The Annals of the World, History 2 · 6 (continued) (14 of 15)

The Annals of the World · History 2 · 6 (continued) (14 of 15)

p. 649Whefore Pompey seeing so great an army upon the shore, durst not go to land, unlesse he might do it safely.

Comperit ut regem Casio se monte tenere,

Flexit iter.

Finding the King to keep within the Casian Mount.

He turnd aside.

(as Lucan hath it in lib. 8.) and sent some of his followers to the King, which should humbly declare unto him his coming thither; and intreat him, for the familiarity and friendship with his father, and the benefits confirmed upon himself, that he might p. 650be received into Alexandria, and be protected by his strength in this his calamity, [Caesar. lib. 3. Plutarch in Pompey. Appian. pag. 480. Dio. lib. 42.] but those that went from him, when they had done their message, began to talk more freely with the Kings Souldiers, and that they should perform their duty to Pompey, and not to despise his ill fortune. In this number were many of Pompeys Souldiers, whom Gabinius received out of his army in Syria, & had had him to Alexandria, and the warbeing ended, had left with Ptolomy the father of the lad. [Caesar. ut supra.]

The King himself answered nothing: but his friends who had the administration of the Kingdom, Achillas an Egyptian, who was Lord General, and Pothinus an Eunuch, who was Lord Treasurer, began to consult about Pompey; taking into council with them other officers, among whom was Theodorus, either a Chian, or a Samian, a mercenary teacher of Rhetorick, but yet one that was in great authority with the King, as being his Schole-master. [Livy, lib. 112. Plutarch. and Appian. ut supra.]

In this Council, some were of opinion, that Pompey was to be received, and others, that he should be kept from entring into Egypt: but Theodorus, bragging of his eloquence and skill in declaiming, declared that both of them were mistaken; for that there was but one expedient, that they should receive and put him to death: adding withal in the close of his speech, that the dead bite nor. [Plutarch in Pompeio. & in Bruto.]

His opinion the rest followed induced thereunto through fear, as they afterwards said, least by tampering with the Kings army, Pompey should seize upon Alexandria and Egypt, or contemning his misfortune, as commonly in calamity many of his friends became enemies, publickly answered kindly to them, that were sent unto them from Pompey, and bid him that he should come to the King: but privately they sent Achillas the Kings generall, a man of a singular audacity, and L. Septimius a Colonell, who in the wars against the Pyrates had a command under Pompey, to kill him. [Caesar. lib. 3.]

These with Salvius another Centurion and three or four such ministers more went aboard a little ship, and came to Pompey: in the mean while, the whole army stood in battalia along the shoar. as it were in honour of his entertainment, the King being in the head of them clad in his robes, also there were espied many of the Kings ships, full of men, that they should be sure not to escape, if they should change their minds: the little ship approaching, Septimius first arose and in Latine saluted Pompey by the name of Imperator: Achillas having saluted him in Greek, wished him to come into that little ship, for that his ship through the greatnesse thereof, and because the sea was full of shelfs, neither could the gally by reason of the sands in any possibility be brought to land, and that the King desired to see him as soon as he could, all the chief men of those who accompanied Pompey, and all who sailed with him, came unto him, and advised him, that whilst they were out of danger of their weapons, he should set saile back again towards the sea: and he himself considering the army in battalia, and the sleight ship that was sent unto him, and that the King did not come to meet him, nor any of the chief noble men, began to suspect much, neverthelesse having saluted Cornelia, which now already had bewailed his death, he commanded two Centurions, and of his free men Philip, and a servant named Scynes, to go aboard the little ship before him, then Achillas helping him with his hand, he himself also entred the ship, and just before turning to his wife and son, spake those Iambicks of Sophocles.

foreign,

foreign.

Nam cum tyranno si cui negotium est,

Fit servus ejus, liber etsi venerit.

Who deale with Tyrants they shall surely be

Inslaved, though before th'are ne're so free.

As they sailed there was a dead silence, whereby the suspicion was encreased; and holding a book in his hand, wherein he had written the Oration, that he intended to speak to Ptolemy, he began to read it, when they came neer the shoar: they determined to kill Pompey, before they came to land, fearing least meeting with Ptolemei, he should be safely delivered either by the King himself, or by the Romans, who he had with him, or the Egyptians, (who bare him great good will.) Cornelia with his friends out of the ship, stood in great suspence, beholding the errand: and Pompey began to be in good hopes, because at his landing he saw many of the Kings friends come running to entertain him with honour: but as Philip lent him his hand to p. 651help him up, Septimius first came behind him and run him thorough, and after him, Salvius, and Achillas thrust him thorough with their swords: he, when he was there, being in no way either of defending himself, or escaping, with both his hands hid his face with his gown: neither spake he or did any thing unworthy of himself, only giving a groan, patiently received all their thrusts. [Id. ibid. Plutarch. Appian. Dio.]

His wife and friends which were in the ships, when they saw this, gave a great shriek, which was heard even to the shoar, and holding up their hands to heaven, implored the gods that were the revengers of covenant breaking, and in all hast weighing anchor fled. [Plutarch, & Appian.] some of these were taken by the Egyptians that pursued them, and some escaped by flight. [Dio.] having first sailed as far as Tyre, for they were entertained by the Tyrians in their flight, as Dio shews in lib. 42. Of those that escaped his wife Cornelia, and his son Sextus Pompeius fled to Cyprus. [Livy lib. 112.] the rest of the Pompeian fleet was taken, and they who were in it most cruelly murdered: and then Pompey the Bythinian (of whom Cicero makes mention in Bruto, or, de claris oratoribus, as one of his own time) was killed, but Lentulus one that had been Consul, was killed at Pelusium. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 15.] namely L. Lentulus the (Consul of the former year;) whom Caesar writes was taken, by the King, and killed in prison. [bell. clvil. lib. 3.] but Plutarch in Pompeio notes, that he together with Pompey went to Cyprus, and that he came not out of Cyprus into Egypt, till a long time after the buriall of Pompey, and a little after that going out was taken at sea, and killed.

Caius Caesar, and Publius Servilius, being Consuls, Pompey was killed in the 58 year of his age, (compleat) the day before his birth-day, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 53.] on that very day on which he Triumphed in former time over Mithridates and the Pirates: [Dio. lib. 42.] but that he Triumphed for two dayes together, the III. and the day before the Kalends of October, we have shewed out of Pliny, [lib. 7. cap. 29. & lib. 37. cap. 2.] in his proper place: so that Plutarch wrote not so accurately in saying that Pompey lived 59 years, and that he died the day after his birth day: but that last of September, which was the last of Pompey, this year, as the times were then falsly reckoned at Rome, fell upon the 25 day of the Julian July, according to our account.

The head of Pompey being cut off by Septimius, (as Lucan saith) was kept till the coming of Caesar, in expectation of a great reward; but the body was thrown naked out of the ship, to be gazed upon by all that would. Philip, his freed man, stayed by it till all had satisfied their eyes; then he washed it with sea water, and wrapped it in a coat of his own. When he had nothing present, looking about the shore, he found the broken planks of a fisher boat, but which was enough to burn the naked carcase, and that not whole neither. As he was gathering the planks together, and laying them in order, a grave old Citizen of Rome, who had served under Pompey in his young dayes, came and helped him to perform the Funeral Rites. [Plutarch in Pomp.] That a certain man buried him on the shore, and made a little Monument for him: Appian writes, [pag. 481.] and that another added this inscription.

foreign.

Vix caperet templum, quae parva recondit arena.

—Scarce could the Temple hold,

That which is cover'd over with a little mold.

We read in Aurelius Victor, [de viris illustribus, cap. 77.] that the Trunk of his body was cast into Nilus, and burnt, and buried by Servius Codrus, who wrote this on his Tomb, HERE LIETH POMPEY THE GREAT, of whom Lucan lib. 8.

Elatebris pavidus decurrit ad aequora Codrus,

Quaestor ab Idalio Cinyraeae littore Cypri

Infanstus Magni fueratcomes: ille per umbras

Ausus ferre gradum, victum pietate timorem

Compulit, ut mediis quaesitum corpus in undis

Duceret ad terram, traheretque ad littora Magnum.

—Toth' shore did fearful Codrus come

Out of his lurking hole that was before,

Great Pompey's Questor, and from Cyprus shore

Had follow'd him; he by the shades of night

Durst go true love had uanquish terrour quite

To find his slaughter'd Lord, along the sand,

And through the waves to bring the trunk to land.

p. 652For the Poet more rightly seeketh his body in the sea, than Aurelius Victor, in Nilus: Seeing that it is manifest out of others, and Strabo also, [lib. 16. pag. 760.] and Pliny, [lib. 5. cap. 12.] that Pompey was killed and buried not far from the Cassian Mountain.

This was the end of great Pompeys life, who was accounted the most potent among the Romans, so that he was sirnamed Agamemnon, because he also had had the command of a 1000 ships, but then died neer Egypt in a little ship, like one of the basest Egyptians: and whereas he from an Oracle a long while before suspected all the Citizens of the Cassian family, he was killed and buried neer Mount Cassius, [Dio. lib. 42.] which mountain is seated not far from the confines of Judea, which he first subjected under the Roman yoke.

They who were with Cato, coming into Cyrene, heard of the death of Pompey, [Dio. lib. 42.] Cornelia with her son in law Sextus Pompey, being driven thither out of Cyprus: as that of Lucan shews in lib. 9.

Prima ratem Cypros spumantibus accipit undis:

Inde tenens pelagus, sed jam moderatior, Eurus

In Libycas eg… sedes, & castra Catonis.

They first arriv'd on Cyprus foamy shore,

From thence a mild East wind commanding bore

Their ships to Cato's Lybian Camp—

He addes moreover, that the son of Pompey (C…us the elder) who was with Cato, there, learned from his younger brother Sextus, who was with Cornelia, the death of his father; that Cornelia on the shore burnt the reliques of Pompey, and by her example the rest of the army making Funeral piles, performed Funeral Rites to the ghosts of them that died in Pharsalia, and that Cato made a Funeral Oration in memory of Pompey.

After this, there being different opinions, those who had no hopes of obtaining pardon from Caesar, remained with Cato: others departing from him, went whithersoever their chance carried them: others went directly to Caesar and obtained pardon, [Dio. lib. 42.] also Cornelia, a pardon being published, returned safe to Rome, [Id. ibid.] and there in the Mount Albanus laid the Reliques of her husband that were brought unto her, [Lucan, lib. 8. cum Plutarcho, in …. Pompei.]

The Souldiers of Cato, who were chiefely mariners of Cilitia, whose Captain was Tarcho, being ready to depart from him, being moved with the words he spake unto them, returned to their duty, [Lucan, lib. 9.]

Cato is admitted by the citizens into Cyrene, whereas a few dayes before, they had shut their gates against Labienus, [Plutarch, in Catone.] Lucan, lib. 9.

Proximus in muros & moenia Cyreniarum

Est labor: exclusus nulla se vindicat ira;

Poenaque de victis sola est, vicisse, Catoni.

Inde peti placuit Lybici contermina Mauris

Regna Jubae.

—Their second labour is

To scale Cyrenes lofty walls on whom,

Cato no vengeance took when overcome

(Though they against him shut their gates) to him

Reveng sufficient did their conquest seem.

He hence to Lybian Jubaes kingdom goes.

when Cato had understood that Scipio the father in law of Pompey was entertained by King Juba, and that Appius Varus, to whom the Province of Africa was given by Pompey, had joyned himself unto them with his army, [Plutarch, ut supra.]

Caesar after three dayes being in his pursuite, (for as much as can be gathered out of the epitome of Lucan) came to Alexandria, King Ptolemei being still about the mountain Casius, [Appian. pag. 483.] and found there that the Alexandrians were in a mutiny about the death of Pompey, he durst not immediately go ashore; but leaving the shore, stood off some time, as Dio hath it, lib. 42, and Lucan, lib. 9.

p. 653—ibi plena tumultu

Littora, & ineerto turb at as murrmure voces

Accipit: ac dubiis veritus se credere regnis

Abstinuit tellure rates.

—where when he saw the shoar

With giddy tumult all confused o're

Doubting if safe to trust them did forbear

To bring his ships to land—

Then having knowledg of Pompeys death, Caesar went first out of his ship, and heard the shout of the Souldiers, whom Ptolemei had left for a garrison in the town; and saw them come running out unto him, because his bundles of rods were carried before him; for in this all the multitude said that the royall majesty was disgraced, [Caesar, lib. 3.] concerning which thing also both, [Dio, lib. 42.] and Lucan. lib. 9. make mention thus.

Sed fremitu vulgi fasces, & jura querentis

Inferri Romana suis, discordia sensit

Pectora, & ancipites animos,

But perceiving that the throng

Of people murmur'd that in Egypt he

Bare th'en signes up of Romes authoritie

He finds their wavering faiths—

Notwithstanding Caesar entred Alexandria being in a mutiny without any danger: [Livy lib. 112.] retiring himself by flight into the pallace, but their arms were taken from some of his souldiers, and the rest, as all the ships were coming to shoar, went back again. [Dio. 42.]

Caesar was very angry when Theodorus offered to him the head and seale ring of Pompey: and taking the ring, fell a weeping. [Livy. lib. 112. Plutarch. in Caesare.] We read in Aurelius Victor. [de viris illustr. cap. 77.] that the head of Pompey with the ring was presented unto Caesar, by Achillas the captain of Ptolemyes guard, being wrapped up in an Egyptian covering; and he caused it to be burned with many and most precious odours, neither did he refrain from weeping, and concerning the head that was offered him by the captain of the guard, thus Lucan. lib. 9.

—dira satelles

Colla gerit Magni, Phario velamine tecta.

Bringing his Kings dire guift great Pompeys head

With an Egyptian mantle covered.

but of the teares, that he, and Dio will have to be but dissembling ones thus

Non primo Caesar damnavit munera visu,

Avertit que oculos; vultus, dum crederet, haesit:

Utque fidem vidit sceleris, tutumque putavit

Jam bonus esse socer, lacrym as non sponte cadentes

Effudit, gomitusque expressit pectore laeto;

Non aliter manifesta putans abscondere mentis

Gandia, quam lachrymis.

Caesar at his first gift would not refuse

Nor turn his eies away but fixtly viewes

Till he perceiv'd t'was true, and plainly saw,

T'was safe to be a pious father in law:

Then shed forced teares & from a joyfull breast

Drew sighs and groans as thinking tears would best

Conceald, his inward joy.

and of the buriall of the head he thus brings in Caesar commanding:

p. 654—Vos condite busto

Tanti colla ducis: sed non, ut crimina tantum

Vestra tegat tellus, justo date thura sepulchro,

Et placate caput, cineresque in littore fusos

Colligite, atque unam sparsis date manibus urnam.

—But do you interre

This worthies head, not that the earth may bear

And hide your guilt; bring fumes and odours store,

T'appease his head, and gather from the shore

His scatter'd limbs; compose them in one Tomb.

But he commanded the head to be buried in the Suburbs, and there dedicated a Temple of Nemeses. [Appian. pag. 484.]

And that he might the more shew his good affection towards Pompey, he kindly entertained his friends and familiars, who were taken as they wandred in that Country by the King, and bound them unto himself by favours that he did them: and he wrote to his friends at Rome, that the greatest and most pleasant fruit that he took of his victory was, that he daily saved some Citizens that had opposed him. [Plut. in Caesare.]

Caesar, before his army came unto him, for want of his own company, gave himself to idlenesse; curtuously entertaining all he met: and walking about to see the City, admired the beauty thereof, and stood to hear many of the professors of wisdom; which his leasure got him favour and good account with the people of Alexandria. [Appian. Bell. civil. pag. 483. fin. pag. 484. init.] Thus Lucan tells that he visited the Temples, and the Cave wherein the body of Alexander the Great lay.

—vultu semper celante timorem,

Intertidus Superum sedes, & templa vetusti

Numinis, antiquas Macetum testantia vires,

Circuit: & nulla captus dulcedine rerum,

Non auro, cultuque deum, non moenibus urbis,

Effossum tumulis cupide descendit in antrum.

Illic Pellaei proles vesana Philippi

Felix praeda jacet; terrarum vindice fat…

Raptus.

Then with a look still hiding fear goes he,

The stately Temple of the old god to see;

Which speaks the ancient Macedonian greatnesse.

But there delighted with no objects sweetnesse,

Nor with their gold nor gods majestick dresse,

Nor lofty City walls, with greedinesse,

Into the burying Vault goes Caesar down.

There Macedonian Philip's mad-braind son,

The prosperous thief lies buried: whom just fate

Slew in the worlds revenge—

Caesar delivered over to Cn. Domitius Calvinus the government of Asia, and the neighbour Provinces, [Hirtius, in lib. de bello. Alexandrino.] and commanded him, that taking the armies that were in Asia unto him, he should make war upon King Pharnaces. [Dio. lib. 42.] But when Caesar observed that there were many seditions daily raised at Alexandria, by reason of the great concourse of the multitude, and that many Souldiers were killed in diverse places of the City, he commanded the Legions to be brought to him out of Asia; which he had gathered together out of Pompey's Souldiers; for he himself was necessarily kept there by the eastern winds, which are most contrary to them that saile from Alexandria, [Caesar. lib. 3.] for those are northern winds, which cease blowing about the end of the Julian August: as we may see both in the Ephemerides of Geminus and Ptolomy, and also in Pliny, [lib. 2. cap. 47.] and Columella, [lib. 2. de re rustica.] from whence the errour of Lucan is discovered, who delivered in lib. 8. that Pompey came into Egypt in the time of the autumnal equinoctial: and in his ninth book he referred, that toilsom march of Cato with the Legions, through Africa the desert, (concerning which Livy, lib. 112.) after he heard of the death of Pompey, to be undertaken by him, to the winter that followed this equinoctial.

For when deparing from Cyrenae, he assayed to crosse the Syrts with his fleet, he, by a tempest, was cast upon the marshes of Tritonis: Sexus Pompeius being left p. 655with part of the forces in the more fruitfull places of Africa, that Cato intended to march by land, the sea being now impassable by reason of stormes, to seek the King of Mauritania, as he thus declares:

His igitur depulsa locis, ejectdque classis

Syrtibus, haud ultra Garamantidas attigit undas:

Sed duce Pomp…io Libyes melioris in oris

Mansit: at impatiens virtus haerere Caton is

Audet in ignotas agmen committere gentes,

Armorum fidens, & terra cingere Syrtim.

Haec eadem suadebat hyems, quae clauserat aequor.

Part of the fleet got off from hence again,

And from the Syrtes driven, did remain

Under great Pompeys eldest sons command,

On this side Garamantis in rich land:

But Cato's vertue brooking no delay,

Through unknown regions led his troops away,

T'in compasse round the Syrts by land, for now.

The stormy seas unnavigable grow

In winter time—

Which also Plutarch in the life of Cato affirmeth, writing that foreign in winter time this march by land was undertaken by him.

But his army was miserably afflicted in the country of the N…samones, which is near the Syrts, with the winds driving the sands, and sometimes with vehement thirst, and a multitude of serpents of divers kinds that they met with: and Cato co…ming to…he temple of Jupiter Ammon, being advised by the perswasion of Labio to consult with the oracle concerning his future fortune, refused to do it; and at length, having wandred two months through the sandy deserts of Africa, he came to Leptis: and there spent the winter. [Lucan. lib. 9.] which being ended, he had his souldiers to seek, who were not much lesse than 10000 men. [Plutarch. in Catone.]

Caesar, (that we may return to him, being deteined at Alexandria, by the easterne winds) spent his time in Egypt, in getting of money, and deciding the controversie between Ptolemei and Cleopatra. [Dio. lib. 42.] for of that vast sum of money that was owed unto him by Ptolemei Auletes the father of the young King, he there exacted some part for the defraying of the charg of his army. [Plutarch. in Caesare.] which exactions the Egyptians, who above all other nations are most superstitious worshippers of a multitude of gods, took so much the worse, because Caesar did not hold his fingers from those things that were dedicated to their gods. [Dio. lib. 42.] although in this he was cozened by the Kings …ours; that he received but little mony, they themselves craftily robbing their own temples: that they might by this shew that the Kings exchequer was empty, and that they might stir up the people unto an hatred of Caesar. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 15.] for the increasing of which, the Eunuch Pothinus, a man who was in greatest authority, did both speak and act many things in publick: for he gave the souldiers old and musty corn, telling them, that they should be content, because they were fed at another bodies cost: and commanded also that his own supper should be served up in wooden and earthen dishes, reporting that Caesar had taken away all the gold and silver plate, for the payment of the debt. [Plutarch. ut supra.]

But Caesar supposed that the controversies of the King and Queen did belong to the people of Rome, and to him because he was Consul; and the rather to belong to his office, because in his former Consul-ship, there was a league made with Ptolemei the father of them both, wherefore he declares unto them, that it was his pleasure, that both King Ptolemei, and his sister Cleopatra should dismisse their armies; and rather try their controversies by law before him, than between themselves by arms. [Caesar. lib. 3.]

The death of Pompey was not believed at Rome, untill that afterwards his seale ring was sent thither; on which three trophies were engraven, (or as Plutarch will, a Lion holding a sword,) but then the Romans strove who should powre most honours upon Caesar: giving him power to do with the Pompeians as he would himself, that he should have authority to make war and peace with whomsoever he would, although he had not reported it to the people; that he should be Cousul for five yeares together, that he should not be Dictatour for six months space only, as it was wont to be, but for an whole years time, that he should have triou…itian authority all his life time, that he should fit with the tribunes, and determine of any thing to be done together with them: which was never granted to any formerly. [Dio. lib. 42.

p. 656Caesar having accepted of these honours, although he was out of Italy, yet immediately entred upon the Dictatourship, [Id. ibid.] So that Josephus rightly begins his principality from hence; assigning unto it three years and an half, [lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 17.] and in Syria, as the Antiochians seem to reckon the times of the Caesars from his first Dictatourship, so the Lacedemonians from this second Dictatourship; for Eusebius in his Chronicle at the second year of the Empire of Probus shews, that the Laodicean account was later than the Antiochenian, but onelyonly one year.

Velleius Patercules saith, Year of the World 3957. a. that the King, and those by whom he was governed, attempted Treason against Caesar, [lib. 2. cap. 54.] which Suetonius affirmes of King Ptolemei himself, [in Julio, cap. 35.] and Eutropius, [lib. 6.] and Plutarch, of the Eunuch Pothinus; by reason of which treasons that were privily laid for him, he began to feast whole nights in his own defence: and whenas Pothinus would tell him, that now it was time to leave off, and to follow his great affairs, & that afterwards he might return again: He answered him, that he did require to advice of any of the Egyptians: he sent for Cleopatra privately out of the country, [Plutarch, in Caesare.]

For Cleopatra, having hitherto pleaded her cause before Caesar by the mediation of other men, as soon as she knew his nature, that he was given to the love of women; by private messengers complained unto Caesar, that she was betrayed by her friends, and that she desired that she her self might plead her own cause before him, [Dio. lib. 42.] which being granted, she onelyonly took one of her friends with her, one Apollodorus Siculus, and going aboard a light ship, she sailed to the Palace as soon as it was dark, and seeing she could by no other means hide her self, she laid her self a long in a mattresse that was solded up, which Apollodorus tied up with a cord and carried up through the gate to Caesar, [Plutarch.] Lucan thus describes her bringing in to Caesar, in lib. 10.

Jam Pelusiaco veniens è gurgite Nili,

Rex puer imbellis populi sedaverat iras,

Obside quo pacis Pellaea tutus in aula

Caesar erat: cum se parva Cleopatra biremi,

Corrupto custode Phari laxare catenas,

Intulit Emathiis ignaro Caesare tectis;

Dedecus Egypti, Latio feralis Erinnys,

Romano non casta malo.

Now the young King come from Pelusium

Had pacifi'd the peoples wrath: in whom

As Hostage of his peace in Egypt Court

Caesar was safe; when, lo, from Pharos port,

Bribing the Keeper to unchain the same,

In a small Gally Cleopatra came,

Unknown to Caesar entring the house

The stain of Egypt, Romes pernicious

Fury, unchast to Italies disgrace.

Cleopatra falling at Caesar feet, demanded her part of the kingdom; the woman was exceeding beautiful, and her beauty was much increased by this, that such an one did seem to suffer so great an injury, as also the hatred of the King himself, who had murdered Pompey, not for Caesars sake, and would have done the like to him if he could have found the means, [Florus, lib. 4. cap. 2.] but when Caesar saw Cleopatra, and heard her speak, he was immediately so become her slave, that as soon as it was day, he sent for Ptolemei to come to him, and mediated a pacification; there becoming Cleopatras advocate, whose judge he was before: which thing, and because he saw his sister within with him before he was aware of it, so inflamed the lad with anger; that he ran out to the people, crying out that he was betrayed, and took his Crown and threw it to the ground, [Dio. lib. 42.]

Hereupon arose a great tumult, Caesars souldiers took Ptolemei and carried him in: but the Egyptians were all in commotions, and unlesse Caesar being strooken with fear had gone out unto them, and from a safe place promised them, that he would do whatsoever they would themselves, they at the first onset, had seized upon the Palace, which they introded both by sea and land: for the Romans, who thought they had been amongst their friends, had no means to make resistance, [Dio. lib. 42.]

After these things, Caesar together with Ptolemei and Cleopatra, going out into the people, rehearsed in a writing the testament of their father: in which it was commanded, that after the ancient custom of the Egyptians, that they two should be married together, and should hold the kingdom in common: but so, that they should p. 657be under the protection of the people of Rome: Caesar added moreover, that it was his part, who now was Dictator, and had all the power of the people of Rome, both to have a care of the children, and to see their fathers will executed. Wherefore he gave the kingdom of Egypt to Ptolomy and Cleopatra; and gave Cyprus to Arsinoe, and Ptolomy the younger, for he was in such a fear at this time, that he would willingly have given any thing of his own, rather then have taken any away that belonged to the Egyptians: and after this manner was this tumult appeased. [Id. Ibid. cum Caesar. lib. 3. Livy, lib. 112. & Plutarch in Caesare.]

King Dejotarus coming to Cn. Domitius Calvinus, Caesar Lieutenant in Asia, desired him, that he would not suffer Armenia the lesse, his own kingdom, nor Cappadocia, the kingdom of Ariobarzanes, to be possessed and spoiled by Pharnaces: which unlesse they were freed from, they could neither do as they were commanded, nor pay the mony that they had promised to Caesar. Domitius immediately sent messengers to Pharnaces, that he should depart out of Armenia and Cappadocia; which denuntiation, he thought would be of greater power, if he came neerer those Countries with his army; wherefore he went to the Legions, and of the three that he had with him, he took the XXXVI, and the other two he sent into Egypt, unto Caesar, who had written to him for them: to this XXXVI. Legion, he added two more that he had received from Dejotarus, many of whom he had disciplined and armed after the Roman fashion, and an hundred horse, also he took as many of Ariobarzanes. He sent also P. Sextius to C. Plaetorius his Questor, to bring to him a Legion that he had gathered together of Souldiers raised on a sudden: and Q. Patiscus, into Cilicia, to bring more aids, all which forces, by the command of Domitius, with all speed met at Comana. [Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrino.]

In the mean the Embassadors return an answer from Pharnaces, that he was departed from Cappadocia, that he had recovered Armenia the Lesse, which he ought to to keep as belonging to his father, and furthermore, that the whole businesse of that King should be referred to Caesar himself, for he would do whatsoever he should appoint: but yet he departed out of Cappadocia, because he could more easily defend Armenia, that was neer his own kingdom, then Cappadocia, that lay further off: which when Domitius knew, he still continued in that mind, that he should depart from that kingdom also, for he had no more right to Armenia than to Cappadocia, neither was his demand just, that the whole businesse should remain intire until Caesar coming, for that was, to be intire, to be as it had been before. Having given him this answer, he marched with the foresaid forces into Armenia: in the mean time, Pharnaces sent many Embassies unto Domitius, to treat of a peace, and offered him great presents: but Domitius constantly refused them all, and answered the Embassadours, that he did not account any thing more deer unto him, then to recover the dignity of the people of Rome, and the kingdom of their allies. [Id. ibid.]

Caesar carrying on the war of Alexandria, Dejotarus did what he could for Caesars profit, and furn…shed Cn. Domitius his army, both with lodgings, and strengthened him with his own forces; as Cicero confirmeth in an oration that he made in his behalf.

In Egypt, the Eunuch Pothinus, who had the oversight of all the Kings treasure, and of the whole kingdom, fearing least he should be punished for the former sedition of the Egyptians, of which he was the chief ringleader, was the beginner of a new and difficult war. He first complained amongst his own friends, that the King was called to plead his cause: and then to others whom he had an intention to draw to his party, he cast a suspition, that Caesar indeed, for the appeasing of the tumult, had given the kingdom to both, but that in processe of time, he would give it to Cleopatra alone; and sollicited Achillas by letters and messengers, who was Commander in chief of all the Kings forces, having provoked him by his own, and puffed up with, promises from the King, that he should in privacy lead all the Kings army, both Horse and Foot from Pelusium to Alexandria. [Caesar. lib. 3. Bell. Civil. Dio. lib. 42.]

Caesars forces were in no wise so great, that if he must be forced to fight without the Town, he durst trust to them: the onelyonly thing that he was to do, was, to keep himself in his fastnesse within the Town, and to know what Achillas intended to do. He wished the King to send some of his most confident friends, as Embassadors to Achillas, and of chiefest authority about, that he should declare his intention. Dioscorides and Serapion, who had been Embassadors at Rome, and had been in great authority with his father, were sent from the King, and came to Achillas: whom he, as soon as they came within sight, before he knew what they came for, commanded to be taken and killed: one of whom having received a wound, was taken away by his own men for dead, and the other was killed. Which being done, Caesar brought things so to passe, that he got the King within his own power; supposing that the name of the King would be p. 658of great authority among his own Country men: and that this war might seem to be undertaken rather by the outrage of a few private men and thieves, there by the advice of the King. [Caesar. ibid.]

The forces that Achillas had with him, seemed not to be contemned, neither for their number, nor for the nation they were of, nor for their want of skill in Souldiery, for he had 20000. in arms: these consisted of the Souldiers of Gabinius, who now were accustomed to the life and licentiousnesse of the Alexandrians, and had unlearned the name and discipline of the people of Rome. Hither came also a company of Thieves and Robbers that were gathered together out of the Province of Syria and Cilicia, and the neighbour Provinces. Moreover, there met here many that were condemned persons, and banished men, and all Roman fugatives were sure of life and entertainment at Alexandria; so that but giving in their name, they were listed among the Souldiers: and if any one were apprehended by his master, he was taken away again by a concourse of Souldiers; who did defend the violence of their companions, because they were in the same fault, for fear of their own danger: these were wont according to the old fashion of the Alexandrian army, to demand the Kings friends to be put to death, and to plunder rich mens goods, for to increase their pay, and to besiege the Kings Palace, to banish some, and to recal others from banishment: there were also 2000 Horse, many of whom had served a long time in the wars of Alexandria. [Id. ibid.]

Achillas trusting to these forces, and despising the fewnesse of Caesars souldiers, having seized upon Alexandria, attempted by an onset to break into Caesars house; but Caesar, having disposed his Co…orts in the passes, sustained the assault. They fought at the same time at the Haven, and indeed there was the greatest fight of all: for at the same time, the enemy brought their forces about, and fought in many passes, and endeavoured also with a great multitude to seize upon the long ships: fifty whereof being sent to help Pompey, when the battle in Thessalia was ended, returned home: they were all Gallies with either three or five oars on a bank, well rigged and furnished with all tackling for sailing: besides these, XXII. there were which were alway wont to be at Alexandria, for a guard to it, all covered (or rather beaked) which if the enemy had seized upon, Caesars fleet being gone away, they had had the Haven, and the whole sea at their command, and had kept Caesar from all provisions, and any aides coming unto him. Wherefore this businesse was acted with the greatest contention that might be, seeing that Caesar saw that his chief businesse consisted in the dispatch of this businesse, and they their safety: but Caesar got the better, and burnt those ships, and the rest that were in the arsenal, because he could not defend them with so few a party as he had. [Id. ib.]

—nec puppibus ignis

Incubuit solis: sed quae vicina fuere

Tecta mari longis rapuere vaporibus ignem.

Et cladem fovere Noti; percussaque flamma

Turbine, non alio motuper tecta cucurrit,

Quam solet aetherio lampas decurrere sulco,

Materiaque carens, atque ardens aecre solo:

Nor o're the ships alone do flames prevaile;

But all the houses near the shore assaile,

The South winds feed the flame, and drive it on

Along the houses with such motion,

As through the Welkin fiery Meteors run,

That wanting fuel fed on aire alone.

as Lucan hath it in his tenth book,

When this fire had seized upon part of the City, it burnt 400000 books that were laid up in the houses adjoyning, a singular monument of the care and industry of their ancestours, who had gathered together so many and so great works of famous wits. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 15.] Livy said, that here was a famous work of the glory and care of those Kings: as it is in Seneca, [in lib. de Tranquillitate animi, cap. 9.] where the same number of books is said to be burned: yet A. Gellius [lib. 5. cap. 17.] out of the agreeing (as he speaks) credit of old monuments, and Ammianus Marcellinus [lib. 22.] relate, that there were 700000 burned; and indeed when at the end of the Alexandrian war, the City was plundered by the Souldiers: but Plutarch in Caesare, saith, that in the beginning of this war, the flame increasing by the arsenal, that the Library was burned: and Dio in lib. 42. confirmeth, that the store houses, and granaries, and library, were burned together with the arsenal.

p. 659After the firing of the fleet, Caesar presently at the Island Phatos (which with a narrow neck of land of 900 paces long, and a bridge being joyned to the city makes the haven) the enemy being employed in the fight, landed his souldiers out of the ships, and placed a garrison there, by which he brought it to passe, that corn and aides might be brought unto him by shipping. [Caesar lib. 3.] whereupon Lucan speaking of Pharos taken by him. lib. 10.

Illa duci geminos bellorum praestitit usus.

Abstulit excursus & fauces aequoris hosti:

Caesaris auxiliis aditus & libera ponti

Ostia permisit.

Two helpes on Caesar doth that fort bestow:

Commands the Seas, the foes incursions staid,

And made a passage safe for Caesars aid.

In other parts of the town they fought so, that neither of them had the better; neither of them giving ground by reason of the straitnesse of the places, and but few killed of either side: Caesar having taken the most necessary places, fortified them by night in that side of the town, there was a little part of the pallace, into which they at the first brought him to dwell, and a theatre that joyned to the house, which was in manner of a cittadell, and had a way to the haven and arsenall, these fortifieations he daily encreased, that they might be to him in stead of a wall, and that he might not be forced to fight but when he would himself. [Caesar. lib. 3.]

Whereas the Egyptians fearing least Caesar being now Conquerour in the fight at sea should seize upon the haven of the city, thy with a rampart cast up barred his entrance, only leaving a little space: he himself also stopped that space sinking ships of burden filled with stones: and shut up all power from the enemies ships, of going out of the haven; whereby it came to passe, that with lesse trouble he could fetch all things necessary for himself, and water also (for Achillas, had taken all water from him, by cutting up the conduits.) [Dio. lib. 42.]

Caesar sent into all the neighbour countries, and called for aids from thence. [Caesar. lib. 3.] and sent for the whole fleet out of Rhodes, and Syria and Cilicia: and bid them bring archers out of Crete, and horsemen from Malchus, the King of the Nabathaeans: and commanded that there should be engines for battery, and corn, and supplies brought unto him. [A. Hirtius de bell. Alexandrin.] he certified Domitius Calvinus of his danger, and desired him by all meanes, to send supplies to him as soon as possibly he could, and that he would come neerer Alexandria through Syria. [id. ibid,] but Mithridates of Pergamus a man of great nobility, in his own countrey, and of knowledge, and valour in the wars, and in great esteem, credit, and friendship with Caesar, was sent into Syria and Cilicia, to hasten on the supplies. [id. ibid. Joseph. lib. 14. cap, 14. & Dio. lib. 42.]

In the mean while Gammedes an Eunuch, steals away Arsinoe who was but carelesly kept, and carried her to the Egyptians: who making her Queen, they fell more heartily to the war, than before, because they had gotten one of the race of the Ptolemyes, to be the commander. [Dio. lib. 42.] concerning whom Lucan. lib. 10.

—subrepta paratis

A famulo Ganymede dolis, pervenit ad hostes

Caesaris Arsinoe: quae castra carentia rege

Ut proles Lagea tenet.

Arsinoe from court escaped goes

By Ganymedes help to Caesars foes,

The crown (as Lagus daughter) to obtain

and Caesar himself about the end of the commentaries of the civil war. The young daughter of King Ptolemei, hoping after the vacant possession of the Kingdome, conveyed her self out of the pallace to Achillas, and commanded in the war together with him: but immediately there began a controversy to arise between them concerning the chief command, which thing increased much briberies among the souldiers: every one striving to get their good wills by dammages to themselves.

Whilst these things are done among the enemies, Pothinus the Kings governour, and administrator of the Kingdome in the behalf of Caesar, whereas he sent messengers to Achillas, and advised him, that he should follow the businesse and not desist, the messengers were appeached and apprehended, and he himself put to death by Caesar. [Caesar. p. 660ibid.] who from henceforward kept the young King openly in strict custody, and by this did the more exasperate the minds of the Egyptians. [Dio. lib. 42.]

Whilst these things were done in Egypt, Domitius Calvinus marched against Pharnaces, with great and continuall marches, encamped not far from Nicapolis, (a city of Armenia the lesse built by Pompey; in which Pharnaces having already seized upon it dwelt himself) about seven miles distant, where when as in vain Pharnaces had laid ambushments for him: the next day Domitius moves nearer, and brought his camp even to the town: and Pharnaces set his men in battalia, after his own custome and fashion, the next night Pharnaces, having intercepted the messengers who brought the letters to Domitius, concerning the Alexandrian affaires, whereby he knew of the danger of Caesar, and the recalling of Domitius, he accounted it as good as a victory, if he could but linger out the time: but Domitius, whenas he should have been more moved with the danger of Caesar than his own, brings his souldiers out of the camp, and prepares to fight, having placed the XXXVI Legion in the right wing, the Pontick in the left, and the Legions of Dejotarus in middle battle, and when both armies being in battalia came to fight, the Pontick Legion was almost wholy lost, and a great part of Dejotarus's souldiers killed, and the XXXVI Legion retreated into the mountains, having not lost above 250 men, notwithstanding Domitius rallyed up the reliques of his scattered army, and by safe journeys through Cappadocia, winter now approaching, returned into Asia. [Hirtius cum Appian. lib. 2. de bell. civil. pag. 484. & Dion. lib. 42.]

The Caesarians and Alexandrians, strove earnestiy one against the other, with fortifications and works, Caesar eudeavoured most of all that that part of the city which a fen had made the narrowest, he might shut it from the other part of the city; by works, and rampires, hoping that, first, the city being divided into two parts, his army might be commanded by the same councell, and same command: and also, that if they were in any danger, assistance might be brought him from the other part of the city; but especially, that he might be abundantly furnished with provision and water, both which the fen plentifully afforded, the Alexandrians sent messengers into all parts of Egypt to presse men, and brought into the town all sorts of engines, and weapons: and did many other things, that are reckoned up by Hirtius in his commentaries of the Alexandrian war.

Seeing that the number of the enemy encreased, Caesar began to take advice concerning an agreement between them: and commanded that Ptolemei being placed where he might be heard of the Egyptians, to tell them, that there was no wrong done unto him, and that there was no need of war; and that they should compose a peace, and that he would take care, that the conditions should be kept, but they suspecting that he was made to do this on purpose by Caesar, went on still with their war, [Dio. lib. 42.] and said that Caesar must in all hast be expelled, who being now shut up by tempests by reason of the time of the year, could not receive any helps from beyond the seas. [Hirtius.]

In the interim the dissention between Achillas the generall of the old army, and Arsinoe the younger daughter of Ptolemei (Auletes) increasing, and both plotting, and counterplotting against each other; whilst Achillas aimed at the Empire, Arsinoe, by the meanes, and assistance of Ganymedes the Eunuch her foster father; prevented his design; by her own possessing it, and put to death Achillas: pretending he would have betrayed the fleet. And when he was sent out of the world and out of the way, she alone enjoyed the whole Empire, Ganymedes being constituted Generall of the army. He, when he had undertaken the charg, augmented the souldiers pay, and acted in all things with the like care and discretion. [Hirtius & Dio.]

Whereas Alexandria was almost all digged under ground, and had vaults that reached to the river Nilus, by which water is brought into private houses, that it might sink by little and little and become potable; Ganymedes having stopped those vaults, and all the parts of the city, in which the Caesarians were besieged: so that by reason of the saltnesse of the water in the neighbour houses, they all seemed to be brought to the last cast, and began to think of flying; but that advice being not liked, Caesar commanded that wells should be digged in the night, and great store of fresh water being found; all the laborious engines of the Alexandrians became of no use. [Hirtius.]

In that two daies the XXXVII Legion, of those souldiers of Pompey that yeilded themselves, being shipped by Domitius Calvinus with corn, arms, weapons, and engines, came to the shoares of Africa a little above Alexandria: for the other legion which was sent by him through Syria by land, came not to Caesar: but those ships, the East wind continually blowing, stood at anchor, and could not come into the haven, of which when Caesar was certified, he took shipping and commanded his fleet to follow, but took no souldiers with him, least he should leave the forts void of men, to p. 661defend them: and when he was come to a steep place called Chersonesus, and had set some Marriners ashore for fresh water, some of them were intercepted, who certified them, that indeed Caesar was in the fleet, but yet that he had no souldiers in the ships: wherefore they rigged their whole navy, and met with Caesar returning with the Legion of Domitius: and although Caesar would not fight that day, yet a Rhodian ship, which was placed in the right wing, far from the rest, was set upon by four covered ships of the enemy, and some open ones, which Caesar being forced to assist, happily got the victory, and if the night had not broken off the fight, he had been master of the whole fleet of the enemy. [Dio. lib. 42.]

Although the Egyptians had received this losse, yet they were again confirmed by Ganymedes, so that although they had lost an 110 long ships in the haven and Arsenal, yet they fell earnestly to work to repair their fleet: and to that end having gathered together all the ships, from all the mouths of Nilus, and from the private arsenalls that belonged to the King, in few dayes, beyond the opinion of all men, they made a fleet of 22. Gallies, with four bancks of oars, and five with five banks, besides many lesser and open ones: and having furnished them with Souldiers, fitted them for fight. [Id.] and having opened the entrance of the Haven, and placed their ships in the rode, very much troubled the Romans. [Dio. lib. 42.]

Caesar had nine Rhodian ships, (for of ten that were sent, one was lost in the voyage on the Egyptian shore) eight Pontick, five Lycian, twelve out of Asia: of these five were with five oars on a bank, and ten with four: the rest were under this burden, and many were open. With these Caesar sailed about Pharos, and stood over against the enemies ships: there were shelves between the two fleets with a very narrow passage, and they both a good while expected which should first crosse the passage, because they who first crossed, might easily be oppressed by the whole multitude of the enemies, before the rest could passe and come to the fight: but the Rhodian ships demanded that they might have the first passage, and by singular skill, so susteined the whole fleet of the enemy, never turning their sides to them, that they made a free passage for the rest to passe, and to come to the fight. [Hirtius.]

The Caesarians got the victory, having lost never a ship: there was of the Alexandrians one Gally with five oares on a bank taken, and one with two on a bank, with all the souldiers and marriners, and three sunck; the rest fled to the Town of Pharos that was neer them, which the Citizens defended from the forts and buildings which were over them, and kept the Caesarians from coming neer. But from thence immediately they were outed by the industry of the Romans, and lost both the Town and Island, and many of their men: but whenas the Island was joyned to the continent by a double bridge, one of the which being forsaken by the enemy, the Romans easily became masters of: whereas on the other, through the rashnesse of some they were distressed, and being put to rout, fled to their ships, part of them having gotten to the next ships, were sunck by them multitude and weight of the men, part making resistance, and doubting what to do, were killed by the Alexandrians: and some having gotten to the ships that were at anchor, escaped safe: a few swam to the next ships. Cesar retired into his own ship, whither when a multitude that followed would have broken in upon him, he suspecting what would happen, cast himself out of the ship, and swam to those ships which were farther off; and from thence sending boats to help them who were in danger, saved some of them: but his own ship being overloaded with the multitude of souldiers, perished together with all the men, [Id.]

But here is not to be passed over in silence, that which is pretermitted by Hirtius, but remembered by Suetonius, [in Julio, cap. 64.] and by Orosius who follows him, [lib. 6. cap. 15.] concerning Caesar: that by swimming he escaped to the next ship, holding up his left hand, that the commentaries should not be wetted: which very thing concerning the commentaries being preserved, is also related by Plutarch [in Caesare,] and by Dio, [lib. 42.] But Appian, [lib. 2. bell. civil. pag. 523.] tells the Story thus. That he being inclosed alone upon the bridge by the enemy that pressed upon him, he cast off his purple coat, and leaped into the sea: and the Kings souldiers pursuing him, he swam a long time under the water, onelyonly lifting up his head by fits, until swimming to an onelyonly ship, and by holding up his hands unto them, is known and saved. And although Suetonius writes, that he held his souldiers coat in his mouth, drawing it after him, that the enemy should not get it; yet Florus, [lib. 4. cap. 2.] together with Plutarch saith, that he left it in the waves, either by chance, or of purpose, that the enemies pursuing him, they might shoot at that with their darts and stones: and that the Egyptians having gotten the coat, fixed it to a Trophy, which they had set up for their putting the enemy to flight, as if they had taken the General himself: and this is delivered by Appian, [lib. 2. bell. civil. pag. 484.] and Dio, [lib. 42.]

In this fight there were lost of the Legionary souldiers, about 400. and few more of p. 662the souldiers that belonged to the Fleet and mariners. The Alexandrians in that place built a Castle, and strengthened it with sorts and many engins of war; and, taking the stones out of the sea, they made use of it more freely for the sending out of their ships, [Hirtius.]

In the mean while, Mithridates of Pergames gathered in all haste, great Forces out of Syria and Cilicia, both by the extream good will of the Cities, and his own diligence, [Id.] but at the first, he coming alone to Ascaion, from thence sent for Antipater the Governour of Judea to come unto him; who brought with him 3000 souldiers, and brought it to passe by his perswasion, that Hyrcanus the High Priest, and other Governours joyned their Forces together: as Strabo relates out of Hypsicrates, (an Historian of the Phoenicians) [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 15.] for he agreed with the Princes of the Arabians, that they also should come to his aid: and by his meanes especially, with great earnestnesse, there came to Caesars assistance I amblichus the Governour, and Ptolemei his son, and Tholomy the son of Sohemus, who inhabited in Mount Libanus, and almost all the Cities of Syria, [Joseph. ibid. cap. 14.]

Whenas the Alexandrians saw that the Romans were the more provoked by the losse they lately received, and that they were confirmed as well by losses as by prosperous successes; they sent Embassadours to Caesar, that he would let their King go free, and come to them, for that the multitude were ready thorough the lingering of the war, to do whatsoever the King would have them to do: and if by his means, they should become Caesars friends, they would easily yeild. Caesar although he knew that the fidelity both of the King, and Alexandrians was to be suspected, yet he would let him go; both because by his coming, the enemies strength would not be increased, and the war against him would be more glorious: but withal he advised him, to look to his kingdom, and to perform the fidelity that he owed to himself, and the people of Rome: he dissembling his joy by his tears, desired that he might not be let go; but being dismissed by Caesar, he eagerly pursued the war against him, [Hirtius, & Dion.]

Whereas the Alexandrians, having received this General, found themselves no more strong, or the Romans the weaker, and the souldiers daily mocking at the age and weaknesse of the King, were greatly greived, neither saw how they could help themselves; and there were reports that there were great aids coming to Caesar by land out of Syria and Cilicia (which yet Caesar heard nothing of) they determined to intercept the provisions which were brought to the Romans by sea: wherefore having rigged their shipping, and disposed them in convenient places about Canopus in the chanell, they lay to watch for the provisions, [Hiritus.] and because the souldiers that Caesar had sent for out of Syria were now approaching, they guarded all the shores, and did much dammage to those forces of them; they indeed which happened upon Africa side, brought some help unto Caesar, but at the mouthes of Nilus, the Egyptians, having made many fires, as if they had been Romans, took many by this deceit; so that the rest durst not come thither. [Dio.]

Whereupon Caesar commanded his fleet to be rigged, over which Tiberius Nero was Commander: there went in this fleet, the Rhodian ships, and in them Euphranor, but his wonted happinesse in fight here forsook him: for when they came to Canopus, and both fleets stood facing one the other, and Euphranor, according to his custom, had begun the fight, and had bilged and sunck one of the enemies ships, and following the chase of the next too far; his own side coming but slowly after him, he was compassed about by the Alexandrians: and thus he alone, who had done valiantly in this fight, perished alone with his conquering Gally: but yet the enemies being overcome in fight, Tiberius Nero caused, that his own party might safely saile to land [Hirtitus cum Dione.]

About the same time Mithridates of Pergamus coming out of Syria, by land, when Egypt rejoyned to Syria, brought great forces to Pelusium, [Hirtitus] but endeavouring to go into the mouth of Nilus, which is at Pelusium, against the stream, seeing the Egyptians had stopped by night the entrance with their shipping, was carried into the ditch; and having transported his ships thither, (for it doth not reach so far as to the sea) he went into Nilus with his ships: and on a sudden, setting upon them, who guarded the mouths of Nilus, both from sea, and from the river, both at one time, he freed the mouths themselves, and set upon Pelusium, both with his fleet and land forces. [Dio.] For this Town being seized upon by Achillas with a strong Garrison, by reason of the convenience of the place, (for all Egypt is thought sufficiently fortified from any accesse by sea to it by Pharos, and by land to Pelusium by two bars) being compassed about on a sudden with great forces, they within sloutly defending it with a strong Garrison of men, but through the greatnesse of those forces, which he supplyed with sound men, in the places of them that were wounded and weary, and the constancy and perseverance of the opposition, he reduced it within his p. 663power, the same day that he assaulted it; and then placed a Garrison of his own. [Hirtius.] There Antipator did notable service; for having broken down a pane of the wall, he was the first that gave entrance to the rest to break in. [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 14.]

The Eyptian Jews which inhabited that Country called Onias, would not suffer M…thridates and Antipater to march unto Caesar, but forbad them passage. These Antipater perswaded to be of his party, as being his Countrymen; especially when he had shewed them the letters of Hyrcanus the High Priest, in which they were invited to be friends unto Caesar, and to provide him victual and necessaries for his army. [Joseph lib. 14. cap. 14.] But Asinius (to wit, Trallianus, a writer of the civil war) writeth, that Hircanus himself, the High Priest, invaded Egypt with Mithridates; as Josephus hath related out of Strabo, [ibld. cap. 15.] for which also those words of Caesar concerning Hyrcanus seem to make, inscribed on a brazen table by him in favour of Hyrcanus, [ibid. cap. 17.] foreign. In the last Alexandrian war, he came to our aid with 1500 souldiers, and being sent by me to Mithridates, he surmounted all those of his company in valour.

The Jews, the inhabitants of the countrey of Onias, through the authority of Antipater, and Hyrcanus willingly submitted, which when they that inhabited about Memphis heard, they also sent for Mithridates unto them; and he going thither, joyned these also to his party. [Ioseph. lib, 14. cap. 14.]

When King Ptolemaeus had notice that Mithridates approached near the place which is called Delta, from the likenesse of the Greek letter, which also was not far from Alexandria, and knew that he must passe the river Nilus; he sent great forces against him, by which he might either be overcome, or so kept back, that he should not joyne himself with Caesar: those forces which could first get over the river at Delta, and meet with Mithridates began the fight, making all hast to prevent them that followed that they should share in the victory, whose charge Mithridates with great prudence susteined, having intrenched his camp after the Roman manner, but when he saw them carelesly and proudly to come up even to his fortifications, he made a generall sally, and killed a great number of them, insomuch as, unlesse the rest had hid themselves by the knowledg of the places, and partly had retired themselves into the ships, by which they passed the river, they had been totally overthrown, who after they were a little recovered from their fear, joyned themselves with them that followed, and began to set upon Mithridates again. [Hirtius]

The battle was fought about the place, that is called the Jews tents, Mithridates commanded the right wing, and Antipater the left; Mithridates his wing began to waver, and likely to be routed, but that Antipater in very good time marching along the river side with his forces, who had already discomfited his enemies, came to his rescue, and forced the Egyptians who had even gotten the victory to fly, who so hotly pursued them that fled, that he became master of the enemies tents, he also made Mithridates partaker with him of the booty, whom in pursuite of the enemy he had left much behind him, Mithridates lost 800 of his men: Antipater but 50 (or 80, as it is in Josephus lib. 1. bell. cap. 7.) but Mithridates certified Caesar of these things: ingenuously confessing that Antipater was the cause of the victory and their preservation. [Ioseph. lib. 14. cap. 15.]

Almost at the same time also King Ptolemei marched out to surprise Mithridates, Year of the World b. and Caesar to rescue him, The Julian Period. 4667 the King took the quickest passage by the river of Nilus, Year before Christ 47 where he had a great fleet ready rigged. Caesar would not take the same passage, least he should be forced to fight with his fleet, [Hirtius] wherefore weighing anchor by night, as though he hastened to one of the mouthes of Nilus, and carrying many lights in all his ships, that by so much the rather he might seem to bend his course that way, at the first went forth with his fleet: but afterwards putting out his lights failed back again; and sailing about the city, he arrived at a peninsula that joyned to Africa and landing his souldiers, fetched a compasse about a fen, [Dio.] and met with the Kings forces, before he could set upon Mithridates; and being conquerour received him safe with his army. [Hirt.]

The King had seated himself with his army, upon the higher ground, in a place that was naturally fortified: Caesar was about seven miles distant from him, and there was a river between, in passing of which he must needs fight with the Alexandrians, that being gone over, and a great many of the Alexandrians, that strived to hinder his passage being slain, Caesar encamped but a small distance from the Kings camp, the next day Caesar for to get a village, with all his forces set upon and won a Castle, which the King had fortified in the next village, not far from his camp, and had joyned it to his camp by out works: his souldiers pursued the Alexandrians that fled from thence, even to their camp, and came up to their fortifications: and began to fight stoutly at a p. 664distance, but they were wounded with darts from diverse places, they behind them fought from the river, in which were many ships that were well stored with slingers and darters. [Hirt.]

Caesar when he perceived that his men could not fight more fiercely, and yet could do no good by reason of the difficulty of the places; he observed that the highest place of the Camp was left by the Alexandrians, because it was naturally well fortified, and that they had come down into the place where the battle was, partly to see, and partly to fight; he therefore commanded his cohorts to fetch a compasse about the Camp, and to seize upon that highest ground: he gave Casulenus the command of these, an excellent man both for valour, and knowledge of military affairs: whither as soon as they were come, there being but a few to defend the Fort, and Caesars souldiers fighting stoutly, the Alexandrians being frighted both with the shouting and fighting of their adversaries, began to be in a general rout; with whose disorder the mindes of the Romans were so encouraged, that almost on all sides they had taken the whole Camp; but yet they first took the highest place of the Camp: from which running down, they slew a great multitude in the Camp: which danger the Alexandrians flying, by heaps cast themselves over the Rampire, on that side that joyned unto the river, the former of whom being overwhelmed with great violence, the rest had the easier escape. [Hirt.]

It is certain that the King himself fled out of the Camp, and that he was received into a ship, and that he perished there, the ship being sunk with the multitude of them, who swam to the ships that were nearest, [Idem Livy, 112. Dion. lib. 42. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 16.] his body wallowed in the mud, and rolled to the bank of Nilus, was known by the golden cuirace which he wear, (such as the Ptolemeis used to wear, as Julius Capitolinus in Maximinius the younger confirmeth) [Florus, lib. 4. cap. 2. Eutrop. lib. 6. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 16.] after the death of his father Auletes he lived 3 years, and 8 moneths: whereupon there is attributed to his reign by Porphyrius four years, [in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger, pag. 226.]

There were in this battle 20000 men killed, 12000 yeilded themselves with 70 long ships; and 500 of the Conquerours side reported to be slain, [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 16.] In this battle Antipater was also wounded: whose valiant service Caesar had made use of in his most dangerous advantures, [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 15.]

Caesar in confidence of this great Victory, marched the next way by land to Alexandria with his Horse: and entred that part of the Town as Conquerour, which was held by a Garrison of the enemies: but the whole multitude of the Townsmen, casting away their armes, and leaving the Forts, took that garment in which they were wont to supplicate their Governours, and bringing forth all their sacred things with the religion with which they accustomed to appease the offended and inraged minds of their Kings, they came and met Caesar, and yeilded themselves unto him. Caesar taking them into his protection, comforted them, and came thorough the enemies fortifications into his own part of the Town with great shouting of his own souldiers; who did not onelyonly rejoyce that the battle was successeful, but also that his coming was so happy, [Hirtius.]

In the Marble Kalender records, [Inscript. Gruter. pag. CXXXIII.] at the VI Kalends of April, it is thus noted. HOC DIE CAESAR ALXAND. RECEPIT. This day Caesar recovered Alexandria: but yet as the year was then reckoned at Rome, that day fell on the 14 of the Julian January: then therefore was the Alexandrian war ended; which was managed by Caesar, neither in place, nor time convenient, but in the very winter season, as Suetonius relates, [in Julio, cap. 35.]

Caesar having conquered Egypt, did not subject it to the dominion of the Romans, but granted it to Cleopatra, for whose sake he had carried on the war: but yet fearing lest the Egyptians being delivered over to the command of a Woman, and lest also he should incite the mindes of the Romans against him, both for this thing, and for his too much familiarity with Cleopatra: he gave command that she should be the wife of her brother that was alive, and that they should hold the kingdom in common to them both. This he did, but for colours sake; for indeed the whole kingdom was committed to Cleopatra, for her husband was but a very child, (being but eleven years old; whereupon Strabo saith he was foreign, a very youth, [lib. 17. pag. 796.] but she could do any thing with Caesar; therefore under the pretence of marriage with her brother, & of injoying the kingdom equally with him, she alone commanded all, and used too much familiarity with Caesar also. These things Dio hath related more truly, [lib. 42.] which Hirtius hath related more mildly in favour of Caesar, thus: Caesar having conquered Egypt, he made those Kings, whom Ptolemaeus appointed by his will and earnestly be sought the people of Rome that they would not alter it; for the King, the elder of the two lads being lost, he delivered over the kingdom to the younger, and to Cleopatra the elder p. 665of two daughters, who had remained under his protection and quarters: and Suetonius [in Julio, cap. 35.] having gotten the victory, he granted the kingdom of Egypt to Cleopatra and her younger brother, fearing to make it a Province, left some time or other having gotten a president of a stirring spirit, it might give an occasion of a new rebellion.

With Cleopatra Caesar many times feasted and sate up till break of day, and sailing with her upon the Nilus with 400 ships, he being in the same Gally… with her called Thalamegos, had passed into Egypt as far as Aethiopia, but that his army refused to follow him, [Sueton. ibid. cap. 52. Appian. lib. 2. bell. civil. pag. 484.]

Cae…ar at Alexandria, set up a brazen pillar, which conteined the liberties that he had granted to the Jews. [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 17. & lib. 2. contra Appion. pag. 1063.]

Pharnaces being become famous by reason of his successes, whereas he hoped all things would happen to Caesar, as he wished they should, seizing upon Pontus with all his forces, and there being conquerour, and a most cruel King, seeing he thought he should have better fortune than his father had, he conquered many Towns, and plundered the goods of the Citizens of Rome and of Pontus, and ordained for those that were commendable, either for beauty or age, punishements that were worse than death it self, and got Pontus, when there were none to defend it, bragging, that he had recovered his fathers kingdom. [Hirt.]

But he chiefly exercised his cruelty upon Amisus, a City of Pontus, which after it had a long time resisted, he won by storm, and put to death all the men that were of age, and gelded all that were under age. [Appian. lib. 2. Bell. Civil. pag. 484. Dio. lib. 42.]

Asander, to whom Pharnaces had committed the Government of Bosphorus, to curry favour with the Romans, and in hopes to get the Kingdom of Bosphorus for himself, made an insurrection against his master. [Dio. ibid.]

Caesar sent letters out of Egypt to M. Cicero, that he should remain as he was, and that he should retain the name of Imperatour. (for the victory that he had gotten in Cilicia) and C. Pansa carrying these letters; Cicero returned his bundle of rods, adorned with Bayes, as long as he thought fit himself. [Cicero, pro Ligario.] For after his return out of the Province of Cilicia, he had not as yet entred Rome, but had carried his Lictours every where about with him, gaping in vain after a Triumph. [lib. 11. ad Attic. epist. 6.] Caesars letters to Cicero, were delivered the day before the Ides of August, [lib. 14. ad familiar. epist. ult.] or the last day of the Julian May.

Pharnaces having seized upon Bithynia and Cappadocia, had a great mind also to win Armenia the Lesse, and incited all the Kings and Tetrarchs of that Country to Rebellion. [Plutarch in Caesar.] He marched also into Asia, in hope of the same successe that his father Mithridates had there. [Dio. lib. 42.]

Appian shews, that Caesar spent nine moneths in Egypt, [lib. 2. Bell. Civil. pag. 484.] and Cleopatra had either kept him longer there, or accompanied him in his voyage to Rome: but that Pharnaces both drew him out of Egypt against his will, and hindred his speedy marching into Italy. [Dio. lib. 42.] But Cleopatra was in short time after delivered of a son by him, whom the Alexandrians named Caesarion. [Plutarch in Caesar.] That name being imposed on the son by the mother, at the permission of Caesar himself. [Sueton. in Julio. cap. 52.] Plutarch in his Antonius seems to intimate, that notwithstanding, she, after Caesars death, had too much familiarity with his enemy Cneus Pompeius, the eldest sonne of Pompey the Great.

Caesar brought out of the kingdom Arsinoe, the younger sister of Cleopatra, in the name of whom Ganimedes had a long time most tyrannically reigned, least some new dispensation should arise through seditious men, untill time had confirmed the authority of the King: and taking away with him the sixt veterane Legion, he left three others there; that by so much the more, the Kings authority might be confirmed, who could not keep the love of their own Subjects, because they had constantly persevered in Caesars friendship, neither could they claim any prescription for their authority, being but newly made Kings. [H…rius, cum. Sueton. cap. 76.]

Thus, having finished and setled all things, Caesar marched by land into Syria, as Hirtius saith, [cum Sueton. cap. 35. in Julio. Plutarch in Caesar. Appian. lib. 2. Bell. Civil. pag. 484. & Oros. lib. 6. cap. 16.] or by shipping, as Josephus writeth, [lib. 14. cap. 15.] and Hirtius himself afterward confirmeth.

The news of Caesars departure from Alexandria, came into Italy the III. Nones of July, (the 23. day of the Julian April. [Cicero ad Attic. lib. 11. epist. 19.] C. Trebonius left Caesar at Antioch, who went from Seleucia Pieria, and in 28. dayes journy, on the XVI. Kalends of September, (the third day of the Julian June) was in p. 666Italy. [Id. Ibid. epist. 13.] Whence it is gathered, that Caesar was at Antioch, on the XV. Kalends of August, or the sixth day of the Julian May.

Johannes Malela Antiochenus, in the ninth book of his Chronicle, not set forth, noteth, that on the twelf day of the monethmonth, Artemisium, or May, there was an edict publickly proposed in the City of Antioch, concerning the Empire of Julius Caesar, and on the 20. of the same monethmonth, another edict was sent thither from Julius Caesar, concerning the liberty of the same City; beginning thus, foreign, &c. Julius Caesar to the Metrapolis of Antiochia, the holy and priviledg'd Assylum, and refuge against the vigour of the Law; and that at length on the 23. day Caesar the Dictatour entred Antioch; whereas that he was at Antioch on the 20 day, that edict publickly set forth, doth clearly signifie; and that it should be said, that he rather departed from the City on the 23 day, then that he came thither.

Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, coming unto Caesar, complained unto him of his fathers misfortune, because for taking his part, he was poisoned by the Pompeians, and his brother beheaded by Scipio: and desired him that he would have pitty on him, he being cast out from his fathers Kingdom. He likewise accused Hyrcanus and Antipater, that they by force had got the Government, neither did they forbear to offer injuries to himself: and accused them also, that they sent aides into Egypt to Caesar, not so much for good will, but for fear of the ancient enmity, and that they might be freed from punishment for their love to Pompey. But Antipator pleaded his own cause, wiping off his crimes objected against him; and recriminateth Antigonus. He reckoned up also what pains he had taken for Caesars service in the last wars: and shewing the multitude of his wounds, made them the witnesse of the truth of his words: which when Caesar heard, he declared Hyrcanus High Priest, and offered Antipater what government he himself would demand, and made him Governour of Judea. [Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 8. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 15.]

Caesar also appointed that Hyrcanus and his children should perpetually retain the principality and High Priesthood of the Jews, according to the custom of the Country, and be taken into the number of his friends and allies: and that if there arose any controversie concerning the descipline of the Jews, that the determination should belong to him: Moreover, that he should not be forced to quarter Souldiers in winter, not taxes to be exacted of him: and that there should be a Brazen Table, containing these things, set up in the Capitol, and at Tyre, Sidon, and Ascalon, in the Temples, ingraven in Latin and Greek letters, and that these decrees should be sent into all places. [lib. 24. cap. 17.]

Caesar having tarried almost in all the Cities of Syria, that were of any worth, distributed both publickly and privately rewards, to them that deserved well; and took knowledge of, and determined of old controversies, Kings also and Tyrants Governours of the Provinces, and Borderers, (who all came unto him) taking them into his protection, upon conditions imposed upon them, for the keeping and defending of the Province, he dismissed; friends, both to himself, and the people of Rome. [Hirtius.]

Caesar took away at Tyre all things that were dedicated to Hercules, because they had entertained Pompey and his wife in their flight. [Dio. lib. 42.]

Some few dayes being spent in the Province of Syria, he gave the command of the Legions, and Syria to Sextus Caesar his friend and kinsman, as Hirtius saith: Dio writeth, that he committed all things to the charge of Sextus his Treasurer aad Cousin. [lib. 47.] Appian declares, that there was a Legion left in Syria by him, even when he was thinking of the Parthian war, and the dignity of a president-ship, granted to his kinsman Sextus Julius, a young man. [lib. 3. Bell. civil. p. 573. & lib. 4. pag. 923.]

Caesar having ordered the affairs in Syria, went into Cilicia, in the same fleet that he came in. [Hirtius, Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 16.] All the Cities of which Province he called unto him to Tarsus: and there, having given order for all things concerning the Province, and the neighbour Cities, he did not stay long there, through a desire he had to go to the carrying on of the Pontick war. [Hirt.]

Here he pardoned Tarcondimotus (of whom mention is made formerly, out of the first Epistle of Ciceros fifteenth book, ad familiar.) who had a part of Cilicia subject unto him, and had much helped Pompey by sea. [Dio. lib. 41.]

Antipater, when he had followed Caesar out of Syria, returned into Judea, and in riding his circuite about the Province, he repressed them that were desirous of innovation, both by threatnings and councils: telling them, that if they would be content with their Prince Hyrcanus, they might live happily in their own possessions; but if they promised themselves new hopes, and thought that they should gain much by innovations, they should have him a Master instead of a Governour, and Hyrcanus a Tyrant instead of a King, and Caesar and the Romans most bitter enemies instead of p. 667Princes; for that they would not at all suffer any thing to be changed, from what they had setled: But whenas Antipater perceived that Hyrcanus was dull and idle, he setled the state of the Province as himself pleased, and truly made Phasaelus his elder son Governour of Jerusalem, and the Countries adjoyning: and to Herod his second son, a very young man, he committed the care of Galilee, [Joseph. lib. 1. bell. cap. 8. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 16, 17.]

We read in Josephus, that Herod was then but 15 years old, [lib. 14. cap. 17.] Rufious in his Translation, Photius in his Bibliotheca, [Cod. 258.] Pseudogoronides the Hebrew, [lib. 5. cap. 3.] and Nicephorus Calistus, [lib. 1. Ecclesiast. Histor. cap. 6.] retaining the same number; but yet the first describes of Herods doings, Ptolemeus and Nicholas Damascenus, out of whom Josephus took his, seem to have written not 15, but 25. and that it arose from hence, of the note of foreign for foreign, by the easie mistake of the Transcribers: for from this time to the death of Herod, are reckoned 43 years and almost an half: to which 25 years being added, would make 68. and half a year: the other half of which year, if he had lived, he had been 70 years old: Seeing also that Josephus himself acknowledgeth, that when he was sick of his last sicknesse, that he was foreign, about the 70 year of his age.

Phasaelus had a son born called also Phasaleus, to whom Salampsio the daughter of Herod and Mariame was married, [Joseph. lib. 18. cap. 7.] he being then but 7 years old when his father died, [Id. lib. 14. cap. 25.]

Pharnaces intended an Expedition against Asander, who had revolted from him in Bosphorus: but when he heard that Caesar was on his march and hastening into Armenia, being terrified, and more afraid because he inroded himself, than of his army; he sent many Embassadours to treat of peace, before he was marched too near him, if by any means he might avoid this present danger. He made this his chiefest colour, that he had never helped Pompey: he hoped also that he might induce Caesar to some termes of pacification, because he was hastening into Italy and Africa; and that then after his departure, he might renew his intended war: which thing Caesar himself suspecting, curteously entertained his first and second Embassadours, that he might the rather take him at unawares by reason of his hopes of peace, [Dio. lib. 42.]

Caesar having made long marches thorough Cappadocia, tarried two dayes at Mazace, and then came to Comana, the ancientest Temple of Bellona in Cappadocia, who was worshipped with so great religion, that her Priest was accounted by the consent of the whole Nation in majesty, command, and power, next to the King (concerning whom, Strabo is to be consulted, lib. 12. pag. 535.) This Priesthood Caesar adjudged to Nicomedes of Bithynia, a most noble man, who was of the race of the Cappadocian Kings, and did but recover his own by an undoubted right, though it was long interrupted, [Hirt.] for although he confirmed the possession of the commands which they had received from Pompey to others who had taken part with Pompey against him; yet he transfer'd the Priesthood of the Comanians from Atchelaus upon Nicomedes, [Appian. in Mithridaticis, pag. 254.] which Pompey had given to his father Archelaus, the husband of Cleopatras elder sister, who was slain in Egypt by Gabinius, [Strabo. lib. 12. pag. 558.]

When Caesar came near to Pontus and the borders of Gallogrecia, Dejotarus the Tetrarch of Gallogrecia, and at that time truly of almost all, which the rest of the Teterarchs did strive to prove was never granted to him, neither by law nor custom; yet without doubt he was by the Senate declared King of Armenia the Lesse, laying aside his Royal Robes, and not so much as in the habit of a private man, but of a guilty person, came unto Caesar, and being prostrate at his feet, begged of him, that he would pardon him, that he had served in Cn. Pompeys army, and brought for his excuse, that he did it thorough his not knowing of the state of Italy, and that he was forced thorough the necessity of Pompeys armies, with which he was environed. Caesar rejected his excuse; yet he said he would grant him his request, for his former benefits, and for his old acquaintance and friendships sake, and for the dignity and age of the man, and at the intreaty of many of Dejotarus's friends and acquaintance, of whom many came to supplicate in his behalf: He told also, that he would hereafter determine concerning the controversies of the Tetrarchs, and restored unto him his Royal Robes: But yet he commanded the Legion that Dejotarus had of his own men who were trained up in the Roman discipline, and all his horse, to be brought unto him to serve him in the Pontick war, [idem] also Caesar fined his old acquaintance Dejotarus in a sum of money; and gave Armenia the lesse, that was given him by the Senate, but then possessed by Pharnaces, to Ariobarzanes the King of Cappadocia. [Cicero. in Orat. Philippic. 2. de divination. lib. 1. & 2. Dio. lib. 41.]

Cicero declares in an oration for that King, that Domitius gave the money that was laid upon him, by twice or thrice selling his own private goods at open port sale, p. 668that Caesar might make use of it in the war, when also to gain his favour, he thus bespeakes Caesar concerning this matter. What he keeps by your meanes, he keeps in memory, not what he lost: neither doth he think that he was punished by thee, but whereas he thought, that many things were to be given by thee to many men, he refused not but that you might take some from him, who was on the other side, &c. O Caesar thou hast given all things to Dejotarus; seeing thou hast granted the name of King even to his son: for as long as he retaines and keeps this name, he thinks that no favour of the people of Rome, nor any sentence of the Senate made in his favour is diminished.

When Caesar was come into Pontus, he made a rendezvous of all his forces into one place: who were but indifferent in number, or in martiall discipline except the VI Legion, which being a vetane he had brought with him from Alexandria, (but through the labours and hazards they had undergone, so diminished of souldiers partly by difficulties both by sea and land, and partly by often skirmishes, that they were under a thousand men,) the rest ware three legions: one was Dejotarus his, and two that were in the battle, that Cnidius Domitius made with Pharnaces. [Hirtius.]

Pharnaces being affrighted at the approaching of Caesar, sent Embassadours to treat of peace: bringing a golden crown to him 200 furlongs off, and very foolishly offering him their Kings daughter in marriage. [Appian. bell. civill. lib. 2. pag. 484.] but first of all they begged, that his coming might not be as of an enemy: for Pharnaces would do whatsoever he would command him, but they especially put him in mind, that Pharnaces would send no forces to Pompey against Caesar, whereas Dejotarus who had sent, yet had given him satisfaction. Caesar answered, that he would be very favourable to Pharnaces, if he would do althings as he promised, but he advised, as he was wont, the Embassadours in mild terms, that they neither should object Dejotarus to him, or too much brag of that favour that they had not sent aid to Pompey. [Hirt.] and also accused Pharnaces for this very thing, that he had been wicked and ungratetowards his benefactor. [Dio. lib. 41. 42.] in conclusion he commanded him, that he should depart out of Pontus, and that he should send back the families of the Publicans; and should restore to him the allies and citizens of Rome, which were in his possession: which if he would do he said he would then receive those presents, which the generalls were wont to receive of their friends after a war was happily ended. [Hirtius.]

Pharnaces liberally promised all things; and whereas he hoped that Caesar having a mind to hasten to the city (Rome) that he would more willingly beleive his promises, he began to go more slowly about his businesse, to demand longer time for his departure, to interpose new conditions, and in fine to disappoint him. Caesar knowing his erast hastened his businesse so much the more, so that he would come to fight with him sooner than any one would think. [idem.]

As soon as he was come to Pharnaces camp, uttering this speech, Shall not now this Parricide be punished? hee mounted his horse, and at the first shout that was given, he put the enemy to flight, and made a great slaughter, being aided with about a thousand horse that followed him, when he first rushed into the battle: thus [Appian. in bell. civill. lib. 2. pag. 485.] and likewise Dio in the 42 book of his history: the same day that he came to the enemy, from his march he went to fight with the enemy, and being sometime troubled with the enemies horse and their chariots, that were armed at length he obtained the victory. Julius Frontinus [Stratagemat. lib. 2. cap. 2.] notes, that Caesar marshalled his army upon an hill, and that that thing made the victory more easie to him was; because the darts that were throwen from above upon the Barbarians who were below, made them presently fly, and that Dejotarus was in the battle with Caesar against Pharnaces, and that he put his life in danger, Cicero confirmeth in his oration for that King.

This battle was fought about the mountain Scotium, which is not above three miles distant from the City Zela; near which Mithridates the father of Pharnaces overthrew Triarius and the Roman army with a great slaughter, [Hirtius, Plutarch in Caesar. Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 254. Dion. lib. 42.] This mountain Pharnaces (that we may represent the story of this fight more accurately out of Hirtius) having repaired the old Workes of his fathers Camp, seized upon it with all his Forces. Caesar, who had pitched his Camp five miles from the enemy, that he might possesse the valleys that were next the Kings Camp; the next night, in the fourth watch, with all his Legions, but without any baggage which he left in his Camp, took that very place, in which Mithridates had fought against Triarius.

Pharnaces, as soon as it was day having observed this, drew out all his Forces before his Camp; and either being carried on by the former happinesse of that place, or being induced by tokens and ceremonies (which we afterwards heard he did obey, saith Hirtius) or thorough contempt of the fewnesse of the Roman Forces, a great part of which he had already overthrown under Domitius, he of his own accord in an uneven place inroded the Romans as they were fortifying their Camp, which put a terrour into p. 669them, being suddenly called from their Workes, and not set in battle array: the Kings Chariots that were armed with Sithes did disorder the souldiers that were got in among them; which yet by the multitude of darts were quickly overwhelmed: the main body of the enemy followed these Chariots; and then coming to handy-stroaks, in the right wing, where the VI old veteran Legion was placed, the beginning of the victory was on that part; and then in the left wing and the main body were the whole Forces of the King routed: and so many of the souldiers being partly killed, and partly troden under foot by their own men, they who might escape by their swiftness, yet having thrown away their armes, and being to passe the valley, could do no good, unarmed and coming from an higher place. But the Romans being encouraged by this Victory, made no scruple to climb up that steep place, and to set upon their Workes, and were suddenly Masters of the enemies Camp, those cohorts defending it which Pharnaces had left to guard it, [Id.]

Thus Caesar ground as it were to dust Pharnaces in one (and as I may say) not a whole battle, after the manner of lightning, which in one and the same moment, came, hit, and departed: Neither was it a vain brag of Caesars, that he had overcome the enemy, before he set eye upon him, [Florus, lib. 4. cap. 2.] He bragged also that the same day, he came to the enemy, and saw him, and overcame him, [Dio. lib. 42.] which in his letters sent to Rome to his friend Aminitius or Antitius, was expressed in those three words; VENI, VIDI, VICI. I came, I saw, I overcame, [Plutarch. in Caesar. Appian. lib. 2. bell. civil. pag. 485.] Within five dayes after his arrival, and within four hours after he came in sight of him, he vanquished Pharnaces in one onelyonly battle, [Sueton. Julio, Caesar. cap. 35.] often recounting the felicity of Pompey, whose hap it was to gain his principal honour in the Mithridatick War, of so cowardly a kind of enemies, [Id. ibid. Appian. lib. 2. bell. civil. pag. 485.]

Pharnaces, the whose multitude of his army being either killed or taken, fled with a few Horse; and unlesse the invasion of the Camp had given him means of escaping, he had been brought alive into Caesars hands. [Hirt.] But he fled to Sinope with a thousand Horse, [Appian. Mithridatic. pag. 254.]

Caesar was over-joyed, that he had ended so great a war in so short a time: and the remembrance of the sudden danger, was the more joyous, because the Victory came so easie out of so many difficulties, [Hirt.] Caesar gave the souldiers, all the Kings baggage, and the spoiles, although they were very much, [Id. & Dio.] and whereas Mithridates had in that place set up a Trophy for the Victory over Triarius; which because it was consecrated to the gods, it was not lawful for him to pull down; he set up one against it for his Victory over Pharnaces, and so obscured, and in a manner threw down that that Mithridates set up. After this, having recovered all things that Pharnaces had taken from the Romans or their Allies, he restored to every one the things they had lost: except a part of Armenia, which he gave to Ariobarzanes, and requited the calamity that the Amiseni suffered, by giving them their liberty, [Dio.] He commanded the sixth Legion to go into Italy to receive the rewards and honours due to them. He sent home the supplies that Dejotarus brought; and left the two other Legions in Pontus with Coelius Vinicianus: and so passing thorough Gallogrecia and Bithynia, into Asia. He took cognizance and determined all the controversies of all those Provinces, and gave lawes to Tetrarchs, Kings and Cities, [Hirtius.]

As he passed thorough Asia, he collected monies there, which raised great grudging against the Publicans, who secretly exacted it amongst all the people, [Appian. bell. civil. lib. 2. pag. 485.] (P. Servilius Isauricus the Coleague of Caesar and Cicero in the Augurship, was Proconsul there; as is gathered out of the 13 book ad familiar. epist. 68.)

Brithagoras, a man of great authority among the Heracleenes in Pontus, who had followed Caesar whithersoever he went, even to this place again, for a businesse that concerned his countreymen, as Caesar was providing to return to Rome, being worn out with old age, and continuall labours, died: to the great sorrow of his countrey. [Memnon. in excerptis Photii. cap. 62.]

Caesar made Mithridates Pergamenus King of Bosphorus, (who had carried on the war in Egypt happily, and with great dispatch) who was of the race of the Kings, and had royall education, for him had Mithridates the King of all Asia, taken away from Pergamus when he was but a child, and carried him into his camp, and kept him many yeares: and so fortified the provinces of the people of Rome, against the Barbarians and Kiugs that were enemies, by putting in a King that was most friendly unto them. [Hirt.] concerning whom see [Strabo. lib. 13. pag. 625.] with Causabons notes, and [Appian in Mithridatic. pag. 254.]

He commanded him also to make war upon Asander; that, being become master of Bosphorus, he might revenge his treachery against his friend, [Dio. lib. 42.] He p. 670also adjudged unto him the Tetrarchy of the Trochmans, in Gallograecia, who bordered upon Pontus and Cappadocia, as belonging unto him by his mothers right; but was seized upon, and in the possession some years before of Dejotarus. [Cicero in Philip. 2. & lib. de divinat. 2. Hirtius, de bell. Alexand. Strabo. lib. 12. pag. 567. & lib. 13. pag. 625. Dio. lib. 42.]

Then Caesar sailed into Graecia and Italy, having raised great sums of mony upon any colour whatsoever, as he had done formerly: for he exacted that mony partly, that had been aforetime promised to Pompey; and partly pretending other excuses, he commanded other sums. He received also from the Princes and Kings, many golden Crowns, as it were in honour of the victories he had gotten; he declared that there were two things, by which Empires were gotten, preferred and increased, souldiers and monies, and that one did help the other, and that if one of them sailed, the other must also fal. [Dio. lib. 42.]