sosius, for fear of the envy and anger of Antonius, so spent that time, that he thought not how he might offend Antonius by some gallant action, but he might curry favour with him by doing nothing. [Dio. ibid. pag. 405, 406.] Who neverthelesse being returned out of Italy, removed him, and made Plancus Governour of Syria, and in the room of Plancus, appointed C. Furnius, his Lieutenant in Asia. [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 749, 753. Dio. lib. 48. pag. 371, 372. lib. 49. pag. 402. 403.]

Another great trouble, Year of the World 3968 after his long mourning, seized upon Orodes, King of the Parthians; namely, which of his 30 sons, he should make King in the room of Pacorus: for many Concubines, of whom he had begotten many sons, besieged the old mans mind every one for their own children. At last he pitched upon the eldest, which was the worst of them all, and made him King. [Justin. lib. 42. cap. 4. Dio. lib. 49. pag, 406.] This was Phraates the III. called by Plutarch in Anton. Phraortes, although by the compiler of Appians Parthian stories, which he transcribed word for word out of Plutarch, and by Plutarch himself in the end of his Crassus, he is named Phraates; and likewise by Horace, Ode. 2. lib. 2. speaking of this time.

p. 726Redditum Cyri solio Phraatem.

Phraates restored to Cyrus his Throne.

He having received the Kindom by treachery, slew his brothers, who were born of the daughter of Antiochus, because they excelled him in virtue, and in bloud by the mothers side, and killed also Orodes, because he was angry at it. [Dio. pag. 404.] for he poisoned him as he lay sick of the Dropsie: which, when as he had voided the strength of the disease by siege, and began to be better, Phraates, letting his poisoning alone, took a shorter course, and strangled him. [Plutarch in fin. Crasso.]

After Phraates had killed his father, he put to death all his brothers, and when he saw that all the Nobility hated him for his daily vilanies, he commanded his own son, who was grown upto mans estate to be put to death, that there should be none that might be named King. [Justin. lib. 42. cap. 5.]

Seeing that Phraates went about to put the Nobility to death, and committed many wicked things; many of the chief fled from him, some otherwhere, and some to Antonius; of which one was Moneses, a noble and powerful man. [Plutarch in Anton. Dio. lib. 5. pag. 406.] This happened, Agrippa, and Gallus being Consuls. [Dio, ibid.]

The rest of the Winter, Gellius and Nerva being Consuls, P. Canidius Crassus being left Lieutenant by Antonius, about the Confines of Armenia, led his army against the Iberians; and having overcome their King Pharnabazus in battle, he compelled him to joyn forces with him: and going into Albania with him, he likewise joyned to him, that Nation also which he conquered, and their King Zoberes. [Id. ibid.] Who going as far as Caucasus with the conquered Armenians, and the Kings of the Iberians, and Albanians, he was the cause that the name of Antonius grew famous amongst the Barbarous Nations. [Plutarch in Antonius, Strabo. lib. 11. pag. 501.]

Antonius being puffed up with these successes, and relying much upon Moneses, committed the carrying on of the Parthian war to him; promising him the Kingdom of the Parthians, and granting to him the revenues of their Cities that were subject to the Romans, that he should receive them as long as the war lasted. [Dio. ut supra.] For Antonius comparing the fortune of Moneses with Themistocles his, and equally his own riches and magnificence to the Kings of Persia, he gave him three Cities, Larissa, Arethusa and Hierapolis, called formerly Bambyca. [Plutarch.]

Phraates, the King of the Parthians, courteously entertained the captive King Hyrcanus, for the nobility of his descent; and drawing him out of prison, suffered him to live in Babylon, where were great store of Jews: they no lesse honoured him then the King and High Priest, and not they only, but also all those of the Nation of the Jews, who were in old time carried beyond Euphrates by the Assyrians (or Babylonians) of whom there were many millions: but after he knew that Herod was made King, he began to cast his hopes another way, expecting favour from Herod, whom he had saved when he was called in question for his life: he began therefore to consult with the Jews, who in duty came to visit him, touching his journy, who with all their wise admonitions, could not withdraw him from the desire of going into his own Country. To this was added the Tetrarchy of Herod, who striving by all means to get the poor old man into his clutches, wrote to him, that he would beg of Phraates and the Jews of that Kingdom, that they would not envy him the joynt power that he should enjoy with his son in law; for now the time was come, wherein he might requite the favours he had done him in being his nourisher and preserver. He sent also Saramala his Embassadour to Phraates himself with great presents; soothing him up, That he should not hinder him from being thankful to him that had deserved so well of him. When therefore he had received Hyrcanus, thus dismissed by the Parthians, and honourably furnished by the Jews, for his expences for his journy, he entertained him with all honour, giving him the upper hand in all assemblies, and the mote honourable place at all feasts, and calling him father, he thus lulled him on, least he should suspect any trechery. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 2, 3.]

Herod taking care that none of the Nobility should be created High Priest, sent to Babylon for a Priest of base Parentage, whom he was well acquainted with, but yet of the race of the Priests, but derived from those Jews that were carried beyond Euphrates, this mans name was Ananelus (or Hananeel) and to him he gave the High Priesthood. [Id. ibid.]

p. 727Marcus Antonius refusing all honest and wholesome counsel, sent Fonteius Capito to Cleopatra to bring her into Syria, [Plutarch in Antonio.] into which she was no sooner come, but she presently thought how she might get it into her possession, [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 4.] She accused also the Syrian Noble men to Antonius, and perswaded him to put them to death, that she might more easily come to be Mistresse of their estates, [Id. lib. 1. bell. cap. 13.]

She accused Pausanias the son of Ptolomaeus (Mennaeus) King of Chalcis and Itu…aea, as if he favoured the Parthians, and caused him to be put to death by Antonius, (Id. lib. 14. cap. 4. Dio. lib. 49. pag. 411.] in whom for Pacorus is to be read Parthian) fifteen years after the death of his father Auletes; as is manifest out of Porphyrius, in the Greek Eusebian. of Scaliger, pag. 226. where the name of Lysimachus is falsely put for Lysanias.

Antonius made Amyntas the Secretary of Dejotarus Prince of Galatia, adding to it part of Lycaonia and Pamphylia, [Dio. ut supr. pag. 411. Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 567.]

Antonius also made Archelaus King of Cappadocia, who was nothing akin to the regal Family, and deposed Ariarathes; whose paternal stock was derived from those Archelai, who had waged war against the Romans, and his mother was that Harlot Glaphyra, [Dio. ut supr. pag. 411.] and that Antonius was naught with Glaphyra appears, out of that lascivious epigram of Caesar Octavianus, [in Martian. lib. 11. epigra. 21.]

Alexandra the daughter of Hyrcanus, the wife of Alexander the son of Aristobulus, and mother in law of Herod, taking it ill that her son Aristobulus, the brother of Mariamme was contemned, because that during his life time one called from another place should usurpe the High Priesthood. She wrote to Cleopatra by a certain Musitian, that she would demand the Priesthood of Antonius for her son: but her neglecting this businesse, Dellius a friend of Antonius, going into Judea upon some occasions, perswaded Alexandra to send the pictures of her son Aristobulus and daughter Mariamme to Antonius; for if he should but once see them, he would deny them nothing. Which being sent, Dellius also added, that they seemed to be of Divine, rather than of humane race, [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 2.] This was Dellius the Historian, of whom mention is made in Plutarch, and whose wanton letters to Cleopatra were common; as Seneca hath related in his first Swasory Oration: and whom Dio intimates, that Antonius used dishonestly, [l…b. 49. pag. 415.]

Antonius thinking it undecent to send for a Lady that was married to Herod, and shunning also the jealousie of Cleopatra, wrote to Alexandra that she shou…d send her son under some honest pretence; but adding withal, unlesse it were troublesome to her: but when these things were afterwards told Herod, he thought it not safe that Aristobulus a young man in the flowre of his age, being but sixteen, should be sent to Antonius, who was first the most potent of all the Romans, and also very much given to lusts. Wherefore he wrote back, that if the youth did but step out of the kingdom, all the whole country would be up in armes. The Jews hoping for some innovations under a new King, and by this means satisfied Antonius, [Joseph. ut supr.]

In the Sicilian war, Sextus Pompeius was overcome by Caesar Octavianus, and M. Lepidus, waxing proud under confidence of his 20 Legions, and attributing to himself, the whole Victory, was so bold as to oppose himself against Coesar, and to challenge Sicily for himself: but being forsaken by his army, and the Triumvirate taken from him, he was glad to beg his life and goods of Caesar, by whom he was sent into banishment to Circeli, [Liv. lib. 129. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 79, 80. Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 16, & 54. Appian. lib. 5. Dio. 49. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18.]

Sextus Pompeius, who was but now Master of 350 ships, fled into Asia with six or seven: as Florus relates, [lib. 4. cap. 8.] although Appian [lib. 5. pag. 741.] and Orosius, [lib. 6. cap. 18.] write that there were with him seventeen. He had an intent to flee unto Antonius, because he had saved his mother from the like danger, [Appian. ibid.]

Wherefore putting his daughter, his friends, his money, and all his best things into the ships that were left, which were swiftest of sail, Pompeius went away by night, none pursuing him; because he went away privately, and Caesar was continually entertained with troubles from Lepidus, [Dio lib. 49. pag. 398.] notwithstanding Pompeius being gone from Messana, fearing a pursuite, and suspecting the treachery of his companions, when he had told them that he would set sail for the main sea, he put out the light that the Admirals ships are wont to carry, and sailed by the coast of Italy, [Id. ibid. pag. 402.] and when he arrived at the promonto…y of Lacinium, he robbed the Temple of Juno of all its offerings, [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 747.]

From hence he passed to Corcyra, and thence into Cephalenia; and there he entertained others, who were cast in there by force of tempest: whom having called together, p. 728he laid his souldiers habite aside, and told them, that it would come to passe, that if they all stayed together, they could neither sufficiently help one the other, nor long lie hid; but if they were despersed, they might more easily flee, therefore he adv…sed them every one to shift for himself: which advice when most of them yeilded unto, they departed several wayes; but he with some that stayed with him, went to Lesbos, [Dio. pag. 402.] tarrying at Mitylenae, where his father had bestowed him before the Pharsalian battle, and being overcome, received him from thence again, [Appian. pag. 747.]

When the Parthians were troubled for the flight of Moneses to Antonius, and Phraates for that cause was in a fright; he sent messengers to Moneses to treat of a peace: and perswaded him with great promises to return again: which being known, although, as it was like to do, angered Antonius; yet he did not put Moneses whom as yet he had in his power, to death, (which if he had done, he conceived that none of the Barbarians would ever accept of his friendship) yet using policy against the enemy, he dismissed him, as if by his meanes he would make peace with the Parthians: and with him also sent Embassadours to Phraates, who in words should compose a peaee, if the King would restore the ensignes and captives that were alive, which the Parthians had taken in the overthrow of Crassus: for he thought he should take the King unprovided by reason of hopes of peace, [Plutarch in Antonio, Dio. lib. 49. pag. 406.]

But he himself in the mean while preparing for the war, came to Euphrates: which he supposed was kept by no Garrison; but when he found that there was a strong Garrison there, he changed his course, and intended presently to go into Armenia, to make war upon Artavasdes King of the Medes, being drawn thither by Artavasdes the King of the Greater Armenia who was the others enemy, [Dio. pag. 407.]

This Artavasdes the King of the Armenians, Josephus calls Artabazes, the son of Tigranes, [lib. 1. bell. cap. 13. lib. 15. cap. 5.] and Orosius calls Artabanes, [lib. 16. cap. 19.] whom when Antonius had taken him to be his counsellour, and guide, and chief for the management of the war, he then betrayed him, and afterwards brought the Romans into divers calamities, [Strabo, lib. 11. pag. 524. & lib. 16. pag 748.]

Antonius having sent back Cleopatra into Egypt, he went thorough Arabia into Armenia: where he had commanded both his own forces and the auxiliaries of the Kings to meet him: amongst whom were many friends and allies, and among them that Artavasdes or Artabazes King of Armenia, 6000 Horse and 7000 Foot: and when the souldiers were mustered, there were found to be of the Romans, and of the allies of Italy, 60000 Foot, and the ordinary Horse of the Spaniards and French 10000. and of auxiliaries from other Nations 30000. reckoning the Horsemen and the light-harnessed souldiers. Thus Plutarch; but Velleius Paterculus allows Antonius XIII Legions, [lib. 2. cap. 82.] Florus, XVI. [lib. 4, cap. 10.] and Justin, [lib. 42. cap. 5.] and Livy, XVIII Legions, and XVI thousand Horse, [lib. 130.]

The guide of his army made the journey from Zeugma to Euphrates, even to the entring of Atrapatena, (which the river Araxes divideth from Armenia) 8000 furlongs, twice so much more as the right way, by carrying them about over mountains and by-waies, [Strabo. lib. 11. pag. 524.] and whereas Aetonius ought to have refreshed his army in the winter quarters of Armenia, being wearied with a journey of 8000 furlongs, and the spring but now beginning, to have invaded Media, before the Parthians were come out of their winter quarters, he could not away with any delay; being so ravished with the longing after Cleopatra, that he thought rather of a speedy return, than of gaining a victory. [Plutarch.]

Therefore when he understood, that the King of Media was gone far from his own Country, to bring aid to the Parthian; he himself in all hast marched with the best part of his horse and foot, leaving part of his army and baggage with Oppius Stapianus, but commanding them to follow him; hoping that at the first onset he should conquer Media. [Dio. pag. 407.]

Among the carriages that were left, were the engines for battery, which were carried in 300 carts, among which was a ram of 80 foot long, of which if any were broken they could not be mended, for the scarcity of materialls in those Countryes, that bring forth trees neither high nor strong enough. [Plutarch.]

Antonius after he had passed the river Araxes, was beset with miseries on all sides, [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] and as soon as he came into Atrapatena, he harrased that country, then he besieged Phraata, a great City, in which was the wife of the King of the Medes with her children, when presently he found his errour that he had committed, in leaving his engines behind him, and so was fain to raise a mount neer the City, which he did but very slowly and with great labour, [id.] this was the royall City of the Medes called by Dio Praaspa, and by Strabo Vera, (unlesse I be deceived) [in his lib. 11. pag. 523.] out of Adelphius, (if it be not Dellius the Historian) who was p. 729with Antonius in this expedition, and wrote it, and commanded part of the army, shewing that this City was 2400 furlongs from the river Araxes.

The Parthians and Medes, knowing that Antonius did but labour in vain, in assaulting that City that was so well fortified with walls and men, they of a sudden set upon Statianus as he was tired with his journey, and killed both him, and all that were with him, Plutarch reckons foreign or 10000, Velleius Paterculus, nameth two Legions, and took all the baggage and engines of war, Polemo the King of Pontus, and companion of the war, being taken was dismissed for his ransome of money that he gave: and this was an easie matter for the Barbarians to doe, because the King of Armenia was not at the fight; who might have helped the Romans; which he not onelyonly did not, but departed, not indeed unto Antonius, but into his own kingdom, [Dio. pag. 407. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 8. Plutarch, in Antonio.]

Antonius, although he made haste at the first news of Statianus, that he might succour his men, yet he came too late; for he found none but dead men. Wherefore although he was much afrighted with this overthrow, yet because none of the Barbarians opposed him, thinking that they were gone for fear of him, he took courage again, and not long after meeting with them, by the help of his slingers (of vvhichwhich he had great store, he put them to flight, for the slingers darts went farther than the enemies arrovvs: so that the cuirassecres vvere not safe from them, but yet by the svviftnesse of the Barbarian horse there was no great slaughter made. [Dio. ut supra.]

Antonius again set upon the assault of Praaspa, in which he did not much endammage the enemy, the Garrison which were within strongly repulsing them, and the enemy that was without hindring them from coming to handy blowes, [id. ibid.] and whereas the Parthians that came to aid the besieged, threatned the Romans most contumeliously; Antonius being unwilling that his souldiers should loose any of their animosity, he took with him ten Legions, and three Praetorian cohorts, and all his Horsemen, and a forraging: hoping by this meanes that the enemy would set upon him, and so he should come to a set battle. [Plutarch.]

When he had gone a daies journey, as soon as he saw the Parthians, wheeling about him, to hinder his return, he commanded the signall of battle to be sounded, yet trus…ed up his tents, as though he prepared not to fight, but for his march, and thus he marched by the Barbarians who were drawn up in an half moon, commanding his Horse, that as soon as they were come together, that the Legions might set upon the enemy, they should begin the charg, the Parthians did much wonder at the well ordered army of the Romans, beholding the souldiers passing by and keeping their rancks, and shaking their darts at them, but not speaking a word: but after the signe and a great shout made, the Horse had given the onset, they resisted a little, although that immediately the Romans had gotten so within them, that they took from them the use of the arrowes, then presently, the Legions coming to joyn, with great shouting and the clattering of the armour, the Parthian horse were frighted, and the Parthians themselves turned their backs before they came to handy stroakes, Antonius hoping that now he should overcome them, or at least finish the greatest part of the war, followed the chase very hard, but when his Foot had pursued them 50 furlongs, and his Horse three times so much, and considered the number of the slain, and prisoners, they found they had taken 30, and killed only 80, this did much discourage them; thinking it was hard, if being Conquerours they should kill so few, but being conquered they should lose so many as they had done when the carriages were taken, the next day, as they were returning to their Camp, they met at the first a few of their enemies then more, at last all of them, as if they had not been formerly routed but all fresh men vvho reviled them and brake in upon them on every side, so that they could not but very hardly and vvith great labour get to their camp again. [id.]

In the absence of Antonius the Medes that vvere at Praaspa set upon the mount, and put the defenders of it in a fright, for vvhichwhich Antonius being enraged, decimated them that had forsaken the place, and for the rest he gave them barly instead of vvheat. [id.]

The Forragers that were sent out by Antonius, at the beginning, when the Romans had their provisions neer them were sufficient for bringing them in, but afterwards, when they had eaten up all that was neer them, that the souldiers themselves were forced to go a forraging: but it came to passe, that if but few were sent, that they only not brought any thing, but that the forragers themselves were lost; if many, Praaspa was le…t naked of besiegers, and by the sallies of the Barbarians, many of the Romans were killed, and many engines were destroyed, from whence it came to passe that Antonius his men, who besieged others, suffered the same things that those that are besieged use to suffer, for the Townes-men observed fit times for sallies, and those that were without, by their sudden incursions and quick retreates, did grievously trouble them that remained in the Camp, as often as they divided their forces, but the forragers that went to the villages they never molested, but set upon them unexpectedly p. 730as they were scattered in their return to the Camp. [Dio. lib. 49. pag. 408.]

Sextus Pompeius hearing that Antonius was in Media, making war with the Medes and Parthians, intended to commit himself, to his protection at his return, and in the mean time to winter in Lesbos; the Lesbians for the memory of his Father most willingly entertaining and detaining him. [Id. ibid. pag. 402. Appian. lib. 5. pag. 747.]

Antonius protracting the siege of Praaspa, the war was very troublesome to both parties; for neither Antonius could get any victual, but by the bloud and wounds of his own men: and Phraates knew that the Parthians would endure any thing, rather than winter in the Camp, and that in a strange Country, wherefore he was afraid, that if the Romans continued in arms, he should be forsaken of his men: the weather growing very cold, after the Autumnal Equinoxial. [Plutarch.] He was afraid also, that if the siege were continued, Antonius, either by himself, or else being helped with supplies, would very much incommodate the City; wherefore he suborned some, that should promote the motion of a peace between them, with an hope that it would be easily granted. [Dio. pag. 408.]

Wherfore the Parthian commanded his men, when they met with the Forragers, to deal more courteously with them, and also to cast in some words of peace; by which means Antonius being perswaded, sent a friend to demand the restitution both of his Ensignes and Prisoners, least he should seem to be content only to depart with safety: to whom it was answered, That he should let those things alone, but if he desired peace and security, he should depart suddainly. [Plutarch.] And thus Phraates, sitting on his guilt Throne, and twanging a bow string, after that he had in many words inveghed against the Romans, he promised Antonius his Embassadors peace upon this condition, That he should immediately withdraw his army. [Dio. pag. 408.]

When Antonius received this answer, although he was very eloquent, both for civil and military Orations, yet at that time, for shame and sorrow, he did not speak to his souldiers, but made Domitius Aenobarbus supply his place, to spake to the souldiers, and to bid them be of good chear: and within few dayes, having trussed up his baggage, he departed, [Plutarch.] leaving his works that he had raised, for the assault of Praaspa undismantled, as if he had been in a friends Country, all which the Medes burnt, and cast down the Mount. [Dio. ut supra.]

But when they were to return by the same Campaign, where was no wood, a certain Mardian that knew the fashion of the Parthians, who had done very good service for the Romans, at the battle where the Engines were taken, perswaded Antonius, that he should march with his army by the Mountains on the right hand, and that he should not hazard it in the plain and open fields; they being heavily armed, against the multitude of Parthian Horse men, who were all Archers; for that the Parthians did but seek this occasion by fair words, to draw him from the siege, that he would shew him a shorter way, and more plentiful for the victualling of his souldiers. These things Antonius related to his Council, dissembling withal, That he little trusted to the peace with the Parthians, yet commending the shortnesse of the way, and especially the passage through a plentiful Country: he demanded some assurance of the Mardian, who yielded himself to be bound, till he had brought the army into Armenia; and being thus bound, he brought them without molestation for two dayes together. [Plutarch.]

But on the third day, when Antonius little thought of the Parthians, marched securely, in confidence of the peace: the Mardian perceiving the dam of the river newly broken up, and that all the way was drowned by which they should passe, he understood that this was done by the Parthians, by this difficulty to give an halt to the Roman army: he presently told Antonius of this, and bad him to provide against the coming of the enemy. He, ordering his battle, set distances between the ranks, by which those that used darts and slings, might make an excursion upon the enemies, when the Parthians opened their files to compasse about and disorder the army: but when the light Horsemen brake in upon them, after the giving and receiving of many wounds, they retired, and again came on, until the French Horse, being reserve, gave them a fierce charge, and routed them so, that they attempted nothing more that day. [Id.]

Antonius learning from hence what was to be done, made his army march in a square body, having a strong guard of darters and slingers, not onelyonly in the rereward, but also in the flanks; giving also a charge to his Horse, that if the enemy assailed them, they should repulse them; but if they fled, they should not follow the chase too far, and so the Parthians for four dayes space, having received as good as they brought, began not to be so hot upon them, but taking the winter for an excuse, thought upon returning backagain. [Id.]

On the fifth day, Flavius Gallus, one of the Captains, a valiant and industrious man, p. 731desired of Antonius, that he would give him leave to take some light armed men from the rear, and some Horsemen from the front, as if he would do some gallant act. He by a rash attempt, brake in upon the enemy, with much hazard, whilst they send him aide by small companies: they, as too weak, are cut off by the enemy, untill that Antonius came in with the whole strength of the army, and rescued the rest from manifest danger. [Id.]

Florus writes, [lib. 4. cap. 10.] that there were two Legions overthrown by the Parthian darts, Plutarch saith that there sell not lesse than 3000, and that there were 5000 wounded men brought back into the Tents, amongst which was Gallus, who was shot through in four places, who afterwards died of his wounds: Antonius was very much troubled to see this, went and comforted them that were wounded: but they chearfully took him by the right hand, and desired him that he would look to himself and trouble himself no more for them, and calling him their Emperour, told him that if he were well, then they were all safe and in health. [Plutarch.]

This victory made the Parthians so proud, who were before weary and in despair, that they lodged all night neer the Romans Camp, hoping that they should have presently the plunder of all their money, and the ransacking of their tents, [Plutarch.] on which night, a certain Roman whose life was spared in Crassus his overthrow, came in a Parthian habit to the Roman trenches, and saluting them in Latine, after he had gotten to be believed, informed them what danger was at hand, that the King would come with all his Forces; and advised them, that they should not march that way they intended, but that they should go back again, and take the way by the woods and the mountains, and withal told them, that perchance they might meet with the enemy that way also, [Florus. lib. 4. cap. 10. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 82.]

As soon as it was day, many enemies came together, and they say there was not less than 4000 Horse, the King also sending thither his Life-guard, as to a most certain and an assured Victory, for the King as yet was never at any fight. Then Antonius lifting up his hands to heaven, made his prayers to the gods; that if there were any god offended with his former good fortune, that he would lay all the adversity upon his own head, but that health and victory might be to the rest of the army, [Plutarch.]

The next day the army marched on in a more secure guard: the Parthians setting upon them, were very much deceived in their expectation; they supposing they came but to pillage and plunder, and not to fight; but being cheerfully received by the Roman darts, thereupon their hearts began again to fail them, [Id.]

And as they were going down a certain Hill, the Parthians lay in ambush for them, and overwhelmed them with their arrows as thick as haile; but then the souldiers that carried great shields, took in the light-harnessed men into the middest of them, and kneeling down upon their left knee, held their bucklers over their heads, and made a testudo: by which means they defended both themselves and their friends from the enemies arrows, which falling upon the convexity of the shields, slid off by reason of the slipperinesse, [Florus, lib. 4. cap. 10. Frontino. lib. 2. Stratagem. cap. 3. Dio. lib. 49. pag. 409.]

The Parthians, who had never seen such a thing before, thinking that they had all fallen down by reason of their wounds, or that they would presently all fall; wherefore they cast away their bows, and leapt from their horses, and taking them Spears, they came to kill them with their naked swords: then the Romans rose up again, and at the signal given, widened their body, and making a shout, set upon their enemies in the Front, and with their darts they slew the foremost, and made them all flee: which thing struck such amazement in the Barbarians, that one amongst them used this speech; Go ye Romans, and farewel, fame with good cause termes ye the Conquerours of Nations, who can outstand the Parthian shot, [Florus, Plutarch, Dio, ut supr.]

There were continaul skirmishes between them, which was the cause that the Romans could rid but little way in their march, [Plutarch.] and when they marched by break of day, they were alwayes infested with the Parthian arrows; whereupon Antonius deferred his removing until the fifth hour, and so made his own souldiers more confident: through which perswasion the Parthians went from thence, and they marched an indifferent way without any trouble for that day, [Frontin. lib. 2. Stratagem. cap. ult.]

The army then began to be troubled with famine, because they were hindered from forraging by their often skirmishing, and they wanted also Mills; which for the most part were left behind, and the beasts were either dead or else imployed to carry the sick and wounded men. It is reported that little above a quart of wheat was sold for fifty drachmes, and barly loaves for their weight in silver. Then they were fain to eat rootes and herbs, and by chance they fell upon one that being eaten made them mad; and all that eat it did nothing but dig up stones, and remove them, thinking they had p. 732been about some serious businesse: at last they vomitted up a great deal of choler, and died, because they wanted wine, (which was the onelyonly remedy,) [Plutarch.]

The famine thus raging in the Camp, they began to flee to the enemy, and but that the Parthians slew these runawayes in the sight of the rest, all had a good mind to be going; but the cruelty of the Parthians stopped the revolt, [Dio. lib. 5. pag 409.]

Antonius (seeing so many of his own souldiers dying, and the Parthians all setting upon) is reported to have often cryed out foreign I wondering at those 10000 men who under the conduct of Xenophon marched a far longer march from Babylon, and often fighting with their enemies, and yet came home safe, [Plutarch.]

And seeing the Parthians could neither break the body of the Romans, no nor their ranks, but that they were often overcome themselves and repulsed, they began again to talk peaceably with them that went to fetch water and forrage, and shewing them their bows unbent, told them that they were departing, and that they would follow them no more; but that perhaps they might have some Medes follow them a day or two, but that they would not do them any great hurt, onelyonly secure some of the remoter villages; and holding them with this talke, they gently took their leave of them: at which the Romans were very joyful; which being told Antonius, he desired rather to march by the champain, than the mountains, because it was said that that way wanted water, [Id.]

Whilst he was in this determination, there came to him one from the enemies Camp named Mithradates, a cosin of Moneses, to whom Antonius had given the three Cities; and demanded that some might be sent to him that understood the Syriack or Parthian Language, to whom when Alexander an Antiochian, a familiar friend of Antonius, was come, he declared unto him, that in those mountains which he saw, the Parthians with all their forces lay in ambush, to set upon them as they passed by the plains; and advised them to passe by the mountains, which had no other inconvenience than want of water for one day, whose counsel Antonius following, and having the Mardian for his guide, by night took his journey by the way of the mountains; commanding his souldiers to carry water with them, which many did in their helmets and leathrene bags, [Id.]

The Parthians having intelligence of this, contrary to their custom, pursued them by night, and by Sun-rising they overtook the reare ward of the Romans, tyred with labour and watching; for that night they had gone 240 furlongs, although they did not think that the enemy would have come upon them so soon; by which they were the more dejected, their thirst also was increased by their fighting; for they were forced to march fighting, [Id.]

In the interim the vowwards met with a River coole indeed and clear, but salt and venemous, which immediately did gnaw the guts of them that drank it, and increased their thirst: which although the Mardian forewarned them of, yet they violently thrust them away that would have kept them from drinking of it, and drank freely of it. Antonius also was very urgent with them, and prayed them to forbear but a little, for not far off, there was one that they might drink of, and that the rest of the way was so rough and uneven, that the enemy could by no means follow them. He sounded a retreat also, that at least the souldiers might refresh themselves in the shade, [Id. Florus, lib. 4. cap. 10.]

As soon as the Tents were pitched, the Parthians according to their custom departed, and Mithradates returned: and Alexander coming unto him, he told him, that after they had something refreshed themselves, they should all rise, and make haste over the River, for that was the utmost that they would pursue them. Antonius for this gave him great store of gold-plate, of which he took as much as he could hide in his garment, and departed, [Plutarch.]

The next dayes journey was without any molestation, but the following night they themselves made most grievous and dangerous to themselves; for those that had any gold or silver, were killed, and robbed, and the sumpters that carried the Treasure were plundered; and last of all, the household stuff of Antonius himself, as his plate and precious tables, they brake and divided among themselves. Wherefore this tumult and uproar being in the army, for they thought that the enemy had set upon the sumpters to rob them, Antonius called a free man of his, and commanded him to kill him, and to cut off his head, that neither he might not be taken alive by the enemy, nor known when he was dead, [Id. cum Floro. ut supr. Sexto Rufo. in Breviario.]

As his friends were weeping about him, the Mardian bid Antonius be of good chear, for he perceived there was a River near: and others told him that this tumult arose from their own covetousnesse and doing wrong one to the other. Wherefore p. 733Antonius, that he might compose these tumults and disturbances in the army, gave a signal to encamp. And now it began to grow light, and the army to fall in good order again: when as the reareward perceived the enemies arrows, whereupon the signal of battle was given to the light Horsemen, and the Shieldmen coming together as they did before, defended the force of the Parthian arrows, who durst never come near them. And as they marched a little forward, as soon as ever the river was espied by those that went first, Antonius opposing his Horse against the enemy, made all the sick men pass over first: and now both the fear and labour was much diminished in them that fought. For as soon as the Parthians saw the river, they unbent their bows, and bid them a Gods name, highly commending their valour: so they passed leasurely over the river, and made much of themselves, not overmuch trusting to the promises of the Parthians. [Plutarch.]

Caesar Octavianus, having setled his affairs in Sicily, on the Ides of November entred Rome, out of Sicily in an Oration, as is manifest from the marble triumphal Neords, [Inscript. Grut. pag. CCXCVII. cum Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 22. Dion. lib. 49. pag. 400. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18.] and had a golden Statue erected for him in the Rostra, which expressed his lively portaicture with this inscription, For peace restored after continual wars both by sea and land, [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 746.] and was then 28 years old: after which manner those words of Appian are to be taken, foreign.

He received also the Tribunitial power for ever, by a Decree of the Senate, inviting him by this honour to lay down the Triumvirate; concerning which businesse he wrote privately to Antonius, by Bibulus. [Appian. ibid. pag. 747. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18.]

Antonius his men came to the river Araxes, the sixth day after the battle, which divideth Media (Atropatena) from Armenia: here the passage seemed very difficult, by reason of the depth and rapidnesse of the river; and there was a report that the enemy lay in ambush to set upon them in their passage: but after they were safely passed over, and were entred Armenia, as if they had newly landed from sea, they kissed the earth, aud fell embracing one the other with tears of joy. But when they marched through a plentiful Country, they so filled themselves with plenty of victuals, after their long famine, that many began to be sick of Dropsies and Fluxes. [Plutarch.]

Here Antonius mustred his army, and found that he had lost 20000 Foot, and 4000 Horse, the half of whom died of diseases, and not in fight against the enemy. [Id.] Of the whole army there was not lesse than the fourth part wanting, of the grooms and slaves a third and scarce any of the baggage remained; yet Antonius called this flight his victory, because he came off alive. [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 82.]

He fled in 21 dayes 300 miles. [Livy, lib. 130.] The march continued for 27 dayes together, from Phraata (or Phraaspa) in which space of time the Parthians were repulsed in fight 18 times: but those 16000 Horse, who were armed after the Parthian manner, and used to fight with them, which Artarasdes brought out of Armenia: the Parthians could not so often repaire their battle, being so often beaten by the Romans, if they had had those to pursue them. Wherefore all men egged on Antonius to punish the Armenians: but he took no advice, neither upbraided him with his treachery, but used him with the same honour and courtesie that he ever had done, but all this was because he knew the army was weak and wanted necessaries. [Plutarch.]

Antonius, being now no more troubled with enemies, hasted to Cleopatra, he being unwilling to winter in Armenia; and taking a suddain journy in a sharp winter, and continual snows, and hurrying on his souldiers, he lost 8000 men by extremity of weather. [Livy, lib. 130. Plutarch in Antonio.] And also as they passed over the Mountains of Armenia, that were covered over with snow, the wounds, of which they received many, extreamly troubled them. Wherefore many being dead, and many rendred unserviceable; Antonius, because he could not endure to hear of these things, forbad that any one should speak to him of any such thing. But the King of Armenia, although he were angry with him, and carried revenge in his mind, because he had deserted him; yet he strived to indeare him to him, that he might get provisions from him. At length, seeing the souldiers could not endure this journy in winter any longer, he so perswaded the King, what by flatteries and promises, that he would let his army winter in his Country, as if intending the next spring to load his army against the Parthians. [Dio. lib. 49. pag. 310.]

At length, The Julian Period. 4679 having scarse left the third part of sixteen Legions, Year before Christ 35 he fled into Syria, (returning to Antiochia, as it is in Orosius, lib. 6. cap. 19.) where being as it were in a manner besotted, he began somewhat more to brag, as if he had gotten the p. 734victory, because he got away. [Florus, lib. 4. cap. 10.]

He coming down to the sea side with a few company, stayed in a Castle between Berytus and Sidon, (called Leucocome) and tarried for Cleopatra's coming, for whose absence he pined away: to wear which away, he fell to feasting and quiffing, amids which he would oft rise up and run, to see if she were coming, until at last she came indeed. [Plutarch. in Anton.]

Cleopatra brought for the souldiers great store of mony and apparel; and some reported, That Antonius took the apparel that she had brought, and gave it to the souldiers, and to the souldiers his own mony, as if she had given it. [Id. ibid.] Concerning which matter Dio writes thus. Monies were brought him by Cleopatra, of which he divided to every Legionary souldier 35. drachmes, (or pence) and to others proportionably: and when that mony was not enough, he made out the rest out of his own treasure, and gave acquittances for that he had received of Cleopatra. He received also much mony of his friends, and exacted much of his allies. Which when he had done, he went into Egypt. [Dio. ut supra. 410.]

Herod being continually molested with the intreaties of his wife Mariamme, that he would restore the High Priesthood to her brother Aristobulus, according to his due: wherefore calling a Council of his friends, he bitterly inveighed against his mother in law Alexandra, as if she had privately wrought treason against his Kingdom, and had endeavoured by Cleopatra's means to translate it to the lad; yet notwithstanding, least he should seem to contemn both his piety to her, and the rest of the kindred, he said, he would now restore the Priesthood to her son, to which Ananelus had hitherto been preferred, by reason of his tender years. Alexandra, almost beside her self for joy, and grieving that she was suspected, fell a weeping, and cleared her self of these accusations; and giving him many thanks for her sons honour, promised that hereafter she would be most obedient unto the King. And thus Herod gave the Priesthood to Aristobulus, in the lifetime of Ananelus's, he being then but seventeen years old. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. cap. 2. & 3.]

Sextus Pompeius, when he understood of Antonius ill fortune in Media, and that Caius Furnius, who at that time was governour of Asia, was no very good friend of his, he tarried not in Lesbos; but beginning to conceive some hopes, that either he should succeed Antonius (if he were once dead) in whole power, or at least should receive some part of it, especially seeing that both out of Sicily, and from other places, many came unto him, (partly in opinion of his fathers glory, and others, because they did not well know how to live else) so that he both took the ornaments of the General, and provided himself for the seizing upon the opposite Continent of Asia, alwaies setting before his eies, the late example of Labienus, who had over-run it on a suddain. [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 747. Dio, lib. 49. pag. 402.]

Antonius, when he was come into the Country of his friends, knowing what Pompeius had done, promised, That if he would lay down his arms, he would both pardon him, and be his friend. Pompeius promised he would, and so wrote him word back: but then contemning Antonius, both for the overthrow he had received, and for that he was so immediately gone into Egypt, he went on with his designe. [Dio, ibid.] But yet making way for both, by sending messengers to Antonius, offered himself to him, as to his friend and ally: but indeed to spy out his doings. In the mean time he sent Embassadors to the Governours of Thracia and Pontus, supposing, that if he could not obtain what he desired, he might through Pontus fly into Armenia. He sent Embassadors also to the Parthians, hoping that they would willingly use him for their Captain, in the war that was not yet ended against Antonius, he being both a Roman, and also the son of Pompeius the Great. He also provided ships, and exercised the Mariners, dissembling that he was afraid of Caesar, and that this preparation was for the service of Antonius. [Appian. ut supra.]

Antonius, as soon as he heard what Pompeius intended, yet he kept on his way, but sent Marcus Titius, who formerly had revolted from Sextus Pompeius to him, as General against him, that having received both a fleet and army from Syria, he should with all his power resist Pompeius, if he made any war, but if he would yield himself, he should receive him with all honour. [Id. & Dio. ibid.]

Pompeius his Embassadors that were sent to the Parthians, were surprised by Antonius his Captains, and brought to Alexandria. When Antonius had learned all these things from these Embassadors, he called the Embassadors that were sent to him, and brought them face to face: who excused him as being a young man in misery, and fearing he should be repulsed by him, was forced to prove the good will even of Nations that were greatest enemies of the Romans; but if he had known Antonius his mind, there had been no need of all the solicitations and policies. This he believed, as being a man not at all malicious, but well meaning, and generous. [Appian. pag. 749.]

p. 735Octavia being at Rome intended to saile unto Antonius, to which Caesar consented not, as most write, for any respect at all to him, but that he might have an honest colour of war against him if he sleighted, or m…sled her, [Plutarch. in Antonio.] the coming to Athens wintered there. [Appian lib. 5. pag. 750.]

At this time war brake out between the King of the Medes (Artarasdes) and Phraates the King of the Parthians, and Artabazes or Artarasdes King of the Armenians; he was angry with the Armenians, because by his meanes the Romans were brought in upon him; and with the Parthian, because he neither received any great matter of the spoiles of the Romans, nor any honour at all, and was afraid also that he would take away his Kingdome from him, he sent also Polemo the King of Pontus Embassadour to Antonius, desiring his friendship and alliance, desiring him to come unto him, and promising him the aid of all his forces, which Embassy Antonius took very well, for that only thing which seemed to want towards the overthrowing of the Parthian, which was because he was not strong enough in Horsemen and Archers: he thought now he should have, and yet do more pleasure in the receiving them, than the other did him in giving them, whereupon being puffed up with great hopes, he prepared again to go through Armenia, and having called the King of the Mede to the river Araxes, then to go forward with the war. [Plutarch. in Antonio. Dio, lib. 49. pag. 411.]

Antonius wrote to Octavia being now at Athens, commanding her to stay there, and advertised her of an expedition that he was about to take; she although she took it ill and smelled out the pretence, yet she wrote to him to know whether he would have those things sent that she had brought him, for she had brought much apparell for the souldiers, and many horse, and much money, and presents for his Captaines and friends, and besides all this 2000 choice men all armed, like the Praetorian cohorts, Niger, a friend of Antonius, being sent from Octavia declared unto him, adding withall the deserving commendations of Octavia. Antonius accepted both her own and others gifts, and also the souldiers that she had begged of her brother for this purpose. [ibid.]

Cleopatra, fearing least Octavia should draw Antonius from her, seemed to languish for the love of him, making her body so weak by her feminine tricks, as though she could not live if she were deprived of him, by which Antonius being overcome, left off his journey to the King of the Medes, (although news were brought him that the Parthians were in civil wars) and returned again into Alexandria, [Plutarch.] and so from thence forward did more and more give himself over to the love and imposture of Cleopatra. [Dio. pag. 411.]

Antonius summoned Artarasdes King of Armenia into Egypt, as a friend, that having gotten him into his power he might more easily put him to death, but seeing he did not come, suspecting some deceit, he then found other meanes to deceive him, neither did he openly shew his anger against him, least he should provoke him to war. [Dio. ibid.]

C. Furnius the Governour of Asia, (whom we read in Plutarch, Antonius, and St. Jersmees Chronicle, to be a man of great authorite, and to be the most eloquent among the Romans,) entertained Pompeius coming to him presently, being neither strong enough to repulse him, neither did he know Antonius his mind, but when he saw his souldiers to be exercised, he also mustered them that were of his Province, and sent for Aenobarbus, that commanded the army, that was next him, and called in all hast Amyntas to his aid, who when they came immediately together Pompeius complained that he was accounted for an enemy, at that time whenas he expected an answer from Antonius, by the Embassadours that he had sent unto him: neverthelesse he had a mind to take Aenobarbus by the treachery of Curius a familiar friend of his, hoping that it would be a matter of great moment, if any charg should happen; but the treason being discovered, Curius was put to death being condemned in the consistory of the Romans; and Pompeius also killed Theodorns a freed man of his, who only knew of this businesse, as if he had been the blabber of it. [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 749.]

Pompeius despairing that Furnius would be received by him, seized upon Lampsacus by treachery; where many Italians lived, being brought thither as a Colony by C. Caesar: which Italians he by great wages inticed to serve under him, and now he had 200 Horse and 3 Legions, when setting upon Cyzicum by sea and land, he was repulsed in both places, for there were there then a very great band of souldiers, who kept the fencer… that were then brought up for Antoniu…: being returned therefore into the haven of the Arhaeans, he there provided corn. [id. ibid.]

Seeing Fur…ius would not fight, but alwaies kept neer his Camp with many Horsemen; not suffering him either to provide any corn, nor seize upon any Cityes; Pompeius set upon his Camp in front, sending also some about, that should do the same in p. 736the reare; wherefore when Furnius went out against him, he had his Camp at his back. Pompeius slew many as they fled by the fields of Scamander: for the field was very plashy by reason of much rain that fell. Those that escaped, retreated into a safe place, but unable to provide for a new war: and whenas they received supply out of Mysia, Propontis, and other places; poor men, being exhausted with exactions, for very reward did serve under Pompeius, who was now grown famous for the Victory he got at the Haven of the Achaeans, [Ibid. pag. 750.]

Seeing Pompeius wanted Horse, and therefore was cut very short in his forraging; he heard that a squadron of Italian Horse were going to Antonius, being sent by Octavia, who wintered in Athens: and therefore presently sent to corrupt them with gold; these the President that was set over Macedonia by Antonius apprehended, and divided the money to the souldiers, [Ibid.]

Pompeius having seized upon Nicaea and Nicomedia, he gathered money together in abundance, by reason of the great and unexpected successes, [Ibid.]

As Furnius lay incamped neer him, at first there came to him out of Sicily, as soon as the Spring began, a Fleet of 70 ships, which onelyonly remained of the Fleet that Antonius had lent Caesar against Pompeius; for when the Sicilian war was ended, Caesar dismissed them. Titius also came out of Syria with an 120 ships, and a great army, and all arrived at Proconesus, [Ibid.]

Pompeius being much afraid, being not as yet fully provided, chose those places that were most convenient for his fleeing: but being apprehended in Nicomedia, he demanded peace by his Embassadours, laying the hopes of obtaining it, on the favours that he had formerly done Titius; but Titius absolutely denied to yeild to any peace, unlesse he yeilded up into his hands, all his ships and forces, [Dio. lib. 49. pag. 402, 403.]

Wherefore Pompeius, despairing of any safety by sea, having put all his provision of any weight into his ships, set them on fire; and armed his Mariners as being of more use to him on land with others, [Id. ibid. pag. 403. Appian. pag. 750.]

Herod fearing lest his mother in law Alexandra should seek occasions to raise new troubles, commanded her to keep within the Palace, and to do nothing of her own authority; and she was kept so strictly, that nothing was concealed from him of all that she did; yea even to the expences of her Table: which servitude she took very heavily, and sent letters to Cleopatra, complaining of her hard condition, desiring her that she would yeild her assistance. Wherefore at the command of Cleopatra, that she with her son should flee into Egypt to her, she provided two coffins, wherein she inclosed her self and her son, such as men are put in when they go to be buried; commanding those servants that were privy to the plot, that they should carry them out by night, & bend their course to a ship that was ready provided to carry them into Egypt. This businesse Aesopus a servant blabbed to Sabbation a friend of Alexanders, supposing that he had known all before: which as soon as Sabbation knew, he who hitherto was an enemy of Herods, as being suspected to be of the plot in the poisoning of Antipater, took this occasion of being reconciled to the Kings favour by declaring this matter; who dissembling the matter till it was upon execution, surprised her in flight, and brought her back: yet notwithstanding he pardoned her her fault, as not daring to punish her; for he feared that Cleopatra would not be so contented, but would seek any occasion of hatred against him: wherefore under colour of a magnanimous spirit, he made shew as if he pardoned her out of meer clemency, [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 3.]

Cassius Parmensis, Nasidius, Saturninus, Antistius, and other honourable friends of Sextus Pompeius, and his dear friend Fannius, and his father in law Libo also, when they saw that he would not leave off making war with one more powerful that himself, nay not after the coming of Titius, to whom Antonius had committed it; began to despair of him, and therefore covenanting for themselves, they went over to Antonius, [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 750, 751.]

Pompeius thus forsaken of his friends, departed into the mid-land Country of Bythinia, intending to go (as was reported) into Armenia: him stealing privately out of the Camp by night, Furnius and Titius, and with them Amyntas pursued, and marching excessive fast, they overtook about evening, they incamped both of them about an Hill, but without either ditch or trench; it being late at night and they weary. Pompeius being in this condition, sent by night 3000 Targatiers, who set upon them either in their beds, or running out from their lodgings, who all fled naked most cowardly. If Pompeius had set upon them with all his forces, or out pursued them as they fled, he might have had an absolute Victory: which when he observed not, he gained nothing by all this, but that he went on whither he was a going into the mid-land Country, [Id. ibid. pag. 751.]

p. 737His enemies being joyned together, kept him from forraging, that he was so oppressed with famine, that he was forced to demand a parly with Furnius, in former time a friend of Pompey; the Great, a man of honour and gravity above the rest. Wherefore standing upon the bank of a River that ran between them, he told him that he would commit himself to his protection, upon condition that he might be brought to Antonius; Furnius answered, that this businesse did not belong to him, but to Titius: Pompeius suspecting Titius his faithfulnesse, offered again to yeild himself, intreating that he might be accepted; which when it could not be obtained, he desired that he might be received by Amyntas: but he told him, that Amyntas would do nothing that might be an injury to him that was to execute the commands of Antonius; and so the parly brake off, [Id. ibid. pag. 751, 752.]

Furnius his souldiers, thought that for very want of food he would the next day yeild himself to Titius; but he according to the custom in Campes, made many fires in the night, and by Trumpeters distinguishing the watches of the night, he privately withdrew himself with his army without any baggage, not so much as telling them whither they were going; for he thought to return to the sea, and to burn Titius his fleet; which perhaps he had effected, but that Scaurus run from him, and told both of his departure, and which way he went; although he knew not what he intended. Then Amyntas pursued him with 1500 Horse, whereof he was absolutely destitute. As soon as he came neer him, Pompeius his souldiers went over to him, some privately, and some openly. Pompeius being now almost desolate, and being afraid of his own souldiers, yeilded himself without any conditions, who formerly had refused the conditions of Titius, [Id. ibid. pag. 752.]

Dio writes, that he was surprised and circumvented, and taken by Ti…ius and Furnius at Miletum, which is a Town of Phrygia, [pag. 403.] Appianus saith, that his army was compelled by Titius, to take a solemn oath to Antonius, [pag. 753.]

Antonius being certified of this businesse, immediately by his letters commanded Pompeius to be put to death: but a little after repenting him, he commanded him to be saved; but seeing the carrier of the last letters came before him that brought the first; Titius then afterwards receiving the letters concerning his death, and perhaps supposing them indeed to be written last, or knowing the truth would not believe it; he followed the orders of the letters, as they were delivered, and not the sense, [Dio. pag. 403.]

There are some who report, that it was not Antonius that commanded the death of Pompeius, but Plancus; who being Governour of Syria, was wont in letters of moment to subscribe the name of Antonius, and also to use his seal: either with the knowledge of Antonius, (yet he himself would not write, either by reason of the renown of Pompeius himself, or because Cleopatra favoured him for the memory of his father the Great Pompeius) or by his own advice being afraid that Pompeius might be some cause of difference between Caesar and Antonius, or lest Cleopatra should transfer her favour upon Pompeius, [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 753.]

And thus was Sextus Pompeius put to death at Miletum, [Id. ibid. Strabo, lib. 3. pag. 141.] L. Cornificius and another Sextus Pompeius being Consuls, [Dio. lib. 49. pag. 403.] of whom in the epitomy of Livies 132 book, we thus read. Sextus Pompeius, when he yeilded himself unto Antonius, but yet raising war against him in Asia, was overcome by his Lieutenants: and in Orosius, [lib. 6. cap. 19.] Pompeius fleeing, being often overcome both by sea and land, was taken, and a little after put to death: and in Velleius Paterculus, [lib. 2. cap. 87.] Antonius, when he had promised that he would preserve the dignity of Sextus Pompeius, then also deprived him of life. And more fully in the 97 Chapter. Pompeius fled into Asia, and by the command of Antonius, whose help he implored, whilst he was in disturbance between being a General, and a Petitioner, and now would retain his dignity, and now beg his life, had his throat cut by Titius, by which the envy he had contracted lasted so long, that when as he exhibited Play…s in Pompeius his theatre, he was driven out thence with the curses of the people from the Shews that he set forth.

Caesar Octavianus, exhibited Playes on horseback, because of the death of Sextus Pompeius; and setting up a Chariot for the honour of Antonius before the Rostra and Statues in the Temple of Concorde, gave him leave to banquet there with his wife and children, as it was formerly decreed unto himself: for as yet he feigned himself to be his friend, and comforted him concerning the Parthian Expedition, and told him what envy there was risen against him, by reason of the Sicilian Victory, and the honours decreed unto him for it, [Dio. lib. 49. pag. 403.]

In the Feast of Tabernacles, Year of the World 3970 the new High Priest Aristobulus being just now past seventeen years old, being to offer sacrifice according to the Law, being clad in Pontifical attire, came to the Altar, and performed the ceremony with all decency, whose excellent beauty and stature being higher than usually of his age, carrying in his countenance the honour of his linage, turned the eyes and love of all the multitude upon p. 738him, every one calling to mind the worthy and memorable actions of his grandfather Aristobulns: and being overcome with the affection they bare him, they were so overjoyed, they could not contain themselves, but openly praied for him, and wished him all joy, and that more freely than was fit, under such a King, proclaiming openly both the memory and thanks they owed to that family for all their benefits. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 3.]

As soon as the feast was ended, he was entertained at a banquet by his mother Alexandra; and King Herod courteously inticing the young man into a convenient place, counterfeiting to sport with him, after the fashion of young men: and because that place was too hot, they were quickly weary: they left their sport, and went to the fish pools that were near the Court, to take the fresh aire at noon time: and at first they beheld some of their friends and servants as they were swimming. At length the young man also, by the perswasion of Herod, went in amongst them; then those to whom this charge was given, ducking him as he was swimming, as it were in sport and jest, holding him under water, never left off till they had drowned him. And this was the end of Aristobulus, in the eighteenth year of his age, and the first of his High-Priesthood, which immediately returned to Ananelus. [Id. ib.]

Now when this accident was reported to the women, they were all in an uproare, and did nothing but weep and howl over the dead body of the young man. Sorrow also seized upon the whole City, as soon as the rumour was spread abroad, every house bewailing the calamity, as if it had been their own. But Herod endeavoured by all means to make people belive, that this chance happened without his knowledge, not only feigning to be sorrowful, but also tears and grief very like to true grief: and that he might the more comfort the women, he buried the body with a most magnificent funeral; being extreamly liberal, both in adorning his monument, and also in perfumes and other precious things. [Ib.]

His mother Alexandra, although she was often ready to lay violent hands upon her self, seeing she knew all the treason, yet she repressed her passion, seeming not to be suspicious, as if she had thought that her son had been killed on purpose, untill some occasion of revenge might offer it self. [Ib.]

Antonius seeking some way how he might the more easily be revenged of Artava…des King of Armenia, The Julian Period 4680 sent unto him Q Dellius, Year before Christ 34 and by him demanded, adding also many promises, that there might be a marriage concluded between his daughter and his son Alexander (whom he had by Cleopatra) at length on a suddain, in the beginning of the Spring, he came to Nicopolis, a City in the lesser Armenia, built by Pompeius; and thither he sends for him to come, as though he would make use of both his advise and aide in the Parthian war; but Artavasdes suspecting treachery, did not come. [Dio. lib. 49. pag. 475.]

Alexandra, being incensed by her grief to a desire of revenge, certified Cleopatra by letters of the treachery of Herod, and also of the lamentable death of her son, and she who a long time was desirous to help her, and then also pitying the womans misfortune, took a particular care of this businesse, as if it had been her own: neither was she ever quiet from perswading Antonius to revenge the young mans death, telling him it was an unpardonable act, that he that by his help had enjoyed a Kingdom that belonged to anothers right, should so insolently rage against the lawful race of the Kings. Antonius being perswaded by these words, after he was come into Laodicea in Syria, he sent for Herod to come before him, to answer to the crime objected against him, of the death of Aristobulus. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 4.]

Herod, committing the care of the Kingdom to his Uncle Joseph, commanded him by private instructions, that if Antonius should do him any mischief, he should put his wife Mariamme to death, telling him, that he so loved her, that he should esteem it a wrong done to himself, if any one should enjoy her beauty, yea, though it were after his death. [Id. ibid.]

Herod then coming to Antonius, so appeased him with the presents, that for this purpose he had brought from Jerusalem, and so appeased his anger by often conferences; that hereafter Cleopatras instigations had lesse weight with him: for Antonius denied that it was fit a King should give an account of his actions, otherwise he would cease to be a King: for having once given him the honour, the free power also was to be permitted unto him. He said also, That it concerned Cleopatra her self, not too much to meddle with other mens governments. [Ibid.]

Joseph governing the Kingdom that was committed unto him, conversed divers times with Mariamme, partly upon businesse, and partly to do her honour, and in their discourses, there was often mention made how much Herod loved her; which discourse was laughed at by the Ladies, especially Alexandra; but he was carried on with such a desire of proving the Kings love to them, that he told them what private p. 739command the King had given him; supposing that this was a most certain argument of his love, because he could neither endure to live without her, nor in death be disjoyned from her: which words of Joseph, the Ladies did not i…terpret as an indubi…ate signe of Herods love, as abhorring his tyrannical mind, who though he were dead, yet would seek their life. [Ib.]

In the interim their was a rumour spread about the City, that the King was put to death by Antonius, which disturbed all the Court, especially the Ladies. Alexandra also perswaded Joseph, that taking them with him, he should fly to the Ensignes of the Roman Legions, which were there about the City, for a guard under the Tribu…e Julius: so that if at first there should be any troubles about the Court, they might be in security by the favour of the Romans. And moreover it was to be hoped, that Mariamme would obtain any thing, if she should once come in the sight of Antonius, and might also recover the Kingdom, and whatsoever belonged to the royall issue. [Ibid.]

As they were holding this consultation, there came letters from Herod, that clean dashed the rumour, signifieing what honours Antonius had done him, both in publick assemblie…, and also inviting him to feasts; and that even during the accusations of Cleopatra: who being desirous of that country, sought by all means to destroy him, that she might usurpe that Kingdome: but because Antonius had shewed himself just, there was not hereafter any great danger to be expected, and that he should shortly returne, having his kingdom and allyance confirmed by Antonius, neither was there any hope left now for the covetousnesse of Cleopatra, seeing Antonius had granted her Coelosiria, instead of that he had demanded, upon this condition, That she should not hereafter demand Judea, and that she should no more trouble him with this businesse. [Ibid.]

As soon as these letters were received, the intent of flying to the Romans vanished, but yet their resolution was not hid: but as soon as Herod had bro…ght Antonius, some part of the way against the Parthians, (for so he pretended) he returned into Judea, and immediately his sister Salome, and his mother Salome, told him what Alexandra intended to do with her friends. Neither was Salome content with this but accused her husband Joseph, as if he had been too familiar with Mariamme: but this she did for an old grudge, because the Queen, a woman of a high spirit, among other womens brabbles, had upbraded her with her obscure birth. [Ibid.]

When Mariamme had ascertained to Herod by oath of her chastity, and Herod had told her again how much he loved her; she denied that it was the part of a lover to command, that if he should die, that also his wife should be put to death. Herod supposing this secret could never be known, except she had committed adultery with Joseph, and then wanted but little, but that he had killed her: but being overcome with love, though hardly, yet, restrained himself; but yet he commanded Joseph to be put to death, not so much as suffering him to come into his presence. Alexandra also he cast into prison, as being the cause of all these evils. [Ibid.]

In the mean while the affairs of Syria were in disturbance, Cleopatra never failing to whet on Antonius his displeasure against all men, perswading him to take every ones government from him, and to give it to her: desiring that Judea and Arabia might be given to her, being taken from the two Kings, Herod and Malchus, whose destruction she plotted to work: but yet Antonius thought it was unjust to put two such great Kings to death, in favour of an importunate woman. But yet he no more accounted them his friends, but took part of their Country from them, and gave them to Cleopatra. Moreover, he gave her all the Cities that lye between the river Eleutherus and Egypt, Tyre and Sidon only excepted, which he knew were alwaies free Cities, although by her earnest intreaties she endeavoured to get these. [Ibid. cum lib. 1. Bell. cap. 13. & lib. 7. cap. 28.]

Thus Cleopatra, by the bounty of Antonius, enjoyed a great part of Cilicia, the Country of Judea, where the balsame groweth, Arabia, Nabathaea, which was Malchus his country, (to wit, all that that lay toward the sea) Ituraea, Phaenicia, Coelosyria, Cyprus, and some part of Crete: which vast gifts of Antonius much offended the people of Rome, as did also the filthinesse of Cleopatra, of whom he had gotten twins formerly, to wit, Alexandra and Cleopatra, (whom he named one the Sun, and the other the Moon) and also Ptolomaeus, whom she named Philadelphus. [Plutarch in Anton. Dio. lib. 49. pag. 411. Livy, lib. 132.] Cleopatra is reported to have understood many languages, so that of her self, without an Interpreter, she could answer either Aethiopians, Trogloditae, Hebrews, Arabians, Syrians, Medes and Parthians, when as her predecessors, the Kings of Egypt, scarce understood the Egyptian tongues, and some also of them had forgot the Macedonian language. [Plut. ib.]

p. 740Cleopatra having accompained Antonius, who was going with his army into Armenia, as far as Euphrates, returneth, and by the way visited Apamea and Damascus, she then came into Judea, [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 5.]

In the third Summer, from that in which Lepidus was cast out of office by Caesar Octavianus in Sicilia, Antonius undertook this Expedition into Armenia, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 82.] Sextus Pompeius being now dead, [Appian. lib. 5. pag. 753.] and having again sent Q. De…lius to the King of Armenia to confer with him, he himself in all speed went to Artaxata, [Dio. lib. 49. pag. 415.]

Cleopatra being entertained by Herod in Judea, assured unto her that part of Arabia that was granted her by Antonius, and the revenues of Jericho also. This Country beareth Balsom, which being the most precious of all Oyntments onelyonly grows there, and also great store of the best Dates, [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 5.] which Balsame, is granted onelyonly to the land of Judea, and is onelyonly in two Gardens, and both the Kings, one of 20 acres, and the other of lesse, [Plin. lib. 12. cap. 25.]

By these means Herod grew into great familiarity with Cleopatra; she sought to allure him to her lust, either through the intemperance of her lust, or else seeking occasion too by this for her treachery: but she, pretended love, yet Herod refused her, and had a consultation with his friends about killing her; but being restrained from this attempt by them, he having appeased Cleopatra by great presents, and all manner of obsequiousnesse, he accompanied her as far as Pelusium. [Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 13. & lib. 15. cap. 5.] but yet being afraid both of her, and also of the people of the Jews, he provided that castle as a refuge for himself; laying as many armes there as would suffice for 10000 men. [Id. lib. 7. bell. cap. 28.]

In Armenia, Anto…ius partly by the perswasion of his friends, and partly scaring him with the greatnesse of his forces, induced King Artarasdes, being deceived by his many promises, seeing he alwaies shewed himself, his friends, both by writings and deeds, that he would come into his camp upon his assurance, when he was apprehended. [Dio. lib. 5. pag. 415. Livy lib. 131. Strabo. lib. 1. pag. 524. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 82. Plutarch. in Antonio. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]

As soon as ever Antonius had taken him, he carried him about the Castles in which his treasure was, yet not in fetters; in hope that he should have them without any fighting, feigning that he took him captive, for no other cause but to get money, from the Armenians for their freedome and his Kingdome, but all this was in vain, seeing those that kept the treasure, would not obey him. [Dio. ibid.]

Those Armenians that were up in armes, made his eldest son Artaxias King instead of Artarasdes or Artabazes that was taken prisoner, [Id. ibid. Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 5.] Antonius bound Artabasdes with silver chains, as if it were a base thing for a King to be tied with iron fetters, [Dio. ibid.] then by his silver chain he compelled him to confesse where the royall treasure was; and having won the Town, in which he told him the treasure was laid up, he took from thence a great masse of gold and silver. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 11.]

After these thing, Antonius partly by force and partly by surrender, reduced all Armenia under his power, [Joseph. & Dio. ut supra.] for Artaxias having ventured a battle and being overcome, fled to the Parthians, [Dio.] bnt Antonius …ed Artabazes bound, with his sons who were Princes into Egypt, as a present to Cleopatra, and whatsoever was of great value, in that Kingdome. [Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 13. lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 5.]

At Rome on the Ides of September, C. Sosius the Proconsul triumphed for Judea: as appeares in the marble triumphall records. [in Inscript. Gruteri. pag. CCXCVII.]

M. Antonius Year of the World 3971 having obteined for a stricter tie of friendship the daughter of Artarasdes King of Media for a marriage with his son, having left his army in Armenia, he returned into Egypt with his great prey, where entring Alexandria in a chariot, among other captives he led before him Artarasdes or Artabazes King of Armenia, with his wife and children, [Dio. lib. 45. pag. 415.] at which the Romans were discontented, as if the prime ornaments of their Country, should be communicated with the Egyptians, in favour of Cleopatra. [Plutarch. in Antonio.]

Antonius presented Artarasdes with his relations, in chains of gold before Cleopatra, in an assembly of the people, who in a Tribunall all guilt, sate in a chair of gold, the Barbarians neither reverenced her, nor fell on their knees, (though they were often commanded to do so by threates and promises,) but onelyonly called her by her own name, and although for this they were thought to have the greater spirits, yet they were the more rigidly handled. [Dio. ut supra.]

Antonius feasted the Alexandrians, and having called the people into the shewplace, where the young men exercise themselves, there upon a high silvered Tribunall he set two golden chaires, one for himself and another for Cleopatra, and lower p. 741chaires for his children, then making an oration to the people, he commanded that Cleopatra should be called Queen of Kings, and her son and partner in the Kingdom, namely, Ptolomaeus Caesarion, King of Kings, and gave them Egypt and Cypru…, different from the division that he had formerly made: he told them also that Cleopatra was the wife of Caesar the Dictatour, and that Caesarion was his lawfull son, he feigned also that he spake this in love to Caesar, that he might bring into hatred Octavianus, that was not his son born, but only and adopted son, and to the children that he had by Cleopatra, to their daughter Cleopatra, he gave Lybia Cyreniaca: to her brother Alexander he gave Armenia; promising also Media and Parthia, and all those Countryes that lye beyond Euphrates even to India, when he had conquered them, he gave also to Ptolomaeus (surnamed Philadelphus) Phoe…icia, Syria, Cilicia, and all the Country on this side Euphrates to the Hellespont. [Plutarch. in Antonio. Dio. lib. 49. pag. 415. 416.]

Antonius also brought forth his other sonnes, namely Alexander in the habit of the Medes, and wearing the Persian attire and bonnets on the head: and Ptolemei in slippers, and cloak, and that, with a Crown about it: for this was the habite of Alexanders successours, and the other of the Medes and Armenians. And as soon as the lads had saluted their Parents, the Macedonians were a guard to one, and the Armenians to the other; for Cleopatra whensoever she came in publick, wore the apparel of the goddesse Isis, and so gave audience to all her subjects in the name of new Isis, [Plutarch in Antonio.] Also she commanded that she should be called Isis and the Moon, and Antonius Osiris and Liber Pater; seeing he was Crowned with Ivy, and wore buskins, and was carried at Alexandria in a Chariot like Liber Pater, [Velleius, Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 82. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 421.]

Antonius went as far as the River Araxis, The Julian Period. 4681 as if he intended to make war upon the Parthians; Year before Christ 33 but thought he had done enough to have joyned in league with Artavasdes King of the Medes: upon which account, Antonius and the Mede promised each to other mutual assistance, the one against the Parthian, and the other against Caesar: and for this cause they changed some souldiers. Antonius also delivered to the Mede, part of Armenia that he had newly seized upon, and received from him his daughter …otape, being very young, to be in time a wife for his son Alexander (born of Cleopatra, to whom he had given the kingdom of Armenia, which also Livy confirms in lib. 131.) and also the ensignes that were lost by Statianus, [Dio. lib. 49. pag. 417, 418. Plutarch in Antonio.]

Peace being thus concluded with the Mede, Antonius gave to Polemon the Lesser Armenia, as a reward of the Embassie he had undertaken for the making of a League between them: he also gave the Consulship to L. Clauvius (or Cluvius) who was with him, and took it from him, [Dio. ut supr. pag. 411. 418.]

Caesar Octavianus, both in the Senate, and to the people, often accused Antonius, incensing the people against him. Anton…us also sent to recriminate him. [Plutarch.] Caesar amongst other things, objected against Antonius, that he held Egypt that was not his by lot: that he had killed Sextus Pompetus, whom (as he said) he had willingly let escape: that having treacherously taken Artavasdes and cast him in prison, he had brought great infamy upon the people of Rome. He demanded also part of the spoiles; but above all he upbraided him with Cleopatra, and the children that he had had by her, and the Countries that he had given her; and that especially, because he had brought Cae…arion the son of Cleopatra into the family of Caesar, [Dio. lib. 5. pag. 419.] But Antonius affirmed to the Senate, that he was acknowledged so by Julius Caesar, and that C. Marius, and C. Oppius, and other friends of Julius Caesar knew this: of whom Caius Oppius, as if the businesse wanted a defence and countenance set forth a book, that he was not Caesars son, whom Cleopatra said was, [Sueton. in Jul…o, cap. 52.]

Antonius being in Armenia, commanded Canidius to go to the sea side with 16 Legions; but he taking Cleopatra with him, went to Ephesus, where when his Fleet were all come together, there were eight hundred ships, of which Cleopatra promised 200, and 20000 talents, and provision for all the army during the war, [Plutarch in Antonio.]

Antonius by the advice of Domitius and some others, commanded Cleopatra to return into Egypt, and there to attend the event of the war; but she fearing that there might happen a new reconciliation by the means of Octavia, perswaded Canidius by a great reward, that he would speak to Antonius for her, and that he should shew him, that it was not just, that she should be sent back, that had brought so great aid to the war, neither that it was for his profit, that the Egyptians should be discouraged who made up a great part of the naval forces. Which when he had obtained, they gathered together their forces, and sailed to Samos, where they gave themselves over to pleasure: for as it was injoyned to all Kings, Governours, Tetrarchs, Nations, and p. 742Cities that lie between Syria, Meotis, Armenia, and Lauria, that they should send or bring all manner of warlike provision, so was it enjoyned also that all that could skill to make any good sport, should also meet at Samos: and whereas almost all the world was filled with weeping and wailing, this one Island alone resounded with piping, and singing for many daies, and all the theatre was full of these common players, then also every City sent over for sacrifices, and the Kings strove amongst themselves, who should make the greatest feast, and give the greatest presents, so that it was ordinarily said, What will they do when they are Conquerours in triumph, when as the very preparation for the war is with such sumptuousnesse? [id. ibid.]

From hence Antonius sailed to Athens, and there gave himself wholly to see plaies and shews, [ibid.] he went with a staffe of gold, and a Persian sword by his side, a purple robe buttoned with precious stones, and a Crown that a King might enjoy a Queen [Florus lib. 4. cap. 11.]

The King of Media using the help of the Romans that Antonius had left with him, overcame the Parthians, and Artaxes (or Artax…as the Armenian) that came against him. [Dio. lib. 49. pag. 418.]

Herod duly paid the Tributes of the Countreys of Judea and Arabia, Year of the World 3972 which she had received of Antonius; thinking it was little safe to give her any occasion of ill will against him, but the Arabian, after the exaction of them began to belong to Herod, for some time paid 200 talents yearly, but afterward he grew slow and negligent, and scarce paid half and that very negligently. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 5.]

Caesar and Antonius mutually accused each other, and mutually defended themselves, partly by letters privately sent, (among which that of Antonius to Caesar was most pe…ulant, mentioned by Suetonius in Octavio, where he saith that he began to company with Queen Cleopatra, whom he affirmeth to have been his wife nine yeares since) and partly publickly; when Caesar pleaded in publick, and Antonius by letters, upon which occasions they often sent Embassadours one to the other, that they might more fully shew their cause to be just, and spy out the affairs of the adversary, in the mean while they got money together, as if it had been for some other purpose, and preparrd themselves for war, as if it had been against certain other enemies. [Dio. lib. 5. pag. 419.]

The new Consul at Rome, The Julian Period. 4682 C. Sosius (who had triumphed for Judea) on the very Kalends of January made a long speech in the Senate, Year before Christ 31 in the praise of Antonius, and disgrace of Caesar, (Domitius Aenobarbus his Colleague, because he had endured many calamities formerly, medling with no new businesse) and was ready to make an edict against Caesar, who was on purpose gone out of the City, if Nonius Balbus the Tribune of the people had not withstood it. [Dio. lib. 50. pag. 419.]

Antonius wrote to Rome that the pa…tition that he had made at Alexandria, the Countrey between Cleopatra and her children might be confirmed, which letters notwithstanding were not publickly read, Domitius and Sosius the Consuls who most favorred Antonius forbidding it, although Caesar desired that all things might be brought into publick; and seeing their opinion was carried in that, Caesar also got this in the Senate, that none of those that were written concerning Artarasdes the Armenian should be publickly proposed; because he both pitied Artarasdes, with whom he privately had consulted against Antonius, and he also envied Antonius a triumph. [Id. lib. 49. pag. 416.]

The Senate being come together, Caesar sate between the Consuls in the curule chair, environed about with his friends and souldiers, that privately carried their weapons about them, when he at large defended himself, and accused Sosius and Antonius and seeing neither any other, nor the Consuls themselves durst speak a word, he commanded them to meet again at a certain day, and then he would demonstrate unto them the injuries of Antonius in writing, but the Consuls not daring to contradict, nor yet able to hold their peace, they privately before the day came went out of the City, and went unto Antonius, whom also many of the Senatours followed, which when Caesar knew, he said that they had free leave from him to go, least he should seem to have been forsaken by them, for some injury he had done them; he gave leave also to any that would go to Antonius that they might safely do it. [Id. lib. 50. pag. 420, Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 17.]

After the departure of the Consuls, Caesar called a Senate, and did and said what he would, which when Antonius heard, he called a Councell of his friends, and after many arguments on both sides, he undertook the war, [Dio. pag. 420.] and commanded a divorce to be declared to his wife Octavia the sister of Caesar. [Id. ibid. Livy lib. 132. Eutrop. lib. 7. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]

Afterwards he sent some to Rome, to put Octavia out of his house, who they say when she went took with her all Antonius his children, which he had by Fulvia except the eldest, who lived with his father: she vvept and vvailed exceedingly because she p. 743seemed to be one cause of the civil war; but the people of Rome did not so much pity her as Antonius, and much more those that had seen Cleopatra, who was not to be preferred before Octavia, neither in beauty nor youth. [Plutarch. in Anton.]

But Caesar, when he heard of the suddain and great preparation of Antonius, was much astonished, fearing he should be driven to fight that Summer; for he wanted mony extreamly, and did vex the people of Italy with exactions, so that it was accounted one of the greatest faults of Antonius, that he prolonged the giving of battle, by which means he gave Caesar time to prepare himself, and to quiet the uproare that was risen about the exactions. [Ib.]

King Herod being freed from the trouble of Judea, and having taken Hyrcanium, (a Town which the sister of Antigonus had kept) The Actian war, in the CLXXXVII. Olympiade (which was this Summer) now breaking out, made great preparation for the aiding of Antonius: but he quitted him of this trouble, telling him he had no need of them. But because he had heard both from himself, and by Cleopatra, of the injurious dealings of the Arabian, that denied to pay the tribute imposed upon him; he commanded him to make war upon him. Cleopatra also perswading him that it would be for her profit; for the hoped, that if Herod should overcome the Arabian, then she should be Mistres of Arabia, but if the Arabian overcome Herod, then she should be Mistres of Judea. Wherefore Herod returned home by Antonius command, and there kept his army, with which he presently, being well furnished with Horse and Foot, invaded Arabia, going to Diospolis, where the Arabians met him, and after a fierce conflict, the Jews got the victory. [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 14. lib. 15. cap. 6.

Titius and Plancus, who were chief friends to Antonius, and that had been Consuls, and were privy to all his secrets, being privily envied by Cleopatra, because they were much against his being present in this war, fled unto Caesar, who willingly entertained them; from whom he learned all, both his actions and counsels, and also those things that were in his Will, and where the Will it self was, for they were witnesses to it, and knew the Contents. [Plutarch in Anton. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 420.] But of Plancus his manners, (who was formerly master of request to Antonius, and afterwards was by him made Proconsul of Asia, and then of Syria) and also of his and Titius his flight. Vellcius Paterculus is to be consulted. [lib. 2. cap. 83.]

The Testament of Antonius was deposited with the Vestal Virgins, who denied the delivery of it at the demand of Caesar; if he would have it, they bid him come and take it. He went therefore and took it. [Plutarch in Anton.] At first he read it privately to himself, and noted some places that were subject to reprehension, but afterward he read it openly in the Senate, and then to the people: many taking it ill, that a man being alive, should give an account of things to be done after his death. But yet though it was counted very unjust, yet those things that were conteined in the Testament, were of such nature, that they clean took away all envy from Caesar, for doing this deed: for Antonius by this Testament gave Testimony, That Caesarion was indeed the very son of Caesar the Dictatour; he reckoned the children that he had by Cleopatra amongst his heirs, and bestowed great gifts upon them. Also his Will was concerning his funeral, that his body, although he had died at Rome, should be carried through the Forum, and sent to Alexandria to Cleopatra. [Id. ibid. Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 17. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 420, 421.]

These things so enraged every one against Antonius, that they believed all things to be true that were reported: as that Antonius, if he should get the power into his hands, would give Rome it self to Cleopatra, and translate the Empire into Egypt. Moreover, all men were so angry with him, that not onelyonly his enemies and newters, but they also who were his great friends, very much blamed him: for being astonished at the rehersal of the Testament, and meeting with the suspicious that Caesar had, they all said the same things, [Dio. lib. 50. pag, 421.]

The late runnaway Plancus, objected many horrible things against Antonius in the Senate. [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 1. cap. 83.] Many things also Calvius, or Calvisius, a friend of Caesars, upbraided him with, as done in favour of Cleopatra, but he was thought that he belyed him in many things: but yet Antonius his friends were intercessors to the people for him, and sent one Geminius into Grecia to him, to desire Antonius, Thar he would take heed that the Empire should not be taken from him, and that he should be declared an enemy to the State. Who at supper time being provoked by Cleopatra, told her that all things would go well, if she were once gone into Egypt, but fearing the Queens anger, he was fain to fly as fast as he could to Rome. [Plutarch in Anton.]

As soon as Caesar was sufficiently prepared, he proclaimed open war against Cleopatra: the Consulship also (for he was designed Consul for the next year) was taken p. 744from him, as all his other power likewise was, which he had committed to the pleasure of women. It is said also that Cleopatra by philters and charms, had so besotted Anton us, that he was not his own man. [Id. ibid. Dio. p. 421.] for she had so inthralled him, that she made him the overseer of the exercises of the Alexandrians, she being called by him Queen and Lady, that she had Roman souldiers in her guard, and all of them had in their bucklers the name of Cleopatra written. She went also into the forum with Antonius, and with him provided for the plaies, with him sat in judgement, with him rode the Horse, and in Cities she rode in a Chariot, whilst Antonius followed her a foot with the Eunuchs: to be short, she was so bold, as to hope for the government over the Romans; as if she did at any time, by a great oath, she alwaies swore, as she hoped to give laws in the Capitol. [Dio. pag. 421. 422.] Wishing also through her womanish desire, to raign in Rome. [Eutrop. lib. 7.] Of which Horace. lib. 1. Ode. 37.]

—Capitolio

Regina dementes ruinas

Funus & imperio parabat.

Contaminato cum grege turpium

Morbo virorum, quidlibet impotens

Sperare, fortunaque dulci

Ebria.

This Queen did to

The Capitol provide,

And Empire, ruine,

Joyning to her side

The dregs of th' World, being above hope now,

Rivisht with Madam fortunes pleasing brow.

And Ovid lib. 15. Metamorphos.

Romanique ducis conjux Aegyptiataedae

Non bene fisa cadet; frustraque erit illa minata,

Servitura suo Capitolia nostra Canopo.

—The Egyptian spouse shall fall,

Ill trusting to her Roman General;

To make our stately Capitol obey

Oft proud Canopus shall in vain assay.

If Antonius had been declared an enemy, those also that were with him, except they had come from him, had been accounted enemies likewise: which least it should happen, (for the power of his friends was to be feared) he was not in word declared an enemy, though he was indeed: but impunity and commendations were propounded to them that should forsake Antonius, but war was openly proclaimed against Cleopatra, whom they knew would never forsake him. And it sufficed, that this crime might be objected against him, That he of his own accord had undertaken a war against his own Country, by whom he was never offended, in the behalf of an Egyptian woman, and as if there had now been an actual war; they took their souldiers coats, and went unto the Temple of Bellona: and there Caesar, as if he had been an Herauld, performed all those things, by their command, that were accustomed to be done after the manner of the Romans, before the war was begun, [Dio. pag. 421, 422,] And added moreover, That now those that were to make war with the Romans, were Macedonian Eunuchs, and Pothinus, and Iras, that trimmed Cleopatra's hair, and Charmium (Nairas and Carmio, Gala saith were Cleopatras Maides, lib. de Theriaca ad Pisonem) by whom the greatest affairs of Antonius Empire were managed. [Plutarch.]

After this, the youth were called earnestly to armes by them both, money was coined, and all things that were necessary for the carrying on the war were in all haste provided: and the preparation for this war was far greater than all the former, by reason so many Nations sent succours to each party. All Italy, France, Spain, Illyricum, both the A…ricks, Sardinia, Sicilia, and other Islands that lay near the foresaid Continents, helped Caesar, [Dio. pag. 422.] He had of ships for war 250 sail, 80000 Foot, 12000 Horse. Antonius had not lesse than 500 ships of war, in which were some that had eight or ten bankes of oares, furnished sumptuously and fit for a Triumph; a 100000 Foot, and (as Caesar had) 12000 Horse: the Kings that were his subjects p. 745and brought him aid, were, Bocchus King of Africa, (that was outed of his kingdom by the Romans) Tarcondemus, (or Tarcondimotus) of the Upper Cilicia, Archelaus of Cappadocia, Philadelphus of Paphlagonia, Mithradates of Commagena, and Adallas King of Thracia: these were in person in the war. Polemon sent aid from Pontus, Malchus also from Arabia, and Herod the Jew. Moreover Amyntas King of Lyconia and Galatia. Antonius also commanded all from Euphrates and Armenia, even to the Ionian Sea and Illyricum, and from Cyrena to Ethiopia, [Plutarch in Antonio.] Whereupon all the Countries of the Continent of Asia which obeyed the Romans, namely, both the Thraciae, Grecia, Macedonia, Egypt, Cyrenica, with the borders, and all the neighbour Islands, and almost all Kings and Princes, and all that did but border upon that part of the Roman Empire that obeyed Antonius, some in person, others by their Generals, (as it is said) helped Antonius, [Dio. ut supr.]

Supplies also were sent to him from the King of the Medes, [Plutarch.] which seeing Antonius did not onelyonly not send back, but also recalled his own souldiers he had lent the Mede, that King was overcome and taken by Phraates King of the Parthians, and Artaxes (or Artaxias) King of the Armenians: and after this manner was Armenia (which Antonius had but newly gotten) lost together with Media, [Dio. fin. lib. 49.]

Antonius being afraid of the over great curtesie of Cleopatra her self in the preparation of the Actian war, and not taking any meat without assure; she is said by this means to have purged him of this fear; she dipped the uppermost flowers of her Garland in poison, and put the Garland on her own head; and immediately, in the height of their mirth, invited Antonius to drink their Garlands: which Antonius taking from his head, and putting it into the cup began to drink, but with her hand she stopped him, saying, I am she, my dear Antonius, who you provide against by this new care of tasters; Do you think that either occasion or invention is wanting, if I could live without thee? and then calling for a prisoner, commanded him to drink it, who presently gave up the ghost, [Plin. lib. 21. cap. 3.]

When Herod had routed the greatest part of the Arabian army at Cana in Coelosyria; Athenio the General of Queen Cleopatra in that Country, who hated Herod, having gotten together a band of the natives, and joyning with the Arabians, made a great slaughter of the Jews in the rough and difficult places (with which the enemy was better accquainted) but the King seeing his men put to the worst, posted on horseback, to bring new supplies; but yet although he made all the haste he could, he came not time enough, but that the Jews Camp was taken by the enemies, [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 6.]

From that time, Herod began to make incursions and to prey upon the Arabians, incamping alwaies upon the mountains, and alwaies forbearing to come to set a battle; but yet he got this good by it, that he accustomed his men to labour, and by continual exercise, he prepared himself a way to blot out the infamy of his former defeate, [Id. ibid.]

Antonius, intending to direct his course for Italy, and there to carry on the war before his enemies were aware: when coming to Corcyra he heard, that some light ships that were sent out for spies, were at anchor by the Ceraunian mountains; and he suspecting that Caesar was come with his whole Fleet, went back again into Peloponesus, (for it was now at the end of Autumn) and wintered at Patara, sending souldiers into all places, that they might the better guard them, and that there might be a better supply of victual for them, [Dio. lib. 50. pag. 424.]

Caesar also loosing from Brundusium, and having gone as far as Corcyra, thinking to set upon the enemy on a sudden as they were in the road at Actium, but being tossed with a tempest, he was fain to return and missed of his purpose, [Id. ibid. pag. 425.]

Whilst Herod made inrodes upon the confines of Arabia, in the seventh year of his reign (reckoned both here and hereafter from the death of Antigonus, about the monethmonth of August of the year of the Julian Period 4676.) the Actian war being now begun, in the beginning of the Spring, Judea was shaken with an Earthquake, as was never the like before, in which were overwhelmed with the ruines of houses 10000 men▪ but yet the souldiers received no damage, because they were in the open fields. This calamity was made much more by the reports, which the reporters knowing the hatred between the two Nations, told the Arabians, That it was a wonder to see how proud they were grown, as if all the Cities of the Jews were overthrown, and the men all dead, so that there were no enemies left. For which cause laying hold of the Embassadors of the Jews, who in this their affliction came to demand peace, they slew them, and presently prepared for war with all earnestnesse. [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 14. & lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 7.]

p. 746Herod having encouraged his men, and offered sacrifice according to the custom, he in all haste marched with his army over Jordan: and having incamped at Philadelphia, there the fight began about the taking of a Castle that lay between him and the Arabians; in which the Jews got the better, and forced the enemy being dismayed to another fight, where after continual skirmishes the Arabians are put to flight, and what by themselves in flight, and by their enemies pursuing them, they were so troden under-foot, that they lost 5000 men: the rest being besieged in their Camp, and extreamly wanting water, they sent Embassadours to Herod; whom when he contemned, and was more earnest upon them for offering 50 talents for their freedom, they being burnt up with thirst, came out in companies, and offered themselves to the Jews: and thus after this manner there were 5000 taken within five dayes. On the fifth day the rest that were in the Camp came out to fight, but despairing of any good successe▪ for in the first conflict there fell about 7000. By this overthrow the courage of the Arabians was tamed, and Herod being declared Governour of that Nation by them, returned home with great glory, [Id. ibid. & lib. 15. cap. 89.]

Hillel a Babylonian of the stock of David flourished at Jerusalem an 100 years before the Jewish account of the destruction of the Temple; as is gathered out of G… m…ra Babylonic. tractat. foreign cap. 1. out of whose multitude of disciples, came Jonathan the son of Uzziel, the famous author of the Chaldee Paraphrase of the Prophets, from a difference arising between this Hillel and Sammaius (or Sameas concerning whom was formerly spoken out of Josephus) the Phraisees were divided into two sects: concerning whom, St. Jerome, lib. 3. comment. on Esay, cap. 8. v. 14. The Nazarites (such are those that receive Christ, and yet omit not the observations of the old Law) interpret the two houses of Sammai and Hillel, two families; from whom sprung the Scribes and Phrisees. He addes moreover, That Sammai and Hillel, (or their two houses, of which there is so often mention in the Talmuud) sprang not up long before the Lord was born.

Seeing Phraates the King of the Parthians, was become more insolent by the Victory he got of Antonius, and that he dealt more cruelly than before, he was driven into exile by his own subjects: and one Tiridates made King in his room, [Justin. lib. 42. cap. 5. Dio. lib. 32. pag. 456.]

A certain Midian perswaded the Mysians of Asia to revolt from Antonius, and by their aid made war there against the Antonians, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 443.]

Antonius went to Actium, whither he had appointed his Fleet, and was nothing moved; when he found that almost a third part of his Mariners were starved to death: Well (saith he) the oares are safe, for I will not want rowers, as long as Greece hath any men, [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] Whereupon there were pressed by the Captains of the ships, passengers, groomes, harvest-men, young men: and yet neither thus were the ships fully supplied, but that many were empty, [Plutarch.]

Asinius Pollio, seeing he had kept himself in Italy all the while after the peace concluded at Brundusium, and had never seen Cleopatra, or after that Antonius was so besotted with the love of her, had ever any thing to do with his party, being asked by Caesar if he would go with him to the Actian war, answered; My deserts towards Antonius are greater, his favours towards me are more known, wherefore I will have nothing to do with your difference, but will be the prey of the Conquerour, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 86.]

M. Agrippa being sent before by Caesar, took many ships of burden laden with co…n and armes, as they were coming from Egypt, Syria, and Asia, to Antonius his succour: and having passed over the bay of Peloponesus, he conquered Methona that was fortified with a strong Garrison of Antonius his, [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] and there he killed Bogudes: he observed also which were the fittest places for ships of burden to arrive; and from thence going into divers places into Greece, he very much troubled Antonius, [Dio. lib. 50. pag. 425.]

Caesar being encouraged by these meanes, went from Brundusium with 230 ships having their stems armed, and all his forces, into Epirus having crossed the Ionian Sea, [Id. ibid. Livy, lib. 132. Plutarch in Anton. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] Where finding his Foot whom he had drawn within the Ceraunian mountains to Actium, he himself seized upon Corcyra that was left without a Garrison, with his ships: which being drawn within the Haven Dulcis, so called from the sweet water, he there stood at anchor. From thence he went with his Fleet to Actium; where the greatest part of Antonius his Fleet was also at anchor, and having seized upon that place where he afterwards built Nicopolis, he there encamped, [Dio. lib. 50. pag. 425, 426.]

Antonius, seeing his enemies sailing towards him as soon as it was day, fearing they would take his ships, he wanting men to defend them, set his Mariners upon the forecastle in armes, and commanded them to hold up their oares on both sides of the ships, as if they had been souldiers; and so kepe them in the mouth of the Haven at Actium p. 747with the prowes towards the enemy, as if they had been well furnished with rowers and ready for a fight; by which Stratagem Caesar being deluded returned. [Plutarch.]

Marcus Agrippa sailed to L…ucas, and took the Island and the ships that were in it, under the very nose of Antonius his fleet, he seized also upon Patoae, having overcome Q. Asidius in a fight at sea, and after that took Corinth. [Vellet. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 84. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 427.]

Marcus Titius, and Statilius Taurus suddenly set upon Antonius's Horse and routed them; they also joyned in league with Philadelphus King of Pap…lagonia. [Dio. ibid.]

Cneus Domitius a very gallant man, who alone of all Antonius's party, never called for Cleopatra but by her own name, being extreamly hated by the Queen, through great and headlong danger went over to Caesar, [id. ibid. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 84.] for being sick of a fever, he took a little boat and went over to Caesar; which though Antonius took ill, yet contrary to Cleopatra's mind he sent him all his carriage together with his friends and servants, but Domitius, as though he repented of his open treasons died soon after, [Plutarch.] but because he seemed to have fled from Antonius, as though he despaired of Antonius good fortune; many followed his example. [Dion. pag. 427.]

Antonius being now out of hope began to have all his friends in suspicion, of whom among other, he put to death Jamblichus a King of part of Arabia, by torture; and gave command to some that they should tear in pieces Q. Posthumius a Senatour, then fearing, least Quintus Dellius and Amyntas the King of Galatia, had sent into Macedonia, and Thracia to hire souldiers, should more esteem Caesars party; he went towards, as if it were to succour them, if the enemy should set upon them. [Dio. ibid.]

In the mean time Sosius hoping that if he should set upon L. Tauresius, who with a few ships kept a guard against Antonius fleet, before the coming of Agrippa, who was Caesars Admirall, he might do some great matter; early in the morning on a sudden, went against him, taking the convenience of a fog least Tauresius seeing the multitude of his ships should fly, whom having put to flight at the first conflict, he pursued, but by chance meeting with Agrippa, he not only did not overtake Tauresius or received any fruit of his victory, but himself also perished with Tarcondimotus and many others. [id. ibid.]

This businesse and also because himself was overcome, in his return in a battle of Horsemen by Caesars guard, took Antonius from the opinion of having his Camp over against the enemies Camp; therefore leaving his by night, he went unto the other side of the Ambracian gulf, where his greater forces were encamped, and seeing that now he began to be shut up from provision, he propounded in councell, whether they should stay there and bring it to a battle, or leaving that place should protract the war till some other time. [Id. pag, 427. 428.]

Canidius, who commanded the Legions, and was the cause of Antonius his bringing Cleopatra with him, now changed his opinion, and perswaded him to send her back again, and that he should go into Thracia, or Macedonia, and then trie it out by a battle at land, because he was stronger at land, and also he might make use of the new supplies that Dicomes the King of the Getae sent. [Plutarch. in Antonio.]

But Cleopatra, and Antonius also, being afflighted at some prodigies, and by reason of them, with the sadnesse of the army, obteined of her husband, that the war might be then tried by sea, but yet so providing for her flight, that she trussed up her baggage, not as if she intended to conquer, but that if all were lost, how she might more easily fly, but yet they determined not to depart by stealth or as if they fled, least they should strike a fear into the army, but as it were ready prepared for fight, but yet if any would oppose them, that they might by plain force make their way into Egypt. [Id. ibid. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 428.]

Velleius Paterculus saith, [lib. 2. cap. 84.] that King Amyntas, but Plutarch that both he and Dejotarus, revolted unto Caesar, Q. Dellius the Historian also revolted unto Caesar, (to whom the third Ode of the second book Carmin. of Horace was written) either being afraid of the treacheries of Cleopatra, which he said Glauc…s her Phisiciau told him of; or else keeping his old wont, for he had fled from Dolabella to Cassius, and from Cassius formerly to Antonius; he is called by Messala Corinus, the vaulter of the civill wars. [M. Seneca. in Orat. Suasor. 1. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 84. Plutar. in Anton. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 433.]

Antonius his fleet was twice overcome before the last great battle, [Vellei. Patercul. ut supra.] and just as they were going to it, they say, there was a foot Captain, a valiant man, who had fought many battles under Antonius command, and had p. 748many skarres on his body, who in Antonius his presence cryed out unto him; O noble Emperour, why do you distrust these wounds, and our swords, and put your trust in these wodden sh…ps? let the Egyptians and Phaenicians fight by sea, give us leave to fight by land, where we have been wont either to dye standing, or to overcome our enemies. To which Antonius returned no answer, but yet with his hand and countenance, as it were, bidding him be of good courage, he passed by, yet without any great courage himselfe. [Plutarch.]

Of the Egyptian ships, Antonius and Cleopatra only reserved 60. the rest they burnt, because the number of his souldiers, both by overthrows, and running away, was much diminished: then by night they carried aboard all the things they had of most value: and when the masters of the Gallies would only in the fight have taken their oares, and have left theirs sailes, Antonius compelled them to carry them with them, and to clap them on their ships, saying it must be done, least any of his enemies should escape him, when as by this means he himself provided to escape. [Id. Dio. pag. 428.]

Caesar had 200 beaked ships, and 30 without banks; his Gallies for swiftnesse were like light ships, in which fleet were eight Legions, besides five praetorian Cohorts, Antonius his fleet was 170 ships, which though lesse in number, yet far greater in burden; for they were in height from the sea ten foot, (or rather banks of oars) saith Orosius, [lib. 5. cap. 19.] and before him Flotus, [lib. 4. cap. 11.] We had 400 ships, and the enemie had not lesse than 200. but what they wanted in number, was made up in bulk, for all they had were from six to nine banks of oars: and moreover, so raised with turrets and docks, that they resembled Castles and Cities, making the sea groan under them, and the wind out of breath to carry them, which bignesse of theirs, was it self their bane. But yet Caesar himself in his Comm…ntaries, produced by Plutarch, gainsayeth these things, concerning the number of Antonius his ships, saying, That he took 300 of them. But of the greatnesse Vegetius [de re militari lib. 4. cap. 27.] rela…es, which may be reckoned by the banks of oars, that there met together ships of six, and above, banks of oars. Florus saith, that Caesars ships had not above three banks of oars to six, and none above. But Strabo, together with Plutarch and Dio, positively say, That Antonius had some ships that had ten: concerning which Scaliger is to be consulted, Ad num. Euseb. MCCXXX.

Now because there was a report that Sextus Pompeius was overcome in Sicilia, by reason of the greatnesse of Caesars ships. Antonius had built his ships much greater than his enemies; he had indeed some of three banks of oars, but all the rest from four to ten banks. He also built high Towers in them, and put in them multitudes of men, who should fight as it were from a wall. He put all the Noble men he had with him a shipboard, least i… they were at their own command, they should make some alteration, (as Dellius and some others that fled to Caesar had done) he also put aboard some Archers, Slingers, and armed souldiers, [Dio. lib. 50. pag. 433.] and so filled his best and greatest ships, from three to ten bank of oars, with 20000 Foot, and 2000 Archers. [Plut.]

Caesar seeing the preparation of the enemy, and understanding of his intentions from others, but especially from Dellius, prepares himself also for the fight. [Dio. pag. 433.] The four first dayes t…e …ea rose so high, that the battle was put off: the fifth day the sky cleared, and storm ceased, and they came to shock. Antonius and Poplicolus were in the right wing, Caelius in the left, the middle battle M. Octavia, and M. Justeius commanded. Caesar placed Agrippa in the left wing, and kept the right himself. (Thus Plutarch) but yet Velle…us Paterculus before him. [lib. 2. cap. 85.] Thus the right wing of the Julia… ships was committed to M. Larius, (or Lurius) the left to Arruntius and to Agryppa, the ordering of the whole battle by sea; Caesar was present every where, being designed for that place, whither fortune should call him. The command of Antonius's fleet was committed to Publicola and Sosius. But concerning the Commanders of the land forces of both armies, it is agreed on all hands, that Taurus should command Caesars forces, and Antonius his forces Canidius commanded.

Antonius being carried about in a swift Pinnas, exhorting his souldiers, encouraging them to fight valiantly, as upon firm land, by reason of the heavinesse of their ships, and commanded the masters of the Gallies, that they should receive their enemies charge, no otherwise than as if the ships were at anchor, and that they should keep the straight in the mouth of the gulf. [Plutarch.]

They report that Caesar, whilst it was yet dark, going out of his Tent to visit his fleet, throughout, met an asse and his driver, the mans name was Eutychus, the asses Nicon: after the victory was obtained, he put up both their images in brasse, in a Temple that he built in the very place where he had encamped. [Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 96. Plutarch in Anton.] There happened also, that as he was sacrificing before the fight, a beast had a double liver. [Pliny, lib. 11. cap. 37.]

p. 749Caesar went in a Pinnace to the right wing of Antonius his fleet, wondring that the enemy lay so still in the Gulf, thinking they had lyen at anchor, he kept his Gallies back, being now eight furlongs from the enemies: but in the sixth hower, there began a little gale of wind to rise from the sea, and then Antonius his souldiers began to be angry that they were delayed from fighting, trusting to the greatnesse of their ships, as if they had been invincible, they put forward their left wing, with whom Caesars men began to fight, as soon as they were come out of the Gulf and Straight. [Plutarch.]

Caesars ships being more yare, and ready for any needs of service, either for charge or recharges or to turn about, but the others were heavy and unweildy, many of Caesars set upon each of the other, with darts, and their hacks, and casting fi…, overcome them; [Florus lib. 4. cap. 11.] on the other side Antonius his souldiers, shot with their crosbows from the wooden Towers, darts and stones, they cast also iron grapples on their enemies ships, if they came neer them, which if they took luckily, they overcame, otherwise they b…lged their ownships: after this manner therefore was the fight at sea, whenas both sides used divers reasons to stir up the skill and courage of their souldiers, they heard also the cries of those land souldiers that heartened them on crying; Courage. [Dio. pag. 438. 439. with Plutarch.]

Agrippa stretching forth one of his wings to compasse about the enemy, Poplicola on the other side was forced also to widen his wing, and so was divided from his main body; which being distressed, and fighting with Arran…ius, but yet upon equall termes, Cleopatra that had been long in carefull suspence what to doe, and now overcome with the expectation of the event of a doubtfull battle, gave a sign to her ships, and she in a gally whose poop was of gold, and her saile of purple, and 60 of the swiftest Egyptian ships, hoysed saile amain, and having a prosperous gale they set saile for Peloponesus. Antonius as soon as he saw the ship of Cleopatra under saile, he forgetting all things, imbarked in a gally with five banks of oares, and taking off the ensign from the Admirall gally he followed his flying wife accompanied only with Alexander a Syrian and Scellius. [Floruss. lib. 4. cap. 11. Plutarch. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 439. 440. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] and thus the generall, who should punish runawaies, became the desertour of his own army, so that it may be doubted, whether he would have ordered the victory at the disposing of Cleopatra, who directed his flight at her command. [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 85.]

Cleopatra perceiving Antonius coming, lift up a sign out of her ship, and Antonius being come was taken up into her ship, but he neither saw her nor was seen by her, but went and sate down alone in the prow of the ship, and said never a word, clapping both his hands over his head. [Plutarch.]

Antonius his souldiers being astonished at the flight of their Generall, began also to think of flying, and some hoysed saile, other cast the Towers and tacklings of their ships into the sea, that the ships being lightned they might fly the faster, Caesars souldiers who had no sailes, and were not provided for any but for a fight at sea, did not follow them that fled, but setting upon them that vvere preparing for flight, (for novv they were equall to their enemies in number,) compassing about each ships of their enemies, vvith many of their ovvn, they fought vvith them as hand, and afar of. [Dio. pag. 440.] for Antonius's souldiers, valour lasted a long time after their Generall was gone, and when they despaired of victory, they fought that they might die; Caesar desiring to pacifie them with words, whom he could kill with his sword, calls out to them telling them that Antonius was fled, and demanded of them for whom and with whom they fought. [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 85.] at length upon meer compulsion, he commanded fire to be brought out of the Camp, for now there was no other way of getting the full victory, although he had absteined from setting fire on the ships, in hope to get the enemies treasure; yea the Caesarians themselves, seeing they would not help themselves when their ships were on fire, much lesse hurt their enemies, they sailed to them, and with desire of getting money, endeavoured to quench the fire; of whom many perished by the being burned with their ships, and by the grapplings of their enemies. [Dio. fin. lib. 50.]

Whenas the Fleet of Antonius had long resisted Caesar, and was grievously troubled with the waves that beat full upon the prowes of their ships, they were overcome about the tenth hour: as Plutarch writes; and thus the souldiers when they had long fought for their absent General, at last very unwillingly laying down their armes yeilded up the Victory: and Caesar soon gave them life and pardon, than they could be perswaded to ask it; and it was generally granted that the souldiers performed the parts of an excellent General, and the General of a cowardly souldier, [Velles. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 85.]

From the fifth hour (as Orosius saith) to the seventh, the battle on both sides went with uncertain hope of conquest: but the rest of the day with the following night, inclined p. 750the Victory to Caesar, [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] for the fight continued till late at night, so that the Conquerour was forced to lodge aboard all night, [Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 17.]

The battle at Actium was fought, Caesar and Messala Corvinus being Consuls, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 84.] the second of September, from which begins the account of the years of Caesars Monarchy; as in the beginning of his 51 book Dio observeth, which also in another place he saith was 44 years, [lib. 55. pag. 590.] wanting 13 dayes, as much as are between the 19 of August in which he died, and the second of September, but both those dayes being excluded: after which manner Suetonius [in Octavio. cap. 8.] Aurelius Victor and Eutropius are to be taken; whenas they say that he alone governed the Common-wealth full fourty years.

As soon as it was day, Caesar perfected the Victory: there are 12000 of the conquered reported to be slain, and 6 or 7000 wounded, of whom a 1000 died of their wounds. So Orosius, [lib. 6. cap. 19.] But Plutarch saith, that there died not of them above 5000, and 300 ships taken; the reliques of this huge armado, was carried in the wracks thereof up and down over the whole sea: for the seas being purged with the wind, did dayly belck up upon the shoars gold and purple being the spoiles of the Arabians and Sabeans, and a thousand other Nations of Asia, [Florus, lib. 4. cap. 11.]

And this was that famous Sea-fight so much spoken of by the Poets of that time; namely, Virgil lib. 8. Aeneid. Ovid, lib. Metamorphos. 15. Horace Epod. 9. ad Moecenatem, & Propert. lib. 4. Elog. 6. where is that memorable distick.

Frangit, & attollit vires in milite causa

Quae nisi justa subest, excutit arma pudor.

The cause it is the souldier animates,

Which if not good, his courage shame abates.

To which answers that which Messala Corvinus is reported to have said, when he was commended by Caesar (with whom he was Colleague this year in the Consulship…) that though he was his utter enemy in Brutus his businesse, yet had done very good service for him in the battle of Actium. O Caesar, you shall alwayes find me of the better and juster party, [Plutarch in fin. Bruti.]

Caesar of the spoiles of the enemy, dedicated ten ships to Apollo Actius, from a ship of one bank of oares, to ten, [Strabo, lib. 7. pag. 325. Dio. lib. 52. pag. 442.]

Caesar sent part of his Fleet in pursuite of Antonius and Cleopatra, who when they could not overtake them, returned, [Dio. pag. 443.] But some light ships overtook him: which he repulsed; onelyonly Lacon a Lacedemonian, the son of Lacharis who was beheaded by Antonius for theevery, shook a lance at him from the deck of the ship as if he would have thrown it at him; but yet he did not set upon Antonius his ship, but he struck with his beak another Admiral Gally, (for there were two of them) that he turned her round and took her, and another of them which was laden with very rich stuff and carriage, [Plutarch.]

After he was gone, Antonius returned to his former silence, composing himself after the same manner: but after he had spent three dayes thus in the prow of the ship, either stricken with anger or shame, he arrived at Taenarus where Cleopatras women first brought them to speak together, and afterwards to sup and lie together, [Id.]

There arrived also many Merchant ships, and some of Antonius his friends that had escaped by flight, bringing news that indeed the Fleet was scattered, but yet they thought that the land Forces remained whole: where he sent messengers to Canidius, commanding him that with all speed he should retire with the army thorough Macedonia into Asia, [Id.]

Many of the army by land knew not of Antonius his fligh; yea when they heard it, it seemed incredible, that he should flee, leaving behind him XIX whole Legions of Foot, and XII thousand Horse; for his souldiers were in desire and hope that he would again appear somewhere else: yea they shewed so much fidelity to him, that when his flight was certainly known, yet they stayed seven dayes, and rejected the messengers that were sent unto them by Caesar, [Id.]

Caesar overtook them as they were marching into Macedonia, and without a stroak joyned them unto himself, [Dio. lib. 5. pag. 443.] for when it was night, the General Canidius left the Camp, and in all haste fled unto Antonius; then they being destitute of all things, and betrayed by their Leaders, joyned themselves to the Conquerour, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 86. Plutarch in Anton.] who admitted them into his own army, [Dio. pag. 444.]

p. 751Many of the Roman Nobility even then fled to Antonius, but the auxiliaries every one into his own Country: yet they never hereafter waged war against Caesar; bu… both they, and all people who were formerly subject to the Romans, partly presently, and partly afterwards, accepted of conditions of peace from Caesar, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 443.]

Caesar having commanded money from the Cities, and taken from them the power over the Citizens, which they usurped in the councils of the people; took from the Kings and Governours, all the Towns they had received from Antonius, except onelyonly from Amyntas and Archelaus. He dispoiled of their Principality, Philopater the son of Tarcond…motus, (Prince of Cilicia) Lycomedes who obtained the kingdom of Pontus in part of Cappadocia, and Alexander the brother of Jamblichus, who had received a kingdom in Arabia, for accusing of Caesar. He gave the Country of Lycomedis to Medius, who was the author of the revolt of the Mysians of Asia from Antonius. He granted freedom to the Cydonians and Lampaeans (in Crete,) because they aided him: and rebuilt the City of the Lampaeans, which was overthrown. The Senatours and Knights and other Noble men, who had in any way helped Antonius, many of them he fined in money, many he put to death, and some he pardoned, [Id. ibid.]

Among those that he granted life to, was Sosius, who seeing he had often made war against Caesar, was then shrunk away and fled, but being afterwards found out, was let go free: and M. Scaurus, the half brother of Sextus Pompeius, who also was designed to death, yet had his life given him for his mother Murcia's sake. Among them that were put to death, was Curio the son of that Curio whose help Caesar the Dictatour often used: and Aquilles Flori, both father and son, of whom when one onelyonly was by Caesar commanded to be put to death, namely upon whom the lot fell, both died; for the son, before they cast lots, offered himself freely to the Executioner, and the father, in a great passion of grief for this businesse, laid violent hands upon himself, [Id. pag, 443, 444.]

Cassius Parmensis fled to Athens, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 1. cap. 7.] he of whom Horace makes mention in the 3 book, epist. 4. asking of Albius Tibullus the Poet, whether he means him; Scribere, quod Cassi Parmensis opuscula vincat? What, to excell Parmensis Cassius, write? and of whose Poems that Orpheus is thought to be one, which is set forth by Achilles Statius, at the end of the Commentaries upon the book of Suetonius a famous Rhetorecian: a Poeme also called Brutus is cited by Varro, in lib. 5. de lingua Latina: and that this Cassius was afrighted now at Athens with such a ghost, as was said to have appeared to Brutus before the battle at Phillippi, Valerius notes in these words in the former place. In the dead of the night as he lay in bed, having his mind astonished with grief and cares, he thought he saw coming unto him, a man of huge greatnesse, of black …iew, with an ugly beard, and long hair: who being asked who he was, answered, foreign. He being afrighted with so horrible a vision, and more horrid name, called his servants, and asked them, if they saw any so habited, either coming in, or going out; who answering him, that none came thither, he gave himself again to rest and sleep; but yet the same vision was alwayes in his mind; wherefore putting away sleep, he commanded a light to be brought in, and forbad his servants to leave him. Valerius addes, that a very little time passed between this night and his death, which Caesar inflicted on him; for amongst the last that were put to death for the murder of Julius Caesar, was this Parmensis Cassius, as Trebonius was the first, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 87. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] which we may understand out of the former relation of Valerius Maximus, was done at Athens a little after the Victory at Acti…m.

For Caesar then sailed to Athens, and being appeased with the Greeks, he distributed the corn that was left in the war to the Cities that were afflicted with famine, and were dispoiled of money, servants, and horses, [Plutarch.]

Antonius being to depart from Tenarus into Africa, chose out one ship of good burden laden with great store of treasure, and other rich plate of gold and silver, and gave it nnto his friends, commanding them to divide it amongst them, and to shift for themselves; which they refusing and weeping, he very courteously comforted them, and praying them that they would provide for themselves, he dismissed them; and wrote letters to Theophilus the Governour of Corinth, that he would see them safe, and afford them some hiding place, till they might make their peace with Caesar. This Theophilus was the father of Hypparchus, who was in great authority with Antonius, p. 752and the first of his freed men, that revolted from him to Caesar, who afterwards went and dwelt at Corinth. [Id,]

Cleopatra, that she might safely saile into Egypt, put Crownes on the prowes of her ships, and commanded those songs to be sung on a pipe, that are usually sung after obteining a victory. [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 446.]

Having thus gotten a safe passage into Egypt, she put to death many noble men, that were alwaies her enemies: and at that time were growen pert by reason of her overthrow, and from what they had, and taking away all oblations to their gods, yea even from temples, that were not to be come unto, she got huge store of money, she provided also forces, and sought out forraign supplies, and that she might draw the King of Media to her alliance, she sent unto him the head that was cut off from the King of Armenia, (Artarasdes or Artabazes.) [Id. ibid.]

She also set upon a bold and great enterprize, for she went about to passe her fleet over the Isthmus which divides the red sea from Egypt, and which is thought to distinguish Africa from Asia, when it is narrowest and so straitned by the two seas, that it is not above 300 furlongs over, that having sent her forces into the Arabian gulf, with great store of money, she might seek out some remote Country by her shipping, and so be free from slavery and war, [Plutarch. in Antonio.] but the first ships that were so carried over, and others that were built for sailing into the red sea, the inhabitants of Arabia Pesora burnt at the perswasion of Q. Didius the governour of Syria. [Id. ibid. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 447.]

Antonius being come into Africa, went into a desert, wandring up and down only with two friends, namely Aristocrates a Greek Rhetorician, and Lucilius a Roman, [Plutarch. ibid.] and when he had sent some to Pinarius Scarpus and the army, which he had then formerly raised for the defence of Egypt, he told them that he would not entertain Antonius, and killed also those that were sent unto him, and put to death likewise some souldiers that seemed to take it ill. [Dio. ibid. pag. 446.]

When Antonius understood of this revolt, he determined to kill himself; but being hindred by his friends, he went to Alexandria, who being come thither, and thinking that the Legions at Actium remained whole still, (of the losse of which Canidius himself brought him the news) Cleopatra left off her design of sailing into the red sea, and fortified with garrison the mouths of Nilus. [Plutarch. ut supra.]

But Antonius left the City, and the conversation of his friends, and built him an house in the sea by the Isle of Pharos, by casting a mount into the sea, and there lived as a banished man from all men, saying he would lead the life of Timon foreign the man-hater, because his condition was like his: because he was abused by his friends and had experience of their ingratitude, therefore he would trust no man, and was angry with all men, and thereupon called his house Timonium. [Id. ibid. Strabo. lib. 17. pag. 794.]

Herod sending unto Antonius, advised him to put Cleopatra to death, for he said, if that were timely done, he might enjoy her estate, and obtain from Caesar easier conditions of peace. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 10.]

Caesar dismissed the old souldiers of his own and Antonius his army into Italy, giving nothing to any of them, and the rest he sent into severall places, but being afraid, least they that were companions of his victory, and were dismissed without any reward, should raise any sedition; he sent Agrippa after them into Italy, as it were upon some other businesse; and setled the affaires of Greece, as if there were no danger to be expected from those souldiers that were discharged, and being gone into Asia, and setled things there, he expected what Antonius would doe. [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 444. 445.]

When all people and all Kings denied to send any succour to Antonius and Cleopatra, (although many of them had received great favours from them both;) the Gladiatours a people of most abject condition, who were brought up at Cyzicum by Antonius, for the setting forth of triumphall plaies, (of whom formerly mention was made out of Appian, at the year of the Julian Period 4679.) valiantly fought for them, for as soon as they knew what things were done, they determined to take a voyage into Egypt for to bring them aid; and in their passage did not a little incommodate Amyntas in Galatia, and the sons of Tarcondimotus in Cilicia, who formerly had been great friends to Antonius and Cleopatra, but had revolted from them, and also Q. Didius the Governour of Syria who forbad them passage, but seeing they were compassed in, and could not passe into Egypt; yet could they not by any meanes be brought to revolt, although Didius gave them many fair promises, but sent for Antonius to come unto them, thinking that they might the more easily carry on the war in Syria, if they were joyned with him, but when that neither Antonius came himself, nor sent any messenger unto them, they against their wills yeilded unto Didius, but with this condition that they should not hereafter be Gladiatours. Didius granted unto them Daphne p. 753the suburbs of Antioch to dwell in, till he had certified this matter unto Caesar, [Id: ibid. pag. 447.]

For the suppressing of these Gladiatours, Didius wrote unto Caesar, that there were supplies sent unto him by Herod: of which Caesar in his discourse that he had with Herod; in Josephus lib. 1. bell. cap. 15. foreign. Because Ventidius hath writ to me that thou hast sent succour to him as against the Gladiatours, which in the 15 of the Antiquit. cap. 10. is thus expressely read. foreign. That Capidius had written unto him, how much Herod had assisted him in the war against the Monarchs of Syria: when as in the former place I have put Gladiatours for Monarchs; So it is clear, that in both places, for Ventidius and Capidius, the name of Q. Didius is to be put out: and from hence rose that news that was brought to Antonius to his house Timonium; that Herod the Jew with some Legions and some Cohorts, was revolted unto Caesar; as Plutarch relates in his life.

At Rome many things were decreed in honour of Caesar for his Victory at Sea; for a Triumph was granted to him for Cleopatra, and a Triumphal arch at Brundusium, and another in the Roman Forum. That the base of the Julian Temple should be adorned with the beakes of ships that were taken. That there should be Playes every fifth year in honour of him. That Processions should be alwayes on his birthday, and on the day the news was first brought: and that the Vestal Virgins, Senate and their wives and children, should go and meet him as he entred the City. That all the ornaments of Antonius should be cast down and demolished, his birth-day also was judged unlucky: and it was provided by an Edict, that none of that family should have the fore name of Marcus, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 454.]

Caesar retired into Samos to winter there, [Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 17.] from whence seeing Antonius had taken away the three great Colossick works of Myron, that stood upon one base. Caesar replaced two of them upon the same base, namely, Minerva, and Hercules; but carried Jupiter into the Capitol, and made a Chappel a purpose for it, [Strabo, lib. 14. pag. 637.]

There when Caesar took a view of the prisoners, one Metellus an old man was brought forth, with long hair, and otherwise deformed by reason of his habit; and when he by the Cryer was cited by name as he stood amongst the prisoners; his son, which was one of Caesars Captains, leapt from his seat, and went and embraced with teares, his father whom he yet scarce knew; but then refraining weeping, he said, My father, O Caesar, was an enemy to thee, I a companion, he hath deserved punishment, I a reward; I desire that either you would grant my father his life for my sake, or put me to death together with him. When beginning to pity them, Caesar granted Metellus life, although he was his moral enemy: So that by no gifts he could be perswaded to revolt from Antonius to him, [Appian. lib. 4. pag. 613.]

Antonius leaving his Sea-cottage which he called Timonium, went unto the Palace; and being there entertained by Cleopatra, he set all the City to rioting and banquetting, and himself to liberality. [Plutarch.] He enrolled Caesarion the son of Caesar and Cleopatra, amongst they young men; and to his own son Antyllus by Fulvia, he gave the virile gown, which was of Purple without any embroidery: both that the Egyptians might be more cheerful, in having a man to raign over them, and the rest that should have them for Commanders should be more confirmed, if any thing should happen not well to Antonius and Cleopatra, [Id. ibid. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 446.]

Whereupon there was huge feastings and banquettings at Alexandria for many dayes; but yet they turned this meeting into another nothing inferiour to the other in delights, luxury, and splendour, which they called foreign, or of them that will die together: for the friends of those that would die together, gave in their names, and passed the time in pleasures and in feastings, when it came round to every ones turn, [Plutarch, ibid.]

Moreover Cleopatra got together divers sorts of deadly poysons, of each of which that she might make triall, she gave them to condemned persons, she also made experience of beasts, and looked on them as they were put divers to divers persons; this she did daily, and amongst all she found that the biting of the Aspe was the only way, for it brought a sleepinesse and heavinesse upon one without any contraction of the members, or groaning, only with a gentle sweating of the face, and a languishing stupidity of the sences. [Id. ibid.]

Yet although Antonius and Cleopatra thus provided for themselves, as if they would make war both by sea and land; yet they no lesse provided for this, that upon any urgent necessity, they might set saile for Spain, hoping that by their money they might draw it to revolt, or else that they might get into the Red Sea, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 446.] of whose preparation of flee into the Ocean, Florus also makes mention, [lib. 4. pag. 11.]

p. 754Caesar entred upon the fourth Consulship in Asia, The Julian Period. 4684 [Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 26.] Year before Christ 30 where he is the sixth time saluted Emperour, and being now the fourth time Consul with Marcus Licinius, Crassus entred Brundusium, [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] being recalled into Italy, by letters written by Agryppa from Rome, [Plutarch. in Anton.] that he might represse a sedition of the souldiers; demanding rewards, and discharge from service whom (after the victory at Actium) out of the whole number he had sent before unto Brundusium. [Sueton in Octavio. cap. 17.]

In passing the seas thither, he was twice tossed with tempests; first between the promontory of Peloponesus, and Aetolia; and again by the Caraunian Mountains. In both places part of his pinnaces were cast away; and also in that ship in which he went, the tackling was rent, and the helme broken. [Sueton. ibid.]

He came into Brundusium in the middest of winter, but went no farther, because the whole Senate (the Tribunes of the people had two Praetors, being left for the government of the City, by a decree of the Senate) with the Knights, and great part of the people, with many others, came to meet him: also those very souldiers, partly through fear (of so great a multitude that were come together, and of Caesar himself, whom Germanicus saies in Tacitus, lib. 1. Annal. cap. 42.) That he daunted the Actian Legion, with his look, and partly through hope, many also came thither, being sent for; to some of which Caesar gave mony, and to some that had been with him in all his wars, he gave lands also. [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 445.]

Suetonius writes that he stayed not at Brundusium above 27 dayes, til he had ordered his businesse about the Souldiers. Dio saith that he went into Greece again, on the 31 day after he came into Italy; and that by reason of the Winter, the ships being brought over the Isthmus of Peloponesus, he came with such speed into Asia, that Cleopatra and Antonius heard both of his departure, and returne at the same time. [pag. 445, 446.]

Antonius sent Alexas, or Alexander, a Laodicean, who by Timagenes means became known unto him at Rome, and could do most with him of all the Grecians, unto King Herod, to hinder his revolt unto Caesar, who betrayed Antonius, and tarried with Herod. [Plutarch.]

Alexandra hoping that Herod should be throughly punished by Caesar, who was his enemy, solicited her father Hyrcanus, that he would no longer suffer this affliction of their family, but that he would provide for himself, and reserve himself for better fortunes: She councelled him also, that he should demand protection and entertainment of Malchus, King of Arabia. These perswasions of hers Hyrcanus at first repulsed; but being overcome with the importunity of the woman, alwaies singing the same song of his future hopes, and the treachery of Herod. He sent letters to the Arabian, by one Dositheus, a friend of his, that he should send Horsemen, which should conduct him to the Asphaltick Lake, which lieth distant from the confines of Jerusalem 300 furlongs: this Dositheus was kinsman to that Joseph that was put to death by Herod: his brethren also were put to death amongst others at Tyrus by Antonius: neverthelesse, he to curry favour with the King, shewed him the letter. Herod giving him first thanks for this, desired of him one courtesie more; which was, That he would now fold up the letter, and new seal it, and give it to Malchus, and receive an answer from him again. The Arabian wrote word back, That he was ready to entertain Hyrcanus, and his family, and all the Jews that were of that faction, and that he would send a band of souldiers, that should conduct him in safety, and should be obedient to his command in all things. After Herod had also received this letter, he called Hyrcanus, aud asked him, whether he had any confederacy with Malchus; who denying it, he produced the letters, in the Council of the Sanhedrim, and commanded him to be put to death. Thus are these matters registred in Herods Commentaries, for they are otherwise delivered by others: to wit, that he was not put to death for this crime, but for some treasons against the King. [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 9.]

Antonius and Cleopatra sent Embassadors unto Caesar into Asia. Cleopatra demanded the Kingdom of Egypt for her children, he demanded that he might lead a private life in Athens, if it would not be yielded to, that it might be in Egypt, through the want and distrust of friends, by reason of their many revolts, Antonius sent Euphroneus, his sons School-master, Embassadour. [Plutarch in Anton.] Cleopatra, without Antonius privacy, sent to Caesar a golden Scepter, a golden Crown, and a golden Chaire, as it were delivering her Kingdom over unto him, so that if he mo… tally hated Antonius, yet at least he might have some pity on her. Caesar accepted of the presents, accounting them as good omens, but afforded Antonius no answer, and truely openly threatned Cleopatra, and thus answered her, That if she would lay aside her arms and her Kingdom, he would then advise, what was fit to be done with her; p. 755but privately he promised her impunity and her kingdom sure, if she would put Antonius to death, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 447.]

Herod having dispatched Hyrcanus posting unto Caesar, and hoping no good from him for the friendship he had shewed unto Antonius, had Alexandra in suspition, lest she taking this opportunity should incite the people to rebel, and fill the kingdom with domestick seditions. Wherefore committing the care of the kingdom to his brother Pheroras, he left his mother Cyproes, and sister Salome, and all his kindred in the Castle of Masada; aud commanded his brother, that if any thing happened otherwise then well, he should keep the government of the kingdom in his own hands; and for his wife Mariamme, who for some differences could not live with his mother, he placed her in Alexandrion with her mother Alexandra: committing the custody of them to his Treasurer Joseph, and to Sohemus an Iturian, men that had alwayes been faithful unto him, and now set for the keeping of these Ladies, as it were for their honour; but yet he also gave them this command, That if they should certainly know that any sinister mishap befel him, that they should presently put both of them to death, and to the utmost of their power, continue the kingdom for his children, and his brother Pheroras, [Joseph. lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 9.]

Having given these commands, Herod posted to Rhodes, to meet with Caesar there, whither when he was come, he onelyonly laid aside his Crown, but for his other Princely Ornaments, he altered nothing: and being admitted into Caesars presence, with great constancy and magnanimity of spirit, he freely confessed the love he bore Antonius, and also the succours he sent Antonius of corn and money, because that being detained by the Arabian war, he could not bring any succour unto him in person: adding moreover, that he was ready with the same faith to keep friendship with Caesar: which that he would do, Caesar exhorted him, and restoring his Crown to him, exceedingly honoured him. And thus beyond all expectation Herod is again confirmed in his kingdom; both by the free gift of Caesar, and also by a decree of the Senate which he obtained for him, [Id. ibid. cap. 10. lib. 1. bell. cap. 15.] of whom also Strabo, [lib. 16. pag. 765.] He excelled his ancestours so much especially in familiarity with the Romans, that he was declared King; first by Antonius, and afterward by Caesar, granting the same authority to him. And Tacitus, [Histor. lib. 1. cap. 9.] Augustus being Conquerour enlarged Herods kingdom that was given him by Antonius.

Herod gave Presents to Caesar himself, and also to his friends above his ability, to shew the greatnesse of his mind. He endeavoured also to beg pardon for Alexas, or Alexander the Laodicean, that was sent unto him from Antonius, but he could not; because Caesar had sworn that he would punish him (for he had been the most violent defender towards Antonius of all the machinations that Cleopatra used against Octavia.) Wherefore seeing he relying upon Herod durst come into Caesars presence, he was presently taken, and carried in fetters into his own country, and there put to death by Caesars command, (during the life time of Antonius whom he had betrayed,) [Joseph. ibid. Plutarch, in Ant.]

Antonius and Cleopatra sent other Embassadours to Caesar, and Cleopatra by them promised him an huge masse of money, and Antonius put him in mind of the friendship and kindred that was between them, and excused the familiarity that he had with the Egyptian woman; and reckoned up the society that was between them, and the acts that they had done in their youth. Moreover he delivered over to him, Q. Turullius a Senatour, one of Cesars murderers, and then his friend, and promised him also, that he would kill himself, if by doing that he might obtain security for Cleopatra. Cesar put Turullius to death, and that in the Isle of Coos (in which he had felled trees for ship-timber, out of Aesculapius his Grove) but neither then afforded he any answer to Antonius, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 448.]

In the absence of Herod, his wife Mariamme, and mother in law Alexandra, took it very ill that they were shut up in that Castle as in prison, so that they could neither enjoy their own, nor make use of other mens goods; especially when by her feminine flatteries she had fished out of Sohemus, what Herod had commanded him concerning them: she then began to wish that he might never return home, supposing that she should live a most intolerable life with him; all which she afterwards dissembled not, but openly confessed what it was that afflicted her: for he being returned beyond all expectation, and relating to Mariamme the successes he had, she seemed nor to regard them, and at all the caresses that he made her, she would sigh, so that Herod plainly perceived the hatred of his wife against him, and was wavering between love and hatred towards her, [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 11.]

Before Cesar went with his army into Egypt, he went into Syria, as may be understood out of Josephus Suetonius, [cap. 17.] Plutarch and Orosius.

Phraates and Tiridates contending about the kingdom of Parthia, and demmanding aid of Cesar; he gave them no other answer, than that he would consider of it, p. 756Pretending his businesse in Egypt, whenas indeed he did nothing else, but that by this civil war, both their strengths might be weakened. [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 456.]

C. Merius a Centurion, who in the war against Antonius had offered one excellent service, was circumvented unawars by an ambush of his enemies, & brought to Alexandria before Antonius, by whom being asked what was fit to be done with him, answered, Command to have my throat cut, for neither can I sufficiently be induced by benefits, nor for fear of death, to leave off to be Caesars souldier, or begin to be thine; for which vertues sake Antonius pardoned him. [Valerius Maximus lib. 3. cap. 8.]

Antonius and Cleopatra thought fit that their children should be sent before into the red sea, with part of the Queens treasure. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] they themselves having disposed garrisons about the two corner coasts of Egypt, Pelusium, and Paraetonium, prepared a fleet and forces, for the setting a foot the war again. [Id. ibid. Florus lib. 4. cap. 11.]

Antonius sent a third Embassie unto Caesar, and his son Antyllus with much gold, whom he sent back again, without either granting his Embassie, or giving any answer, only took his gold. But to Cleopatra, as he did at first and second, so now the third time, he propounded many threats and promises. [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 448.]

And that he might win Cleopatra unto him, he sent unto her Thyreus, or Thyrsus, a freed man of his, a very discreet man, [Id. ibid. Plutarch in Anton.] for he was afraid, least Antonius and Cleopatra, being in dispair of pardon, should persist in their intention, and overcome him by their own strength, or else should passe into Spain or Gallia, or that Cleopatra should burn all the treasures that she had heaped into her Sepulcher, as she threatned to do: therefore he sent Thyrsus, who conferred very courteously with Cleopatra, and told her that Caesar was in love with her; hoping that she, that had a mind to have all men in love with her, might be brought to that passe, that having put Antonius to death, she would preserve both her self and her mony. [Dio. ut supra.]

Caesar marched against Antonius through Syria, and his Lieutenant through Lybia. [Plutarch.] Cornelius Gallus, being sent by him before, having received four Legions of Scarpas, which were at Cyrenae, for a guard of that place, suddenly seized upon Paraetonium, the prime City of Egypt, that lieth towards Lybia, [Dio. pag. 448. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]

Antonius having intelligence of this, although he thought to have gone into Syria, being called thither by the Gladiatorus, yet setting that designe a part, he marched towards Parae…onium, hoping that he should easily draw those forces from Gallus unto himself; for he knew that they were well affected towards him, because they had been souldiers together: but if that would not doe, then he would win them by force, for he brought with him great forces both by sea and land: but neither could he so much as parly with thems, (for Gallus made all the Trumpetors to sound, so that no body could …ear any thing) and beside he received some losse by a suddain sally, and his Fleet also was somewhat incommodated: for Gallus had by night laids chain crosse the mouth of the Haven, which lay hid under water, keeping the Port with a guard that was not seen, and suffered Antonius his ships, without any fear, to saile within the Haven in contempt of him; but the chains being drawn up by certain Engines, prepared on purpose, he partly burnt, and partly sunck, the ships being assailed on every side by sea and land, and also from the houses. [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 448, 449.]

Herod entertained Caesar with all royal magnificence at Ptolomais, as he passed through Syria into Egypt, and shewed all hospitality towards his army, giving them plenty of all victual; by which means he was accounted one of Caesars chiefest friends, and was wont to ride about with him, when he mustered his army: he entertained him also and his friends, with the service of an 150 men, clad in most rich and sumptuous apparel; yea, he also suffered them to want nothing, in their march to Pelusium, through places that were barren, and wanted water; yet they wanted neither wine nor water, with which the souldier was most delighted. He also presented Caesar with 800 talents, yea, he gave them all such satisfaction, that they confessed that he gave them such entertainment, that it was greater than the Kingdom could afford them. [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 15. lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 10.]

Cleopatra by the discourse of Thyrsus or Thyreas believed that Caesar was in love with her, both because she desired it should be so, and also because that by the same reason she had enslaved to her both his father and Antonius: and therefore she hoped for not only pardon and the Kingdome of Egypt for her self, but also the empire of the Romans, [Dio. pag. 449.] but Antonius took this Thyreus that was extreamly honoured by her, and whipped him soundly, and then sent him back unto Caesar, p. 757writing that he did this being provoked by his insulting pride, who was at that easily provoked by reason of his miseries, and said, If you mislike this, you have Hipparchus my freed man, hang him up, and whip him, that we may cry quittance, from thenceforth that she might wipe off all jealousies and suspicions from him, Cleopatra wonderfully honoured him: for whereas she solemnised her birth day but meanly, fit for her present misfortune, she solemnised his birth day, with the greatest splendour and magnificence that could be, so that many that were invited to the feast, and came poor, went away rich. [Plutarch.]

Caesar took Pelusium, as it was reported, by force, but indeed by the treachery of Cleopatra. [Dio. pag. 449.] There was a common report, that this Town was delivered up to Caesar by Seleucus, certainly with her consent: but to clear her self, she delivered up Seleucus wife and children to Antonius, to be revenged of them at his pleasure, [Plutarch.] when he being beaten by Cornelius Gallus at Paraetonium, and immediately after at Pharos, (as it is in Orosius. lib. 6. cap. 19.) and was returned to Alexandria.

Cleopatra had store-houses, and monuments built both for sumptuousnesse and heigth admirable, which she had joyned to Isis her temple, thither had she brought the most precious things of all her royall treasures, as gold, silver, emeralds, pearles, ebony, ivory, and cinnamon, and last of all great store of lamps and flax: whereupon Caesar being afraid he should loose snch riches, and that through despair that she destroy and burn them, daily gave her fair hopes, whilst he marched with his army towards the City, [Plutarch.] but she privately forbad the Citizens of Alexandria, that they should sally out against Caesar, whenas openly she seemed to hearten them on to go meet the enemy. [Dio. pag. 449.]

Caesar sate down with his army in the place where they exercise their horses, and Antonius made a sally out and fought valiantly, and routed Caesars horse, and drove them even to the Camp, and being heighthened with this victory he entred the pallace and kissed Cleopatra as he was in his armour, recommending unto her a man that had fought most valiantly, Cleopatra to reward him gave him an armour and headpiece all of gold, which he having received that night fled to Caesar. [Plutarch.]

Antonius, casting tickets into Caesars camp, promised each souldier 1500 Drachmes or pence, these tickets Caesar of his own accord read unto the souldiers, by this meanes rendring Antonius more hatefull, and also recalling them to an hatred of base treachery, and to a declaration, of a cheerfulnesse to declare for him, whereupon growing exceeding angry that their fidelity was tempted, they so valiautly behaved themselves, that Antonius joyning in a battle only of foot men, wi…h them left the field being overcome by them beyond all expectation. [Dio. pag. 449.] whither I referr also that place of Strabo [lib. 17. pag. 795.] as one goes thorough the horserace, standeth Nicopolis, which is built neer the sea, so that it may be thought not to be lesse than the City, and is distant from Alexandria 30 furlongs, this place Caesar Augustus adorned, because here he overcame them in fight, that made a sally out against him with Antonius.

Antonius after this by his Embassadours challenged Caesar to a single duell, who answered, that Antonius had many waies to die: wherefore considering that he could no way more honourably die then in battle, he determined to set up his rest, and to set upon Caesar both by sea and land: and being at supper (as it is reported) he commanded his servants that they should drink and feast themselves heartily, for it was uncertain whether they should doe so to morrow, or should serve other masters, he being dead and gone, where because of this he saw his friends weeping, he told them he would not so lead them out to fight, when he thought not rather to return with victory and honour, then to die a glorious death. [Plutarch. in Anton.]

About the middest of that night, when the whole City was in silence, and sorrow, for fear and expectation of the event, it is reported that on a sudden, there was heard swee… musick afall kinds of instruments, and a noyse of a multitude of people, as at the feasts of Bacchus and Satyr-like friskings and dancings, as if indeed it had been the festivity of Bacchus himself, (whom Dionysius used to feign his father) the noise was so great, and that this company sate down together (being indeed a very great one) almost in the very middle of the City, towards that gate, which led unto the enemy without; and that they passed at length through this gate, and so vanished. [Id. ibid.]

Dio reports, that besides this many other prodigies fore-ran the bondage of Egypt, for it rained (as he saith) in those places, in which before there never any drop had fallen, and that not only with water but with blood also, neither did water alone drop from the cloudes, but there appeared armies there also: A Dragon of a huge vastnesse was suddenly seen among the Egyptians, which hissed horribly, there appeared also Commets, and the images of the dead; the statues seemed to be sorrowfull, and Apis made a mournfull lowing, and shed teares. [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 445.]

p. 758On the Kalends of August, as soon as it was day, Antonius went down unto the Haven to order his Fleet, [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] but Cleopatra caused the Fleet to revolt from him, [Dio. pag, 449.] For Antonius his Fleet as soon as they had rowed neer the other Fleet, saluted Caesars souldiers, and being resaluted, they revolted unto them, and having of all the ships made one Fleet, came in hostile manner against the City; which whilst Antonius beheld, he was immediately forsaken by his Horsemen, who also revolted: his Foot also being overthrown, he retired into the City, crying he was betrayed by Cleopatra to them, against whom for her sake, he had taken up armes, [Plutarch.]

Cleopatra, fearing the anger and despair of Antonius, but pretending it was for fear of Caesar, and that she would put her self to death that she did this; fled unto her Monument with one Eunuch and two maides; and sent unto Antonius a message that she was dead. This he believed, and therefore desired his faithful servant Erotes (who had long agone promised that he would do it when necessity required) that he would kill him. Eros drew out his naked sword, as if he would strike him, but his face being from him, he killed himself: who falling at his feet, Antonius said, Noble Eros, who teachest me what must be done by my self, but couldst not endure to do it for me: and run himself into the belly, and fell upon a bed. The thrust was not such as would much hasten his death, for the blood stinted after he was laid, and when he was a little refreshed, he desired them that stood about, that they would thrust him thorough, but they all fled out of the chamber, leaving him crying and tormenting himself. Whereupon there was a great tumult made, which when Cleopatra perceived, she looked out from the top of the Monument; for the gate was so made, that if it were once shut, it could not be opened, onelyonly the upper parts of it were not yet finished. She sent also Diomedes her Secretary, to bring Antonius into the Monument unto her; whom as soon as Antonius knew that she was alive, he arose, because he thought he might live; but being in despair of life thorough his much bleeding, he was carried by the help of his servants, as he commanded, to the gate of the Monument, [Id. Dio. pag. 449, 450. Livy, lib. 133. Flor. lib. 4. cap. 11. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 87. Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 793. Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 17. Eutrop. lib. 7. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]

VVhile this was a doing, Dercetaeus one of his Guard, took away Antonius his sword and hid it, and stole away, and running unto Caesar, was the first that told him of Antonius his death, and shewed him the sword all bloody. Caesar hearing this news, withdrew himself into the innermost room of the Tent, where he much bewailed Antonius his Kinsman and Colleague, and that had been his companion in many battles, and in the government of the Empire. Then taking his letters, he called his friends together, and read them unto them, and shewed them how proudly and importunely Antonius had answered to all his mild and just demands. He then sent Proculeius, commanding, that by all means, if it were possible, to get Cleopatra alive into his hands: for he was afraid to lose the treasures, and also thought that she would be a magnificent ornament to his Triumph, if he could bring her alive, [Plutarch.]

In the interim, Antonius was drawn up into the Monument, by ropes that were hung …or pulling the stones up on high, [Dio. pag. 450.] They say there was nothing more lamentable than this sight; for Antonius being all besmeared with blood, and giving up the ghost, was tied to the ropes and drawn up by the great paines of Cleopatra and the two servants that were with her, they that were below raising him up, and Antonius stretching forth his hands to Cleopatra, lifted himself up as well as he could: as soon as Cleopatra had taken him in, she laid him on a bed, then she tare off her head-tire, and strook her breast, and taring her breast and face with her own hands, she was all of a gore blood, and calling him Lord, Husband, and Emperour: and almost forgot her own miseries in compassion of him. After Antonius had a little appeased her grief, he called for some wine, either because he was a thirst, or because he thought thereby to hasten his death: after he had drank, he advised her, to look to her own affaires, and to save her life if she could without dishonour, and that among all Caesars friends she should most trust Proculeius: and that she should not lament the miserable change of his fortune, but rejoyce for the great good fortune he had had, because he had been the most famous and powerfulest Prince of all men, and that now he being a Roman was not cowardly overcome by a Roman: and now he gave up the ghost, just as Proculeius came from Caesar, [Plutarch.]

Caesar sent with C. Proculeius a Knight, one Epaphroditus his freed man: telling them both what they should say and do; but Cleopatra fearing that they would use her hardly, tarried in the Monument; that if by no other means she could procure her safety yet she might redeem her pardon and the kingdom of Egypt from Caesar, by the fear of loosing her money; but Caesar although he desired to get her money, and to take Cleopatra alive, that he might carry her in Triumph, notwithstanding, if he had promised any thing upon his honour, that he might not seem to deceive her, he p. 759laboured, that he might have power to do with her as he would himself, as with a captive, and one reduced to his obedience against her will. [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 450.]

Cleopatra would by no means put her self into Proculeius hand, but yet had conference with him from the building, he standing without at the door, that was on the plain ground, which although it was so barred, yet the voice might be heard. In this conference she demanded the Kingdom for her children, Proculeius bad her be of good chear, and refer all things to Caesar. When he had sufficiently ruined the place, he told all things unto Caesar, who sent Gallus again to demand her answer, who when he came to the door, held her in talk on purpose: and in the mean time Proculeius set up ladders, and got in at the window, where the women took in Antonius, and drawing up with him two servants, he immediately went down to the gate, where Cleopatra sat talking with Gallus; who seeing Proculeius, went about to kill her self with a Dagger she had about her: but Proculeius came running, and holding her with both his hands, took the Dagger from her, and shook her cloaths, for fear she had some poyson hidden about her. Thus Plutarch tells the story, and Dio after this manner,

C. Proculeius and Epaphroditus talking with Cleopatra, propounded very tolerable conditions to her, and of a sudden, before she assented unto them, laid hands on her; but taking away all things, by which she might dispatch her self, yet granting her some daies, that she might stay there till she might embalm Antonius his body: then they brought her into the Palace, diminishing nothing, either of her wonted train and honour, that thereby she might be in hope, that she should obtain what she desired, and also that she might do no mischief to her self. [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 450, 451.] As soon as Cleopatra was taken, an Eunuch of hers, willingly set Asps unto himself, and being bitten by them, fell into a grave, that he had before prepared for himself. [Id. ibid. pag. 453.]

Caesar at the first approach conquered Alexandria, a most rich and great City. [Livy. lib. 133. Strabo. 17. pag. 775. Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 17. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] As he entred Alexandria, he talked with Arius Alexandrinus, a Philosopher, taking him by the right hand, to the end his Country men should honour him the more, when they saw him so honoured, [Plutarch in Anton.] for Caesar had been his Scholler in Philosophy, and was very well acquainted with him and his two sons, Dionysius and Nicanor. [Seneca, in lib. de Clement. Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 89. Plutarch in Polit. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 454. & lib. 52. pag. 490. Julian. Caesar. in Octav.]

Then he went into the shew place of exercises, he ascended a Tribunal which was set up on purpose, and commanded the Cityzens, who for fear were fallen on their knees before him, to rise; and in a great Oration, that he might be understood of all, he told them, he freely pardoned all the people, for their great god Serapis his sake, for the greatnesse of the City, and for his friend Arius his sake: he likewise pardoned all the Egyptians, being unwilling, that so many men should be put to death, that in many thing had done good service for the Romans. [Plutarch in Anton. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 454. Julian. epist. 51. ad Alexand.]

At the intreaty of Arius, he pardoned many, amongst other Philostratus, who was he readiest Sophister of his time; howbeit, he falsly named himself an Academick, therefore Caesar hated his manners, and rejected his request, he therefore let his beard grow long, and followed Arius in mourning, alwayes repeating this verse,

foreign.

Sapiens salus sapienti erit, modo is sapit.

The wise, whilst wise, a savoury safety hath.

which when Caesar hard of, that he might rather free Arius from envy, than Philostratus from fear, he pardoned him. [Plutarch in Anton.]

Young Autonins, or Antyllas, the elder of the two sons Antonius had by Fulvia, Caesar, although he was betroathed to his daughter Julia, and was fled into a Chappel that Cleopatra had made for his honour, after many and vain prayers, he took from the image of Julius, and killed him. [Id. ibid. Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 17. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 446, 454. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] As the souldiers beheaded him, Theodorus his School-master, who betrayed him, took from his neck a most gracious Jewel, and sewed it in his girdle, which he denyed, but it being found about him, he was trussed up and hanged. [Plutarch ibid.] But to Julius the other son of Antonius by Fulvia, Caesar commanded his freed men that they should presently deliver over all things to him, that dying men are commanded by the laws to leave to their heirs. [Dio. pag. 454.]

p. 760The children that Antonius had by Cleopatra, they were very honourably kept with their Governours and train that waited on them, for them Caesar saved and nourished and cherished no lesse, than if they had been linked in alliance with him. [Sueton & Plutarch. ut supra.]

Of those that favoured Antonius, some he put to death, others he pardoned either of his own good will, or at the intercession of friends, [Dio. pag. 454.] amongst those that were put to death was Canidius, a most bitter enemy alwaies unto Caesar, and unfaithfull unto Antonius, [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] who died more cowardly, than beseemed one of that profession, which he alwaies followed, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 87.] Q. Orinius also was put to death by Caesars own command, because that he being a Senatour of the people of Rome, was not ashamed most basely to be Governour to the Queens spinners and weavers. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]

There being found with Antonius many children of Kings and Princes, some in the name of hostages others by false accusations, some of them he sent home, others he joyned in marriage together, and some he kept by him, he returned Josape to her father the King of the Medes, who being conquered had fled to him, but yet he did not send back Artaxas his brothers at his intreaty, because he had killed the Romans that were left behind in Armenia. [Dio. ut supra.]

When he viewed the tomb (which was of glasse as Strabo teacheth lib. 17. pag. 795.) and the body of Alexander the great, which was taken out of the vault, Caesar put a Crown upon it, and strewed flowers over it and worshipped it, and touching the body, it was said he brake off a piece of his nose: and being demanded whether he would see the bodies of the Ptolomees, although the Alexandrians had a great mind he should, yet would he not behold them, saying, he would see a King not the dead, [Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 18. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 454. 455.] and for that very reason would not go to see Ap…s: saying, he was wont to worship gods not oxen. [Dio. ibid.]

Many great Kings and Captaines desired to bury Antonius, but Caesar would not take it from Cleopatra, by whose hands he was splendidly and magnificently buried, and Caesar suffered her to take as much as she would for his funerals. [Plutarch.]

Cleopatra through her much sorrow and grief, (for her breast was troubled with inflammations, and vlcers, through the blowes she had given her self,) fell into a fever, which she gladly took for a cover, that she might forbear food, and so die without any more trouble, she had a Phisician whose name was Olympus, to whom she declared the truth of the matter, and used him as a councellour and furtherer to bring her into a consumption, as Olympus himself left in writing, who set out an history concerning these matters, when Caesar smelt out the businesse, he threatned both her and her children, by which she as by so many engines was overcome and afterwards suffered her self to be cured and dieted as they would themselves. [Id.]

Shortly after Caesar himself came to visit her and comfort her, [id.] who falling down at his feet, laid baites for his eies but in vain; for her beauty was beneath the Princes chastity, although he perceived that she intended to stir up affections in him, yet he dissembled it, and fixing his eies on the ground, said only this, Woman be of good cheer, you shall have no harm done you: nor was life her suit, which was offered her, but her care was for love and a part of the Kingdome. [Florus. lib. 4. cap. 11. Dio. lib. 5. pag. 451.]

Last of all she delivered to Caesar a breviary of all the treasure she had; and when Seleucus one of her treasurers accused her, that she had suppressed some things and had not told all, she leapt up, and taking him by the hair buffeted him soundly; at which Caesar smiling reproved her, to whom she answered, Is it not a great matter O Caesar, seeing thou vouchsafest to come and visit me in this condition that I am in, and to talk with me, that I should be accused by my own servants, if I have reserved some Iewels, not for my self indeed poor wretch, but that I might present Octavia and thy Lyria, that by their intercession to thee, I might find more mercy and favour from thee. Caesar was glad at this, hoping that now she had a mind to live, declaring unto her that he would both doe this for her, and also things beyond her expectation, he departed supposing that he had deceived her, whereas he was of the two the more deceived, [Plutarch.]

There was a young Gentleman Cornelius Dolabella, a familiar friend of Caesars, this man was in love with Cleopatra, and at her desire did by a messenger send her word privately that Caesar was to take his journey by land thorough Syria, and that he was determined to send her and her children into Italy within three daies, when she knew this she desired of Caesar that he would permit her last obsequies to Antonius, when having ended her lamentations, she put garlands upon the tomb and kissed it, she then commanded a bath to be provided for her, and having bathed, she feasted sumptuously. [Plutarch.]

After dinner she gave Epaphroditus (to whose charge she was committed) to carry p. 761to carry to Caesar, in which she begged to him that he would suffer her to be buried with Antonius: this letter was sealed up, that he supposing it might contain some other businesse, might by the occasion of giving the letter to Caesar, be out of the way. [Id. Dio. 452.]

He being gone, she shut the doors, only keeping with her two waiting women, Iras or Nairas, and Charmion, who were wont to dresse her; one of them could excellently dresse her head, and the other paire her nailes: then adorning her self with her best apparel she could possible; and in her robes, she set an Aspick to her left arme, (which she had caused to be brought to her, covered with figs, grapes, and flowers, the better to deceive her keepers) by the biting of which, she died as it were in a slumber, [Florus, lib. 4. cap. 11. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 87. Plutarch in Anton. Galen. in lib. de Theriaca. ad Pisonem. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 452. Eutrop. lib. 7. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]

But those that will highly set out in words, the wit of the woman to deceive, and the suddennesse of the Aspick to kill, tell us, That Cleopatra made in her arme a great and deep wound with her teeth, (or some other thing) and put poyson into the wound, which she had formerly prepared from an Aspick, which was brought her in a bone; and that after the poyson had seized upon the body, she gently ended her life, her keepers not so much as knowing of it. [Galen. ut sup. Strabo. lib. 17. pag. 795. Plutarch. Dio. pag. 452, 453.] There were only two little pricks found in her arme: and Caesar, which saw her dead body, carryed her image with an Aspick fixed to her arme in Triumph. [Plutarch and Dio.] Horace speaks of her, lib. 1. Ode 37.

Ausa & jacentem visere regiam

Vultu sereno fortis, & asperas

Tractare serpenets, ut atrum

Corpore combiberet venenum.

Deliberata morte ferocior:

Savis Liburnis scilicet invidens,

Privata deduci superbo

Non humilis mulier triumpho.

—So stout she could

With cheerful countenance behold,

Her ruin'd Palace, Asps receive,

And of their poison them bereave:

By delay in death more keen;

Envies the Liburnians they

Should her, so great a Queen,

In Triumph lead a private prey.

When Caesar had opened Cleopatras letters, he found straight what was done, and thought at first to go thither himself, and sent thither some in all haste to see what was done. They ran thether in all haste, and found the guard standing and mistrusting nothing; when they had opened the gate, they found Cleopatra dead, lying upon a golden bed, in all her royal robes: of her waiting women, Iras, or Nairas, was fallen dead at her feet, Charmium (or Charmione) half dead, and heavy headed, was trimming of the Diademe that she wore: and when one in anger asked her, Is this well done, O Charmium? she answered, Very well, and becoming one that had sprung from so many Kings, and spake not a word more, but fell down there by the bed side. [Plutarch. Dio. pag. 453.] But Caesar, having seen Cleopatra's body, tried all means, to see if it were possible to recover her, [Dio. ibid.] yea, he brought the Psylli but in vain, to suck out the venime and poyson. [Id. ibid. Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 17. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]

When Cleopatra's life could by no means be recovered, Caesar admired her, and pitied her, very much grieved, supposing he was bereft of the chiefest glory of his Triumph; but yet he commanded her body to be sumptuously and royally buried, and to be laid in the same Tomb with Antonius. [Plutarch. Dio. pag. 453.] This honour he did unto them both, namely, to bury them in one Sepulchre, and to finish the Tomb that they had begun. [Sueton. in Octav. cap. 17.] Her waiting women also by his command were honourably buried. [Plut.]

Plutarch writes that Cleopatra lived 39 years, and reigned 22. and so many years indeed these do allow for her reign, after the death of her father Ptolemeus Auletes, Ptolemeus in the Catalogue of the Kings, Clemens Alexandrinus, lib. 1. Stromat. Porphyrius in Graec. Eusebian. Scaligeri, pag. 226. Eusebius in Chronic. and others, which years are only 21, and two or three moneths. Plutarch writes, that she raigned p. 762above 14 years with Antonius. Tertullian in his third book against the Jews, that she raigned 13 under Augustus, reckoning the government of Antonius from the death of Julius Caesar, and of Augustus from his first Consulship, from the death of Alexander the Great, who first founded the Macedonian Empire, to the death of Antonius and Cleopatra, with whom it fell, both in Ptolemeus (as well in the Catalogue of the Kings, as in the third book of his Great Work, as in Cleme…s Alexandrinus, (in lib. 1. Stromat.) are reckoned 294 years, which with us are 293. and a quarter.

And at this time Caesar put an end to the civil wars, as besides Florus, [lib. 4. cap. 12.] and Velleius Patercuius. [lib. 2. c. 87.] Dionysius Halicarnassensis also confirmeth, writing in the Proeme of his Roman Histories, that he came into Italy, as soon as Augustus Caesar had put an end to the civil wars, foreign, in the middle of the CLXXXVII. Olymp. to wit, the third year of it then beginning, for in the monethmonth of August, Egypt, was reduced under the power of the Romans, and an end put to their civil wars; the words of the decree of the Senate shew, in Macrobius [Saturnal. lib. 1. cap. 12.] and Censorinus teacheth, that the Egyptians reckoned from that time, in which they came under the power and government of the people of Rome, the years of the Augusti, (not of the foreign, as Scaliger thought, but of the Caesares Augusti, who had the dominion over them) [cap. 21. lib. de natali die.] which book he saith was written by him in the Philippick year of the Augusti CCLXVIII. (for thus the best Copies have, it not CCLXVII) from the death of Alexander the Great DLXII and of Nabonassar DCCCCLXXXVI. (the beginnings of these years being taken from the first of the vage or moveable monethmonth Thoth of the Egyptians) being certainly of the same opinion with Ptolomae…s, who in the third book of his great Syntaxis, saith, that there passed from the beginning of the reign of Nabonassar, to the death of Alexander. 424 Egyptian years, and then to the Empire of Augustus, 294.

Wherefore that Egyptian Epoch began on the first day of the moveable monethmonth Thoth of the year of the Philippick account, beginning from the death of Alexander the Great 293, of Nabonassar 719. and indeed on the first day of the week, as is found in a writing of a certain Jew, set forth at Norimberge, with Messahala, namely, of the monethmonth August, in the year of the Julian Period, 4684. on the 31 day; which according to the false account of Leap-year, that that was then used at Rome, was called the 29. day of August. And this was that Epoch, foreign, of the years of Augustus, which was accommodated by Ptolomaeus, in lib. 3. cap. 8. of his great Syntaxis, to the moveable year of the Egyptians, by Vetrius Valens, an Antiochian, in foreign, lib. 1, to the fixed year of the Alexandrians, and by Theon, an Alexandrian; in the Explication, foreign, to the form of both those years, and seeing that Augustus ruled Egypt 43 years (as Philo shews in his Embassy to Caesar) we find also so many allowed to his Empire, or Monarchy, in Ptolomaeus his Catalogue of the Kings, and Clemens Alexandrinus, lib. 1. Stromat.

Cleopatra had sent her son Caesarion, which, as was said, she had by Caesar the Dictator, with a great sum of mony through Aethiopia into India. Him his Governour Rhodon perswaded to returne, as if Caesar had recalled him to his mothers Kingdom: but as Caesar was determining with himself what he should do with him, they say Arrius the Philosopher said unto him,

foreign—

Caesaris in multis nomen non expedit esse.

'Tis not fit Caesars name should common be.

Therefore Caesar put him to death, after the death of his mother. [Plutarch in Anton. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 446. 4…4.]

The images of Antonius were thrown down, but Cleopatra's were not stirred; for her friend Archibilius had obtained of Caesar for the summe of one thousand talents, that they should not be thrown down when Antonius his were. [Plutarch.]

In the Pallace there was great store of mony found, which was there laid up by Cleopatra, being the spoiles of almost all Temples: she exacted also much from them that were guilty of any crime; and two parts of their goods were damanded of the rest also that could not be accused of any crime: then all the Souldiers arrears were paid; Caesar also gave to those Souldiers that were with him, 250 pence a man, that they should not plunder the City. Caesar also paid all his debts that he owed any man, and gave many gifts to the Senatours and Knights, that had accompanied him in the war. [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 455, 456.]

p. 763For this part of the year Caesar chose M. Tullius Cicero for his colleague in the Consulship, the son of the Cicero the Oratour, who was put to death by Antonius, who rehearsed unto the people, the letters that Caesar sent to Rome, concerning the overthrow of Antonius in the Alexandrian war, (not the Actian, as Appian erroniously wrote,) he read the copie of them in the rostra, where his fathers head had been formerly openly set up, [Plutarch. in fin. Ciceron. Appian. lib. 4. bell. civil. pag. 619. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 456. 457.]

This year upon the Ides of September, we learn out of the Marble Table at Capua, that M. Tullius was chosen into the Consulship in the room of M. Licinius, [in Annal. tom. 3. pag. 495.] and upon the same Ides of September, that Augustus being Consul with the son of M. Cicero was presented with an obsidional Crown by the Senate, as we read in Pliny, [lib. 22. cap. 6.] for there were many Crowns and Processions decreed for Caesar at that time in Rome. He had also another Triumph granted him over the Egyptians; the day also on which Alexandria was taken, was thought good to be a Festival, and that the computations of the rest of the wars, should take beginning from that. That Caesar should have the power of Tribune all his life time; and that he might relieve any that implored his aid, either within the walls, or without for the space of half a mile, which was not lawful for any Tribune of the people, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 457.]

Herod, wavering between love and hatred towards his wife Marrimme, was continually incensed against her by the false accusations of his sister Salome, and his mother Cyros, kindling in him hatred and jealousie against her: and perhaps he had dealt more hardly with her, had not the news come very conveniently, that Antonius and Cleopatra were both dead, and that Caesar had won Egypt, whom in all haste he went to meet, and left his family as it was. At his departure he commended Sohemus to Mariamme, professing that he owed him much respect for the care he had had of her, and gave him also the government of a part of Judea, [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 11.]

Caesar built a City in the same place, in which he overcame Antonius, and called it Nicopolis, and allowed the same Playes that he had done for the former at Actium, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 456. Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 795.]

When he had reduced Egypt into the form of a Province, to the end that it might be more fruitful, and fit to yeild corn for the City of Rome; he skowred by the help of his souldiers, all those ditches whereinto Nilus overfloweth, and by long time had been choaked up with mud, [Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 18.] and made also some new ditches, [Dio. pag. 456.]

Herod meeting with Caesar in Egypt, Year of the World 3975 in confidence of his friendship, spake freely with him, and was highly honoured by him; for he bestowed upon him the 400 Galatians that were formerly of Cleopatra's guard, to be his guard, and restored him part of his Country which Cleopatra had seized upon, and laid to his kingdom Gadara, Hippon, and Samaria; and by the sea side, Gaza, Anthedon, Joppe, and the Tower of Straton: which was no small accession to the splendour of his kingdom, [Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 15. lib. 15. cap. 11.]

The multitude of men in Egypt both in City and Country, and the inconstancy of that Nation, and the carrying of cornin…o the City, and the store of money were the cause, that Caesar durst not commit the Province to any of Senatours degree; but also took from the Senatours the liberty of going into Egypt; for he so suspected the Egyptians of innovations, that he suffered none of them to be Senatours of Rome; he allowed other cities to govern the Common-wealth after their own laws, but he commanded the Alexandrians that they should govern the Common-weath without Senatours, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 455.]

Arius the Philosopher, as is reported refused the government of Egypt though offered him, [Julian. ad Themistium.] therefore Caesar made Cornelius Gallus, one raised from a very mean fortune, Governour of Egypt, being now made tributary: who was the first Roman Judge that ever Egypt had, [Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 819. Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 66. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 455. Eutrop. lib. 7. Sex. Rufus, in brev…ario.] This was that Gallus of Forum Julium that was the post: whom Virgil in the last Eclogue of his Bucolicks speakes of in that pleasant verse, [Ammianus, Marcellinus, lib. 17. Hierony. in Chronic. 1.] to whom also there are Erotica (love verses) extant which were dedicated by Parthenius of Nice; whose Poesie also Virgil imitated in his Latin verses, [Aulus Gellius, lib. 13. cap. 25. Macrob. Saturnal. cap. 17.] and Tiberius also in his Greek Poems, [Sueton. in Tiberio. cap. 70.]

Caesar having setled all things in Egypt as he thought fit, came into Syria with his land forces, [Dio. ut supr, 456. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.] whither also Herod conducted him as far as Antioch, [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 11.]

Seeing Tiridates being overcome fled into Syria, and Phraates being Conquerour p. 764sent Embassadours unto Caesar; Caesar gave them both a friendly answer, and did not indeed promise any succours to Tiridates, yet gave him leave to tarry in Syria: and kindly accepted of Phraates his son, and bringing him to Rome, kept him as an Hostage, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 4…6.] namely, the youngest son of Phraates, who thorough the negligence of them that kept him, was stolen away: as Justin hath it, [lib. 42. cap. 5.] but yet referring it to later times.

Caesar departing out of Syria, left there Messala (Corvinus) by whom the Cyzicenian Gladiatours, to whom a dwelling in Daphne the Suburbs of Antioch was granted, being deceived, they were sent into divers places, as it were to be taken into the Legions, and as occasion offered were killed, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 447.]

Caesar made Governour over the Tarsenses in Cilicia, a Citizen of them, namely, his Schoole-master Athenodorus the son of Sandon, a Stoick Philosopher; who restored the state of the Common-wealth corrupted by Boethius and his souldiers, who domineered there even unto the death of Antonius, [Strabo, lib. 14. pag. 674.]

Caesar went into the Province of Asia, and there kept his winter quarters, and setled all the affairs of his subjects, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 456. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]

On the Kalends of January, Caesar entred upon his fifth Consulship in the Island of Samos, [Sueton, in Octavio. cap. 26.] and on the same Kalends all his ordinances were confirmed by oath: and when the letters came concerning the Parthian affairs, it was decreed, That in their hymnes he should be reckoned among their gods; That a Tribe should be called Julia from him; That the companions of his Victory should be carried in Triumph with him, and be clad with garments woven with Purple: and that the day on which he entred the City, should be solemnized with publick Sacrifices, and be alwayes accounted festival, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 457.]

Caesar permitted a Temple to be built at Ephesus and Nicea, (for those were accounted the most famous Cities of Asia and Bythinia) to the City of Rome, and to his father Julius, and that they should be inhabited by natural Romans: and to forraigners, whom he called Grecians, he gave leave, that to himself (Octavianus) they might build Temples: to wit, the Asians at Pergamus, and the Bythinians at Nicomedia: and permitted to the Pergamenians, that they might solemnize those Playes in honour of his Temple, which they called Sacred, [Id. ibid. pag. 458.] whither is to be referred that of Tiber…us in Tacitus, [lib. 4. Annal. cap. 51.] Augustus of most famous memory forbad not a Temple to be built in Pergamus, in honour of himself and the City of Rome.

The next Summer, Caesar crossed over into Greece, [Dio. ut supr.] going to his Actian Triumph: whither, he then being at Corinth, there was one of the fishers sent Embassadours to him from the Island Giaros, to beg a lessening of their tribute: for they were compelled to pay an 150 drachmes, when they were scarce able to pay an 100. such was the poverty of that Island, [Strabo. lib. 10. pag. 485.]

Upon Cesars entrance into Rome, others offered Sacrifice (as it was decreed) and the Consul Valerius Potitius (who was put in the roome of Sextus Apuleius) sacrificed publickly for the Senate and people of Rome, by reason of his coming: which was never done for any before that time, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 458.] Cesar kept three Triumphs riding in his Chariot, the Dalmatian, Actian, and Alexandrian, for three dayes one after the other, [Livy, lib. 133. Sueton. in Octavio. cap. 22.] of which Virgil in 8 Aeneid.

At Caesar triplici invectus Romana triumpho

Moenia, dis Italis votum immortale sacrabat.

Maxima, tercentum totam delubra per urbem

Laetitiâ, ludisque viae, plausúque fremebant.

But when thrice Rome with Caesars Triumphs now

Had rung, to th' Latian gods he made a vow:

Three hundred Temples all the City round

With joy, with playes, and with applauses sound.

And Propertius, lib. 2. elegie, 1.

Aut canerum Aegyptum, & Nilum, quum tractus in urbem

Septem captivis debilis ibat aquis:

Aut regum auratis circundata colla catenis,

Actiáque in Sacra currere rostra via.

Whether of Egypt or of Nilus, whose

Stream into seven channels parted goes;

Or of the golden chains Kings necks surround,

Or how the Actian beakes sail on the ground.

p. 765That Caesar brought these three Triumphs into the city on the monethmonth of August, the words of the decree of the Senate shew, in Macrobius, [lib. 1. Saturnal. cap. 12.] Not on the eight of the Ides of January, (on which it is manifest he was in Asia) as O…osius would have it [lib. 6. cap. 20.] on the first day he Triumphed for the Pannonians, Dalmatians, Japydae and their borderers, and of some people of Gallia, and Germany: on the second for his victory at sea at Actium, on the third for the conquest of Egypt, which was the most sumptuous, and set out with greater preparation than the rest, in it was carried in a bed the image of Cleopatra, (with an aspick biting of her arme) pourtraied in imitation of her death, the children also of her and Antonius, were led among the captives, namely Alexander and Cleopatra; who were named the sun and moon. [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 459.]

Alexander the brother of Jamblichus, the King of the Arabians, being taken in the Actian war, was led in triumph and after put to death, [id. ibid. pag. 443.] that Cleopatra that was called the moon, and led in triumph, was given in marriage to Juba, (who himself was led in triumph by Julius Caesar,) Caesar gave this Juba who was brought up in Italy, and had followed his wars, both this Cleopatia, and his fathers Kingdome of Mauritania; and gave unto them also the two sons of Antonius and Cleopatra, namely Alexander and Ptolomaeus, but Juba begat of his wife Cleopatra another Ptolomaeus, who also succeeded him in his Kingdome. [id. ibid. pag. 454. Strabo. lib. 17. 828. Plutarch. in Jul. Caesar. Anton.]

On the fifth of the Kalends of September, there was an Altar dedicated to Victory in the courthouse, as is found noted in the old marble Kalendar, [Inscript. Gruter. pag. CXXXIII.] by which being placed in the Julian Courthouse, and adorned with the spoiles of Egypt, Caesar shewed, that he got the empire by victory, the temple also of his father Julius he trimmed up with the dedicated things being there hung up, which were also of the Egyptian spoiles; he consecrated also many things to Jupiter Capitolinus, Juno, and Minerva, whenas by a decree of the Senate all the ornaments that were hung up there before, were taken away as profane, [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 459.] he repaired the Temple either decaied through age, or consumed by fire: and adorned both them and others with very rich gifts, as who brought into the Cell of Jupiter Capitolinus by one donation 16000 pound weight of gold, besides pearles and precious stones valued at fifty millions of sesterces, [Sueton. in Octavio.] so that Rome was so much enriched with the riches of Alexandria, that the price of possessions and other vendible things was raised double, and interest fell from ten to four in the hundred. [Dio. lib. 51. pag. 458. 459. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19.]

In this fifth Consulship Caesar accepted of the name of Emperour, not such as was wont to be given after the old custome for some victory, (for that he had often received both before and after) but by which all the whole government was shewen, which was formerly decreed to his father Julius and his sons and nephews, [Dio. lib. 52. pag. 493. 494.] whither also belongeth that inscription, placed this year in honour of Caesar, Senatus Populusque Romanus Imp. Caesari Divi Julii F. Cos. Quinct. Design. Sex. Imper. Sept. Republica conservata. The Senate and people to the Emperour Caesar, the son of Julius of blessed memory, Consul the fifth time, elected the sixth time Imperator the seventh for having saved the commonwealth. [Inscript. Gruter. pag. CXXVI.]

Among the Captives was Diocles Phaenix the son of Artimidorus, the scholler of Tyrannio Amisenus taken by Lucullus, (from whom he also was called Tyrannio) who being bought by Dimantis a freed man of Caesars, was given to Terentia the wife of Cicero, (who as appeares from Pliny lib. 7. cap. 46. and Valerius Maximus lib. 8. cap. 13. lived above an CIII years,) he was manumitted by her, and taught at Rome, and wrote 68 books. [Suidas in Voc. foreign.)

Caesar summoned before him Antiochus the Commagenian, because he had treacherously killed an Embassadour of his brothers, that was sent to Rome, with whom he had a suit in law, this Antiochus he brought before the Senate, and being then condemned, he put to death. [Dio. lib. 52. pag. 495.]

By the space of an whole year after the return of Herod from Cesar, suspicions daily increasing between him and his wife Mariamme, seeing she neglected her husbands caresses, and moreover alwaies upbraided him with the death either of her grandfather (Hyrcanus) or her brother (Aristobulus) so that Herod could scarce contein himself from striking her, whom when by the noise his sister Salome perceived to be very much moved, sent in the butler, who long before that time was suborned by her, who should tell the King that he was sollicited by Mariamme, to deliver unto him a love potion, which whatsoever it was he had by him, hereupon Herod examined the most faithfull servant of Mariamme by torture, being assured that she would attempt nothing without him, who not enduring the torments, confessed nothing, but that she was offended for some things that Sohemus had declared unto her, which when the King heard, he cried out, that Sohemus who had ever been most faithfull both to him and p. 766the Kingdome, would never have spoken of these things, had there not been some more secret familiarity between them, and thereupon commanded Sohemus to be apprehended and put to death, and having called a councell of his friends, he accused his wife, for practising to poison him, and that with such sharpnesse of words, that they that were present, easily perceived, that the King had a mind she should be condemned, which is done by the general consent of them all: and when as they thought that the execution should not be over speedy, but that she should be secured in some of the Kings Castles, Salome urged on the King exceedingly, that she should be forthwith put to death, for fear there might be some commotion among the people, she being alive and in prison, and thus was Mariamme brought to her death. [Joseph, lib. 15. cap. 11.]

When her mother Alexandra saw this, and considered that she must look for the same measure at Herods hands, she, that she might not seem to be guilty of the same crime, began in the audience of all to upbraid her daughter, calling her most wicked and ingratefull towards her husband, and that she deserved such a death, who durst do such an heinous act. Whilst she counterfeited these things, and would seem as though she would pull her daughter by the hair, they that were there much condemned her hypocrisie; but she that was led to her death, vouchsafed her no answer, but refelled the false accusation with a resolute countenance and mind, and underwent her death without fear. [Id. ibid.]

She being put to death, Herod began to be more inflamed with love to her, he often called upon her name, and often lamented her beyond all decency; and although he thought to find out delights, as much as possibly, in feastings and drinking, yet it availed nothing. Wherefore he cast off the care of his kingdom, and did so much yield to his grief, that he would bid his servants call Mariamme, as though she were alive. [Ibid.]

As Herod was thus affected, The Julian Period. 4686 there came a plague, Year before Christ 28 which swept away a great part both of the people and nobility, all men interpreting that this plague was sent for the unjust death of the Queen. Thus the Kings discontents being increased, he at last hid himself in a solitary wildernesse, under pretence of hunting; where afflicting himself, he fell into great sicknesse, which was an inflammation and pain of the neck, so that he began to rave; neither did any remedies relieve him, but rather made the disease more painful, so that they began to dispaire of him: for which cause the Physicians, partly through the stubbornnesse of the disease, and partly because that in so great danger, there was not any free election of diet, they gave him leave to eat whatsoever he would. [Ibid.]

Herod lying thus sick in Samaria, Alexandra now living at Jerusalem, endeavoured to reduce the two Castles of the City into her hands, one that joyned to the Temple, and the other that was situate within the City; she therefore laboured with the Governours of them, that they would deliver them unto her, and to the children that were between her and Mariamme, least that he being dead, they should be seized upon by others: but they who had formerly been faithful, were now more diligent in their office, both because they hated Alexandra, and thought it a great offence to dispair of the health of their Prince, for these were the Kings old friends, and one of them Archialus the Kings Nephew. Whereupon they presently sent messengers to him, to certifie him of Alexandra, and he presently commanded her to be slain. At length he overcame his disease, and was restored to his strength, both of body and mind, but grown so cruel, that for the least cause he was ready to put any one to death. [Ibid.]

Of the three numbrings of the people, which Suetonius notes were done by Caesar Octavianus, [cap. 27.] That the first were made in the lustran, that is, in the year that they reckoned for the beginning of the space of five years, in which he and M. Agrippa were Consuls is manifest out of the Marble Capuan table. [tom. 3. Annal. Pighii. pag. 495.] In my fixth Consulship, with my Colleague M. Agrippa, I numbred the people, I made another muster, after one and fourty years, (to wit, from the Censorship of Cn. Lentulus, and L. Geliius after which the musters were laid aside) in which muster there were numbred of the Citizens of Rome, four hundred thousand, and sixty three thousand, namely, the number of 4063000, for which Eusebius in his Chronicle hath 4164000.

Caesar also exhibited the Playes that were decreed for the victory at Actium, with Agrippa, and in them he set forth a fight on Horseback of Patricians, both men and boyes, and those every fifth year, in which space of time they were finished, were committed to the four Collegies of Priests in order, namely, the chief Priests, Augurs, Septemviri and Quindecemviri. [Dio. lib. 53. pag. 496.]

In the CLXXVIII. Olympiade, Thebes in Egypt is rased eaven to the ground, as is read in the Eusebian Chronicle, to wit, by Cornelius Gallus, whom Georgius Syncellus p. 767in his Chronicle out of Julius Africanus, relates, that he overthrew the cities of the rebellious Egyptians, [pag. 308.] for after he having but a few with him recovered Heropolis which had revolted, he very suddenly appeased a sedition that was raised about taxes, [Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 819.] he exhausted the city by intercepting of many of them, [Ammian. Marcellin. lib. 17.] He erected Statues for himself, almost all over Egypt, and wrote his own acts upon the Pyramides, [Dio. lib. 53. pag. 512.]

Caesar being the seventh time Consul, declared by an Oration in writing and spoken in the Senate, that he would resign his government, and deliver it up to the Senate and people. When he had ended his Oration, all of them in many words desired him, that he alone would take the whole administration of the government upon him: and by all the arguments that they brought to perswade him, he was at last brought to take the government wholy upon him, [Dio. lib. 53. pag. 497. & 503.] which that he did it on the VII of the Ides of January, is manifest, from the Marble Narbon table, [in Inscript. Gruter. pag. CCXXIX.]

VVhen as Caesar had got the Empire confirmed on him by this means, both from the Senate and the people, and yet would seem to be popular, he took upon him indeed, that he would be very careful of the publick affaires, because they required the care of one that would be diligent; but he positively said, he would not govern all the Provinces, or, that he would govern them for ever, which he had now taken upon to govern: wherefore he restored to the Senate, the weaker Provinces, to wit, because they were the more peaceable: but the stronger Provinces, or where was more danger to be seen, or that had enemies neer them, or that were likely to have any new commotions, he kept to himself. He did this under this colour, that the Senate might safely enjoy the best parts of the Empire, and he might seem to put himself upon all the labours and dangers; but under this pretence, to make them disarmed and unfit for war; and thus he got both the armes and the souldiers to his party. For this cause Africa, Numidia, Asia, and Greece, with Epirus, Dalmatia, Macedonia, Sicilia, Creta, Lybia, Cireniaca, Bythinia, with Pontus adjoyning, Sardinia, and Hispania Baetica, were appointed to the Senate: but to Caesar the rest of Spain, all France, and Germany, also Coelosyria, Cilicia, Cyprus, Egypt: but Caesar took this government over the Provinces for ten years time, within which time, he promised himself he should easily reduce them; adding this also in a bragging way, like a young man, that if he could reduce them in shorter time, by so much the sooner he would leave off the Empire. He then made Patricians Governours over the Provinces of both conditions. Over Egypt he set a man but of the degree of a Knight, for the reasons above specified. He gave Africa and Asia, particularly to the Senatours, and all the rest of the Provinces to them that had been Praetours: but forbad indifferently either of them, that they should receive by lot the Provinces till the fifth year after they had born office in the city, [Dio. lib. 53. pag. 503, 504, 505.]

Upon the Ides of January this distribution of the Provinces was made, as Ovid notes; thus speaking in the first book of Fastorum to Caesar German…cus.

Idibus in magni castus Jovis aede sacerdos

Semimaris flammis viscera libat ovis.

Redditaque est omnis populo provincia nostro:

Et tuus Augusto nomine dictus avus.

On th' Ides the half-man priest in Joves great fane

Offers the intrals of a sheep ith' flame,

Then all the Province came to us, and then

Thy Grandfire was Augustus nam'd 'mongst men.

For on the same day, the name of Augustus was given to Caesar Octavianus: which Censorinus in his book de die Natali, shews was done the fourth day after, in these words. On the sixteenth day before the Kalends of February, the Emperour Caesar, the son of him of blessed memory, by the opinion of L. Munacius Plancus, was saluted Augustus by the Senate and the rest of the Citizens; himself being the seventh time, and M. Vipsanius Agrippa the III time Consuls.

Caesar having setled all things, and reduced the Provinces into a certain form, was sirnamed Augustus, [Livy, lib. 134.] That that name was given him both in his seventh Consulship, Dio [lib. 53.] and by the opinion of Plancus with the consent of the whole Senate and people of Rome, Velleius, [lib. 2. cap. 91.] confirmeth: of whom Suetonius, [in Octavio, cap. 7.] The opinion of Munatius Plancus prevailed, that he should be rather called Augustus, (though some were of opinion that he should be called Romulus, as if he also had been a founder of the City) not onelyonly because it was a new, but also a more honourable name, because also Religious places, and wherein any thing is consecrated by the flying of birds p. 768are called Augusta, of growing, or from the gesture or feeding of birds, as also Ennius teacheth writing on this manner, Augusto Augurio post quam inclyta condita Roma est. After that noble Rome was built by sacred flight of birds.

And Florus in the fourth book, it was also debated in the Senate, whether he should be called Romulus, because he had founded the empire: but the name Augustus seemed to be the more holy and venerable, that so, while he now lived on earth, he might be as it were deified by the name it self and title.

Dio hath the like things, who notes that he was called Augustus by the Romans, and by the Greeks foreign from the splendour of his dignity, and sanctity of the honour greater than humane, [lib. 53. pag. 507. 509. compared with Acts XXV. 21. 25. with the XVII. 23. & 11. Thessal. 11. 4.] to which let that of Ovid be added. lib. 1. Fastorum.

Sed tamen humanis celebrantur honoribus omnes:

Hic socium summo cum Jove nomen habet.

Sancta vocant augusta patres: augusta vocantur

Templa, sacerdotum ritè dicata manu.

Hujus & Augurium dependet origine verbi:

Et quodcunque suâ Jupiter auget ope.

Augeat imperium nostri ducis, augeat annos:

Protegat & nostras querna corona fores.

All common persons have their common fame,

But he with Jove enjoyes an equall name,

Of old most sacred things, Augusta were:

Temples that name and hallow'd things do bear:

Yea Augury depends upon this word,

And whatsoever more Jove doth afford:

Let it enlarge his rule and life let all,

Our coast, be guarded by a fenced wall.

By this meanes the whole power of the people and Senate, was translated upon Augustus, [Dio. lib. 53. pag. 507.] which name formerly held sacred, and till now such as that not any Governour durst take upon him, so huge a title did he lay to the usurped Empire of the world… and from that day the whole commonwealth and the government thereof began to be and to remain in the possession of one man: which the Greeks call monarchy, [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 20.] that the Romans began their Epoch of their August, from the Kalends of January, Censorinus teacheth in his book, de natali die, where he compares the 265 year of this account, with the 283 of the Julian account; as also in the following Chapter, he casts the Consulship of Marcius Censorinus, and Alinius Gallu: upon the twentieth of the Augustan year, falling upon the 38 of the Julian account.

Tralles a City in Asia being overthrown with an earthquake, the place of exercise fell also, which was afterwards rebuilt by Caesar. [Euseb. Chronic. Strabo. lib. 12. pag. 57.]

A difference arising between Cossabarus the Idumaean, Year of the World 3978 and his wife Salome the sister of Herod, The Julian Period. 4658 she contrary to the custome of the Jews, Year before Christ 26 sent him a bill of divorce, and going to her brother told him, that she preferred her brothers love, before her tie to her husband, for she said that Costabarus had practised some innovations with Lysimachus, Antipater, and Dositheus building the credit of her assertion from this, because he had privily kept and preserved in security within his Country, Bebas his children, now twelve yeares from the taking of Jerusalem by Herod, and all this without the privity and good will of the King, which as soon as Herod knew, he sent some to their hiding places, and killed them, and as many as were in the same crime with them, to the end that there should none remain of the kindred of Hyrcanus; but taking out of the way who excelled in any dignity, that he might doe whatsoever he would himself, there being none now left to resist him, [Joseph. lib. 15. cap. 11.]

Hereupon Herod becomming more secure, departed more and more from his Country customes, violating them with strange inventions; and first of all he instituted wrestlings every fifth year in honour of Caesar, for the exhibiting of which he began to build a theatre in Jerusalem, and an amphitheatre in the plain, both of them very sumptuous for the workmanship, but clean contrary to the Jewish customes, among p. 769whom there is no use of these things, nor any setting forth of such shews, yet he woul… have this solemnity to be enrolled, and to be proclaimed to the Countries about him and also to forreign nations, and by propounding of great rewards, he invited not only those that were skilled in wrestling, but excellent Musicians also, and them that plaied on instruments: but nothing so troubled the Jews as the trophees, which being covered with armour, they thought to be images, forbidden them by their law, which that Herod might convince them of, he commanded the ornaments to be taken off from them, and shewed them that they were meer stocks of wood, which being done all their anger was turned into laughter. [id. ibid.]