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The Annals of the World · James Ussher

The Annals of the World, History 2 · 6 (continued) (13 of 15)

This Surenas the Generall of the Parthians took Crassus by treachery, and killed him at Sinnaca a city of Mesopotamia [Strabo. lib. 16. pag. 747.] although he had rather have taken him alive. [Orosius lib. 6. cap. 13.] Velleius Paterculus saith that he was killed with most part of the Roman army. [lib. 2. cap. 46.] Pliny saith, that all the Lucanian Souldiers were killed with him, of which there were many in the army. [lib. 2. cap. 56.] Jornandes writes, that they lost eleven legions almost, and their Generall also. [De regno. succession.] it is said that the number of those that were slain were 20000: and of those that were taken alive by the enemy 10000; as it is in Plutarch. Appian affirmes, that of an 100000 scarce 10000 fled into Syria. [lib. 2. bell. civil. pag. 438.] that these things were done in the month of June, Ovid shews in lib. 6. Fastorum. in the middle of Summer (foreign) saith Dio in lib. 40. of his histories: where also he addeth, that the Parthians at this time recovered all their countrey again that lay within the river Euphrates.

The remaines of the Roman army shifting each man for himself, being scattered by flight into Armenia, Cilicia, and Syria, did scarce afford a man alive to bring the news of the overthrow. [Florus lib. 3. cap. 11.] as soon as this overthrow was known, many provinces of the East had revolted from the alliance and protection of the people of Rome, unlesse Cassius gathering together a few souldiers of them that fled, had quitted Syria that began to grow proud with great vertue and moderation [Oros. lib. 6. cap, 13.] this is that Cassius who would not accept of the command that the souldiers offered him at Carrae in meer hate to Crassus, and Crassus also himself willingly yeilded to it considering the greatnesse of his losse; yet now being compelled by necessity, took upon him, the government of Syria. [Dio, lib. 40.] he was also the treasurer of Crassus who kept Syria within the command of the people of Rome, and was also the same C. Cassius, who together with Brutus, afterwards killed Julius Caesar. [Vellei. Paterc. lib. 2. cap. 46. together with 56. & 58.]

Surenas sent the head and right hand of Crassus to Orodes, into Armenia: and he spread a report by messengers of his own, at Seleucia, that he brought Crassus alive having dressed up one Caius a captive who was very like him, and so made a ridiculous shew, which in disgrace they calied a triumph. [Plutarch.]

In the mean time Orodes was reconciled with Artabazes, or Artarasers the Armenian, having betroathed his sister to his sonne Pacoras: and there they made feasts and revels, in which were many Greek yerses sung: for Orodes understood the Greek tongue, and was a Scholer: and Artavasdes also had written Tragedies, and Orations, and Histories: there as Jason the Tragedian of Trallis was singing some verses out of the Bacchis of Euripides, concerning Agave, Syllaces came into the dining room, and threw the head of Crassus before them, which Pomaxaethres, or Maxarthes, rising from supper, took to himself, as though it did more belong to him than the other. [Id.]

Among other indignities, some report, that the Parthians poured melted gold into the mouth of Crassus, insulting also over him in words; amongst whom is Florus; whose words concerning this matter are these, [lib. 3. cap. 11.] The head and right hand of Crassus was brought to the King, and made sport for him, nor that unfitly; for they poured melted gold in at his open mouth, that he whose mind was on fire with the desire of gold, while he was alive, his dead and bloodlesse carkase might be burnt with gold: like to which both Sextus Rufus hath in his Breviary, and Jornandes who follows him.

Surenas not long after, suffered a punishment worthy of his perjury, being killed by Orodes who envied his honour, [Plutarch, in Crasso.]

At Rome M. Cicero was made Augur in the room of young Crassus, who was killed in the Parthian war, [Id, in Cicerone.]

Crassus the father being dead at that time, one head of Varro his three-headed faction is cut off, and a foundation laid of the civil wars between Pompey and Caesar: for Crassus being killed who was above them both, it remained to Caesar, that he might become the greatest, to dispatch him that was above him, [Plutarch, in Caesare & Pompeio.]

Nec quenquam jam ferre potest, Caesarve priorem,

Pompeiusve parem. [Lucan. lib. 1.]

Caesar would no superiour fear,

Nor Pompey any equal bear.

During an interreguum there was a decree of the Senate made, Year of the World 3952 that neither any Consul nor any Praetor should have by lot any forraign province till after the fifth year of his Magistracy: which also a little after was confirmed by Pompey, [Dio. lib. 40.] who by the Interrex Servius Sulpitius on the V. Kalend of March in an intercalary monethmonth (about the beginning, namely of the Julian December) was created Consul. [Ascon. Pedian. in orat. Milonian.]

The Parthians invaded Syria, but with no great army, because they thought the Romans had there neither Souldiers nor General; wherefore Cassius easily repulsed them, [Dio. lib. 40.]

Cassius coming to Tyrus, The Julian Period. 4662 arrived also in Judea, Year before Christ 52 when at his first entrance he took Tarichaea, and led from thence about 30000 Jews prisoners. He put to death also Pitholaus, because he had entertained Aristobulus his faction, which he did at the perswasion of Antipater, who could do very much with him: for Antipater, seeing he was in great credit with the Idumaeans, sought by curtesies and familiarity the friendship of others who were in power: especially he joyned in affinity to him, the King of the Arabians, to whole custody he committed his children during the war that he had with Aristobulus: but Cassius having forced Aristobulus the son of Alexander to be quiet by conditions, removed his camp to Euphrates, to keep the Parthians from passing over, [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 12.]

M. Marcellus, Year of the World 3953 and C. Sulpitius, The Julian Period. 4663 being Consuls, Year before Christ 51 the league is renewed with the Rhodians: in which it is provided, that one people shall not make war on the other, but send mutual aides one to the other. The Rhodians also swore, that they would have the same enemies that the Senate and the people of Rome should have, [P. Lentulus apud Ciceron. lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 15. cum Appian. lib. 4. Bell. civil. pag. 627, 630.] and by this means Posidonius Apameensis, who had a Schoole at Rhodes, seems to have come to Rome, M. Marcellus being Consul, as we read in Suidas [in voc. foreign] a very noble Philosopher, Mathematician, and Historian: a Sphere of whose making Cicero in lib. 2. of his divination, maketh mention of. If any body should carry this Globe into Scythia or Britain, which of late our familiar friend made, whose each turning performs the same in the Sun and Moon and the other five Planets, as is done in the heaven each day and night: who in that barbarity would doubt, but that this was a most exact Sphere?

Whereas by the decree of the Senate, and by the law Pompey made the year before, none could obtain any either Consular or Praetorian province, unless he had been Consul or Praetor five years before. M. Calphurnius Bibulus, who had been Consul seven years before, and M. Tullius Cicero who had been Consul eleven years before, and yet had never been sent into any province, had by lot, Bibulus Syria, and Cicero Cilicia: concerning Syria, Dio is witness, lib. 40. and of Cilicia, Cicero himself, lib. 3. ad familiar. epist. 2. which he wrote being now designed Proconsul to Appius Pulch…r, the Captain General, whom he was to succeed (for the army had given him the title of Captain General, because he had commanded well in the wars in Cilicia) in which he signifieth that it happened both against his will, and beyond any thought of his, that he should necessarily go to command in his Province by the decree of the Senate. But Cicero had for his Liutenants, his brother Quintus Tullius, C. Pomponius, L. Tullius, and M. Anneius: his Quaestors were L. Messinius and Cn. Volusius.

Plutarch relates in the life of Cicero, that he had in his army 12000 Foot, and 2600 Horse. He himself saith, That he had the name only of two Legions, and those very thin. [lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 15.] which army was scarce able to defend one Town, as M. Coelius wrote to him. [Ibid. lib. 8. epist. 5.]

On the XI. Kalend of June (which as the year was then accounted at Rome, fell upon the sixth day of the Julian March,) Cicero, going into his Province, came to Brundusium, there he met with Q. Fabius, the Lieutenant of Appiu… Claudius Pulcher, whom he was to succeed; who told him, that he needed a greater force to command that Province: and almost all were of opinion, that the Legions of Cicero and Bibulus should be supplied out of Italy; which the Consul Servius Sulpicius possitively denyed to yield to: but yet there was such a general consent of the Senate, that Cicero and Bibulus should suddenly be dispatched, that he was sain at last to yield, and so it was done. [Ibid. lib. 3. epist. 3.]

Before the civil war of Caesar and Pompey, on the seventh of the Julian March, a little after noon, there happened an horrible ecclipse of the Sun, of ten parts and an half, concerning which Dio saith, [lib. 40.] foreign, the whole Sun was ecclipsed, and Lucan, [lib. 1.]

Ipse caput medio Titan cum ferret Olympo,

Condidit ardentes atra caligine currus;

Involvitque orbem tenebris, gentesque coegit

Desperare diem.

—Titan hides

(When mounted in the midst of heaven he rides)

In clouds his burning Chariot, to enfold

The World in darknesse quite: day to behold

No Nation hopes.—

Cicero loosing from Brundusium, came to Actium, the XVII. Kalend of July, (the 29 day of the Julian March) aud then taking his journy by land, came to Athens on the VII. of the Kalends of July, (the eight day of April) [lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 9. & 10.] whenas the day before he came thither, Memmius (who was condemned for unlawfull bribery for an office, and was then in banishment) was gone to Mytilene. [Ibid. epist. …1.]

In the monethmonth of the Julian April, Ptolomaeus Auletes died, concerning whom M. Coelius in an Epistle to M. Cicero, written from Rome on the Kalends of August (the 15. day of the Julian May) [lib. 8. ad familiar. epist. 4.] whereas C. Marcellus was chosen Consul for the next year. News was brought, and it is accounted for certain, that the King of Alexandria is dead. He left his heirs, of his two sons the eldest, and of two daughters, she also that was the eldest: and that this might be so, Ptolomy in the same Will, did humbly beseech the people of Rome by all the gods, and by the league that he had made with them at Rome. The copy of his Will, (one whereof was sent to Rome by his Embassadors, that it might be laid up in the Treasury, and another, after the same example) was left and kept sealed up at Alexandria. [Caesar. lib. 3. Commentar. Bell. Civil.]

Wherefore in this Testament it was commanded, that his eldest son Ptolomy, after the ancient custom of the Egyptians, should be married to Cleopatra his eldest daughter, and that both of them should possesse the Kingdom, but so notwithstanding that they should be under the tuition of the people of Rome. [Dio. lib. 10.] concerning which Cleopatra speaks to Caesar. [in Lucan. lib. 10.]

—non urbes prima tenebo

Foemina Niliacas: nullo discrimine sexus

Reginam scit ferre Pharos, lege summa perempti

Verba patris, qui jura mihi communia regni

Et thalami cum fratre dedit.

I am not the first woman that have sway'd

The Pharian Scepter: Egypt has obey'd

A Queen; not Sex excepted: I desire

Thee read the will of my deceased Sire

Who left me there a partner to enjoy

My brothers Crown and marriage-bed—

The copy of this will being brought to Rome, seeing because of publick employments it could not be put in the Treasury, it was deposited with Pompey, [Caesare, lib. 3. B…ll. civil.] who as Eutropius relates, was made Tutou… to the new King by reason of his young years, [lib. 6.]

M. Cicero having stayed those ten dayes at Athens, the day before the Nones of July (the 19 of the Julian April) departed from thence, [lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 8.] on which day loosing from the Haven Piraeum, he was carried by a certain wind to Zotera, which kept him there till the Nones. the VIII of the Ides (the 25 day of April) he came to the Village of Cios, from thence to Gyaros, from thence to Scyaros, from thence to Delos, [lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 12.] The XI. Kalend of August (the 5 day of the Julian May) he came to Ephesus: sailing the slower by reason of the weaknesse of the Rhodian barkes. Thither came to him an incredible multitude; and the Grecians very willingly offered themselves unto him, as if he had been the Praetor of Ephesus, [id. epist. 13.] but the Praetour of the Asiatick Governments (which were separated from the province of Cilicia) was Q. Thermus who was then at Ephesus: with whom Cicero conferred concerning a businesse of his Liutenant M. Anneius, who had a controversie with the Sardineans, and unto whom, both for him and for others, he afterwards writ many Epistles, [lib. 13. ad familiar. epist. 53, 54, 55, 56, 57. & lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 20.] but that P. Silius was Praetor of Bithynia at that time, is gathered out of the 13 Book, [ad familiar. epist. 61.]

P. Nigidius expected Cicero at Ephesus, returning to Rome from his Embassie, a very learned man; Cratippus also came thither from Mitylene to see and salute Cicero, who was at that time the chiefest of all the Peripateticks: as Cicero himself witnesseth in the preface to Plato his Timaeus, translated into Latine by himself.

Leaving Ephesus, Cicero went to Tralli, in a very dry and dusty way, [lib. 5. ap Attic. epist. 14.] The VI. Kalend of August (the 10 day of the Julian May) he came to Tralli, where there met him L. Lucilius with letters from Appius Pulcher, [lib. 3. ad familiar. epist. 5.] by which he understood among other things, that a mutiny of the souldiers was appeased by Appius, and that they were all payed even to the Ides of July, [lib. 3. ad. Attic. epist. 14.]

The day before the Kalends of August (the 14 day of the Julian May) Sulpitius and Marcellus being Consuls, Cicero came to Laodicea, into a province (undone and even overthrown by Appius) from which day the yearly Magistracy, committed to him by the Senate, began to be reckoned, [lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 15. 16, 20, 21. cum lib. 3. ad familiar epist. 6. & lib. 15. epist. 2. & 4.] But whereas Cicero understood by the Cypriot Embassadours who came to meet him at Ephesus, that Sceptius the Governour of Appius in Cyprus besieged the Senate in their Senate-house in Salamine with some Troops of Horse, that he might famish some of the Senatours: what day he first entred the province he sent letters, that the Horsemen should immediately depart the Island, [lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 21. & lib. 6. epist. 1.]

When as he saw by reason of the time of the year, he must presently go to the army, having stayed three dayes at Laodicea, (whilst the money was received which was owed him from the publick exchange) the III. None of August (the 17 of the Julian May) he made a journey to Apamea: and there tarried four or five dayes, three at Synnada, and five at Philomelium: in which Town when as there was a great concourse of people, he freed many Cities from most grievous tributes, and heavy usuries and great debts, [lib. 3. ad familiar. epist. 5. & lib. 15. epist. 4. cum lib. 5. ad Attic. epist 15, 16, 20.]

Appius Claudius, whereas by the law Cornelia (of Cornelius Sylla the Dictatour) there were thirty dayes granted for one to depart the province after the coming of a Successour: in those dayes sat in judgement at Tarsus, in which Cicero did the like at Apamea, Synnada, and Philomelium, [lib. 3. ad familiar. epist. 6. & 8. cum lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 16, 17.]

M. Bibu…us the Proconsul, about the Ides of August (the 25 of the Julian May) departed from Ephesus by shipping with a very prosperous gale into Syria his province, [lib. 15. ad familiar. epist. 3.] whom when the Senate had permitted to raise souldiers in Asia, he would make no muster, [ibid. epist. 1.] for the Auxiliaries of the Allies were through the sharpnesse and injuries of the government of the Romans, either so weakened, that they could help them but little; or so alienated from them, that there was little to be expected from them, neither did any thing seem fit to be committed unto them. [Ibid.]

Whereas before the coming of Cicero into the Province, the army was scattered through a sedition, five Cohorts, without any Lieutenant, without any Colonel, yea without any Centurion, stayed at Philomelium, the rest of the army was in Lycaonia.

Cicero commanded his Lieutenant, M. Anneius, that he should conduct those five Cohorts to the rest of the army: and having rallyed the whole army in one place, that he should encamp at Iconium in Lycaonia: which when he had exactly done; Cicero came into the Camp the VII. Kalends of September. (the seventh day of the Julian June.) Seeing that in some dayes before, according to the decree of the Senate, he had got together a good band of Souldiers newly raised, and good store of Horse, and Voluntary Auxiliaries of free people, and of Kings their Allyes. [Ibid. epist. 4.]

Dejotarus the son, who was declared King by the Senate, took with him into his Kingdom Cicero's sons, whilst M. Cicero made war in the Summer quarters. [lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 17, 18.] Plutarch delivers, [in lib. de Stoicorum repugn antiis.] That Dejotarus the father, that he might settle the Kingdom upon this one son, put to death all his other sons: but of both the Dejotari, father and son, who both reigned together; Cicero makes mention in the XI. Philippicho, with great commendation of them both.

Pacorus, the son of Orodes, King of the Parthians, with whom was marryed the sister of the King of the Armenians, with great forces of the Parthians, and a great band of other. Nations besides: passing over the Euphrates, made war in the Province of Syria. [lib. 15. ad familiar. epist. 1, 2, 3, 4. & lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 18.] but indeed Orsaces was General, Pacorus only bearing the name of General, for he was not yet past 15 years of age. [Dio. lib. 40.]

The Parthians being thus gone into Syria, and having reduced under their power all places that lay in their way, came as far as to Antioch, with an hope of winning also the rest: for neither did the Romans keep that Province with a just army: and the people hardly enduring the domineering of the Romans, did incline to the Parthians, as to their neighbours and familiar friends. [Dio. ibid.] Also the Proconsul Bibulus was not yet come into the Province: for whereas that Province was appointed to him but for a year, as it was to Cicero, it was reported, that for this cause he came so late into the Province, that it might be late ere he departed it. [Cicero, lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 16. & 18.]

Cicero, in the III. Kalends of September, (the II. of the Julian June) mustered his army at Iconium. [lib. 3. ad Attic. epist. 19.] The Kalends or III. of the Nones of September, the Embassadors that were sent from Antiochus, the King of the Commagenians, came to the Camp at Iconium; who first brought Cicero news, That great forces of the Parthians began to passe the Euphrates: and that it was said, That the Armenian King would make an invasion upon Cappadocia. Which news when it was brought him, although there were some that thought, that there was not much credit to be given to that King; yet Cicero was much troubled, both for Syria, and for his own Province, and indeed for all Asia. Wherefore he thought it fit that the army should be conducted through Lycaonia, and the Country of the Isaurians, and through that part of Cappadocia, which joyned to Cilicia. [lib. 15. ad familiar. epist. 1, 2, 3, 4.]

Wherefore after he had stayed ten dayes at Iconium, he dislodged his army, and incamped at the Town Cybistra, in the farthest part of Cappadocia, not far from Mount Taurus. That Artavasdes the Armenian King, whatsoever he intended, should know that the army of the people of Rome was not far from their borders, and that he and the Parthians might suppose themselves shut out of Cappadocia, and so he should defend Cilicia that bordered upon them, and keeping Cappadocia, might hinder any new devises of the neighbouring Kings; who though they were friends of the people of Rome, yet durst not be openly enemies to the Parthians. [lib. 5. ad. Attic. epist. 20. & lib. 15. ad familiar. epist. 2. & 4.]

Cicero sent his Horse from Cybistra into Cilicia, that the news of his coming being declared to the Cities in that part, the minds of men might be the more confirmed to him: and that he might quickly hinder what was done in Syria. [lib. 15. ad familiar epist. 2.]

There he took special care for the service that was injoyned him by the Senate, That he should defend Ariobarzanes, the King of the Cappadocians; and provide that both he and his Kingdom might be in safety: and whereas the King himself, with his brother Ariarathes, and some of his fathers ancient friends came to the Camp to the Proconsul (where he staied three or four daies, as is gathered out of lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 2.) and complained of treasons that were laid for his life, and desired that some horse and foot of the Roman army, might be a guard for him: Cicero exhorted his friends that they should defend with all care an diligence, the life of their King being taught by the lamentable example of his father; and exhorted the King, that he should learn to reign by preferring his own life, from whom he was certainly assured that treason was plotted against him, them he might use at his pleasure: that he might punish those that there was necessity to punish, and free the rest from fear, that he should use the guard of the Roman army more for terrour to those that were in fault, then for contention: and that it would come to passe, that all, when they shall know the decree of the Senate, should understand, that he would be a guard to the King, wheresoever there shall be any need, concerning whom in the end (of that second epistle) to the Consuls and Senate, Cicero saith that he was more carefull to certifie them, because that in King Ariobarzanes there were such tokens of vertue, wi… fidelity, and good will towards them: that they did not seem without good cause to give him such a charg of his preservation.

Cicero settled in great favour and authority Mithras and Athenaeus whom Ariobarzanes had banished through the importunity of Athenaeus, and whereas there would great war be raised in Cappadocia, if the priest of the Comanians; whom as Hirsus confirmeth in his book [de bell. Alexandrin.] was accounted the next after the King in majesty, command and power, by the consent of that nation) should defend himself by armes, as was thought he would do; he being a young man, and provided with horse and foot, and money, and allyes also who would fain see some innovations. Cicero brought it so to passe, that he departed the Kingdome; and so the King obteined the Kingdome with honour, without any tumult, or war, the authority of his court being more confirmed unto him. [ibid. epist. 4.] although he in another epistle thought, that there was nothing more pilled than that Kingdome, nothing more poor than that King. [lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 1.]

And after this manner was the Kingdome of Ariobarzanes preserved with the King himself. [Cato. in epist. 5. lib. 15. ad familiar.] and Cappadocia is reconciled to his obedience without arms, and with much good liking. [Plutarch. in Ciceron.] concerning whom this Cicero brags of himself to Atticus. [lib. 5. epist. 20.] Ariobarzanes lives and reignes by my meanes, foreign, by the by, by my advice and authority: and because I kept my self foreign free from accesse to them that lay in wait for him and not only so but foreign, free from bribes I preserved both King and Kingdome.

In the mean time Cicero knew by many letters and messages, that Cassius (Bibulus being yet absent out of Syria) was with an army at Antioch, and great forces both of the Parthians, and Arabians, were come to Antioch; and there that a great body of horse, which had passed into Cilicia, were all killed, by those troupes of horse he himself had sent thither, and by a Praetorian cohort, which was in garrison at Epiphania: and that the Parthians were in Cynhestica a part of Syria, that was next to Cilicia: when therefore he saw that the forces of the Parthians were turned from Cappadocia, not far from the borders of Cilicia; he left Cylistra of Cappadocia, (when he had encamped five daies) and conducted the army into Cilicia; and in the borders of Lycaonia, and Cappadocia, the XIII of the Kalends of October (the 30 day of the Julian June) he received letters both from Tarcondimotus and from Jamblichus a governour of the Arabians, who were accounted friends of the Roman common-wealth, declaring that Pacorus with a great body of Parthian horse was passed Euphrates, and encamped at Tyba: concerning which he presently wrote to the Consuls, and Senate. [lib. 15. ad familiar. ep. 1. 2. & 4. cum lib. 5. ad Attic. ep. 18. & 20.]

A rumour of the coming of Cicero, both encouraged Cassius, who was in a manner besieged in Antioch, and cast a fear upon the Parthians, they departed therefore from Antioch before the coming of Bibulus being happily driven back by Cassius: who also pursued them in their retreat from the town, and did execution upon them. [lib. 5. ad Attic. ep. 20. 21. & lib. 2. ad familiar. ep. 20.] which history Dio thus declares more fully.

When the Parthians were put by the hopes of taking Antioch, Cassius stoutly repulsing them, (for they are very awakeward at the storming of places) they marched towards Antigonia: the suburbs of which city are planted with trees, and so they neither durst, not could come neer it: they intended to cut down the trees, and to clear the place of the wood, that they might more boldly set upon the city on that side: but when this would not fadg neither, both because it was a businesse of great labour; and time was trifled away in vain, and Cassius also licked up any straglers, they retreated from Antigonia, intending to set upon another place: in the mean time Cassius having placed ambushes in the way they were to passe, shewed himself to them with a few, to draw them to pursue him, then he turned upon them. [Dio. lib. 40.] where Orsaces the great commander of the Parthians received a wound, whereof he died a few daies after. [Cicero, lib, 5. ad Attic. epist. 20.]

In Justin, [lib. 42. cap, 4.] this story is not so truely written. Pacorus being sent to pursue the remaines of the Roman army, after he had atchieved many enterprizes of Syria, he was called home again as mistrusted by his father: in whose absence, the army of the Parthians that was left in Syria, was with all the captaines thereof slain by Cassius the treasurer of Crassus.

Livy declares that C. Cassius the treasurer of M. Crassus slew the Parthians, who had marched into Syria. [lib. 108.] Velle…us, that he with great successe routed and overthrew the Parthians, that came over into Syria. [lib. 2, cap. 46.] Sextus Rusus in breviario, that he with great admiration fought against the Persians, (for so he calls the Parthians) who made an irruption into Syria, and utterly destroyed them being driven beyond Euphrates: [Eutropius in lib. 6.] that with singular valour, and great vertue, he restored the state when it was even lost, so that be overcame the Persians in divers battles; to which may be added that of Orosius [lib. 6. cap. 13.] concerning the same Cassius. He overcame in battle, and slew Antiochus, and his great forces: and by way drave out the Parthians that were sent into Syria, by Orodes: and were entred as far as Antioch, and killed also their generall Orsaces, and that of Cicero, in the 11. Philippick, he did many gallant things, before the coming of Bibulus the chief commander; whereas he utterly routed the greatest commanders and great forces of the Parthians, and freed Syria, from an horrible invasion of the Parthians: for it deserves no credit, that which is added concerning Cassius in the 14. Chap. of the Jewish History, which being set forth in Arabick, carries the title of the second book of the Maccabees, he passing over Euphrates, conquired the Persians, and brought them under the obedience of the Romans: he also reduced to their obedience, those 22 Kings that Pompey had subdued: and brought under their obedience whatsoever was in the countreys of the East. for we have already heard out of Orosius [lib. 6. cap, 6.] how Pompey bragged that he had made war with twenty two Kings.

The day before the Kalends of Octob. (the 11. day of the Julian July) the Senate being called together into the temple of Apollo made a decree, that into Cilicia and into eight other provinces should henceforward be sent Propraetours, who formerly had been Praetours at Rome, but yet never had any command in any province. [lib. 8. ad familiar. ep. 8.]

Cicero marching with his army by the streights of Taurus into Cilicia, came the III Nones of October (the 16 day of the Julian July) to Tarsus. [lib. 5. ad Attic. ep. 20.]

On the Nones of October, (the 18. day of the Julian July) on the same day were read in the Senate, the letters of Cassius, declaring his victory; wherein he wrote, that of himself he had finished the Parthian war: as also the letters of Cicero, declaring the Parthian tumult, whereupon there was little credit given to Crassus his letters. [lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 21.] and the same day Cicero went from Tarsus towards Amanus: [lib. 3. ad familiar. epist. 8.] which mountain belonged both to him and Bibulus, and it divides Syria from Cilicia, by the separation of the waters, and full of everlasting enemies. [Ibid. lib. 1. epist. 10. & lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 20.]

The next day (the 19. of the Julian July) he encamped in the plain of Mopsuestia; from whence he wrote the eigth epistle [lib. 3. ad familiar.] to Appius Pulcher, (whom he succeeded in the Proconsul-ship) in which may be read this. If you ask concerning the Parthians, I think there were none; those Arabians that were, who were habited like Parthians, are said to be all returned, they denie that there was any enemy in Syria: for when Cicero was come to Amanus, he knew that the enemy was returned from Antioch, and that Bibulus was at Antioch; and from thence he certified Dejotarus who was in all hast coming unto him with a great army of horse, and foot, and all his forces: that he saw no cause why he should come out of his Kingdome: and that he would immediately send letters and messengers to him, if by chance any extraordinary matter should fall out. [lib, 15, ad familiar. epist. 4.]

But when Cicero considered that it did extreamly concern both provinces, to settle Amanus, and to take away a perpetuall enemy from that mountain, and go to some other parts of Cilicia, and when he was gone about a daies iourney from Amanus, and had encamped at Epiphania: the IIII Ides of October (the 23 of the Julian July) when it began to grow towards evening, he marched with his army in all hast; so that at the III. Ides of October, as soon as it was day, he went up the Amanus. [ibid.]

Having marshalled his cohorts and auxiliaries, over which he himself with his brother Quintus his Lievetenant commanded some, others his Lievetenant, C. Pomptinus, and the rest M. Anneius and L. Tullius commanded; and came suddenly upon them before they were aware: many were killed, many taken, and the rest were scattered. Fugerana (or rather Erana) which was not like a village but a city, because it was the principall town of Amanus: and also Sepyra, and Cerminoris (or Commoris) which both stoutly and a long time made resistance, Pomptinus keeping that part of Amanus, from break of day till ten of the clock, were taken, and a great multitude of the enemy slain, six Castles well fortified were taken by their sudden coming; and more burnt; when they had done this Cicero encamped at the foot of the Amanus, at the altars of Alexander, by the river Issus, in which place Darius was overcome by Alexander, there he spent four dayes, in destroying the reliques of Amanus, that belonged to his Province, and in wasting the Country: and for the obtaining of so just a victory, he was called by the army Imperator, or Captain General: and so having spoiled and wasted Amanus on the sixth day he departed from Amanus. [Ibid. cum. lib. 2. epist. 20. lib. 5, ad Attic. epist. 20. Plutarch in Ciceron.]

In the mean time Bibulus coming to Amanus, he began to look for a lawrel in a mustard tree, and gape after the vain name of Captain General; but he had a great losse, for he wholy lost his prime Cohort, and a Centurion of the Vauntguard, a Noble man, one Asinius De…to, a kinseman of his own, and all the rest of the same Cohort: and Sextus Lucilius, a Colonel (the son of T. Gravius Coepio, a rich and renowned man) [lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 20.]

Cicero brought his army to the most dangerous part of Cilicia, which was inhabited by the Eleuthero-ciles, cruel and fierce men, and who were provided of all things for defence; who seeing they never had obeyed their Kings, entertained at this time fugitives, and were dayly in expectation of the coming of the Parthians: he set upon Pindenissa, a Town of theirs, that was seated in a steep and well fortified place, the 57. day before the Saturnalia, (the XII. Kalend of November, on the first of the Julian July) he compassed it about with a Rampart and a Trench; and kept them in with six Castles, and very great Brigades: he assaulted it with a Mount, Engines and a most high Tower: he made use of many archers, and great store of Engines for battery: as Cicero himself signifieth in an epistle to M. Caelius Rufus chosen Edile, which was written on the 25. day of the siege (the 25. of August) [lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 10.] and also in his letters to M. Cato, [lib. 25. epist. 4.] and to Pomponius Atticus. [lib. 5. epist. 20.] all written after the taking of the City.

With great pains and preparation, Year of the World 3954. a. but without any nouble or charge of the Allyes, many of his men being wounded, but the army safe, Cicero made an end of this businesse. Upon the very day of the Saturnalia (the XIIII. Kalend of January, or the 26. day of the Julian September) the Pindenissenses by main force were at his mercy; all the City being either beaten down, or burnt: he granted the whole spoile of it to his Souldiers, except the Horses; the slaves were sold on the third day of the Saturnalia. He took hostages from the Tibareni, who were next neighbours to the Pindenessenses, and alike wicked and audacious as they. After this he sent his army to their winter quarters; over which he set his brother Quintus, that the army should be quartered in those places that were taken from the enemy, or that were not well quieted. [Ibid.] And so he having setled his affairs for the Summer, appointed his brother Quintus to command in the Winter Quarters, and over Cilicia, [lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 21.] and as he intended the Summer moneths to prosecute the war, so the winter moneths to sit in judgement. [Ibid. epist. 14.]

Publius Lentulus Spinther triumphed at Rome for Cilicia, as is gathered out of the Epist. [ad Attic. lib. 5. epist. 21. compared with lib. 1. ad familiar. epist. 9.]

The son of Orodes the King of the Parthians, came into Cyrrhestica, a Country of Cilicia, in which also the Parthians wintered. [lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 21. & lib. 6. epist. 1.]

Cicero sent Q. Volusius, a trusty man, and wonderful free from bribery, into Cyprus, to tarry there a few dayes; that those few Roman Citizens, which had businesse to do there, should not say they had not right done them: for it was not fit that the Cypriots should be called to judgement out of their own Island. [lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 21.]

Cicero being entertained in the Cities of Cilicia with great admiration, on the Nones of January (or the 13, day of the Julian October) went from Tarsus into Asia: Wherefore passing over Taurus, in the sixth monethmonth of his command, which way soever he went, he brought it so to passe, that without any violence, without any reproch, but onelyonly by his authority and advice, the Grecian and Roman Citizens, who had kept in their corn, did promise great store to the people, for the easing of the famine, (which raged much in that part of Asia, seeing there was no harvest.) [Ibid.]

Dejotarus, whose daughter was betroathed to the son of Artavasdes (the King of Armenia) whose aids Cicero had made great use of, came to Laodicea, to live with the young Cicero's; and brought him news, that Orodes intended to come into those parts, with all the Parthian forces at the beginning of Summer. [lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 20, 21. cum lib. 6. epist. 1.]

At Laodicea, from the Ides of February, (the 29 day of the Julian November) to the Kalends of May (the 26 day of the Julian February) Cicero kept Court for that part of Asia that belonged to him, from the Ides of February, for Cibara, and Apamea: from the Ides of March, for Synnada and Pamphilia. Many Cities were freed from their debts, and many were very much eased: all of them using their own laws and judgments, having obtained liberty to do so, were greatly revived. [lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 21. lib. 6. epist. 2.]

At Rome there were processions decreed by the Senate, Year of the World b. for Cicero, The Julian Period. 4664 because he had conquered in Cilicia; Year before Christ 50 L. Emilius Paulus, and C. Claudius Marcelius being Consuls. [lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 11. lib. 8. epist. 11. lib. 13. epist. 5, 6, 13. & lib. 7. ad Attic. epist. 1.]

C. Cassius, who had been M. Crassus his Treasurer, being about to depart, after the Parthian war out of Syria, commended M. Fabius to Cicero, then being at Laodicea, [lib. 9. ad familiar. epist. 25. & lib. 15. epist. 14.] to whom Cicero wro…e back, congratulates him both for the greatnesse of the actions that he had done, and also for the opportunity of the time, because that he was to depart out of the Province with great favour, and commendation of the Province: he adviseth him to make hast to Rome, where by reason of his late great victory, he tells him that his coming will be very famous.

Cicero commended to Quintus The…mus, the Praetor of Asia, his Lieutenant M. Anneius, whose wisdom, virtue, and fidelity he had tried in the war against the Cilices, who was to go for the deciding of a controversie he had with the Sardinians: and desired him that he might be sent back before the Kalends of May, at which time he intended to go into Cilicia. [lib. 13. ad Familiar. epist. 55. 57.]

P. Cornelius Dolabella, who a little after was married to Tullia, the daughter of Cicero, accused both of treason and bribery for his office, Appius Claudius Pulcher, when he was demanding a Triumph at Rome, for the good service he had done in Cilicia; and as soon as Dolabella came before the Tribunal, Appius entred into the City, but laid aside the demand of a Triumph: at langth Q. Hortensius, and M. B…utus defending him, he was quitted from each crime. [lib. 8. ad Familiar. epist. 13, 16. lib. 3. epist. 10. 11, 12, lib. 6, ad Attic. epist. 6. & lib. de claris Oratoribus.]

The Horsemen that were left by Gabinius in Italy, killed two sons of M. Bibulus, the Proconsul of great towardlinesse. [Caesar. lib. 3. de. Bell. Civil. Valer. Maxim. lib. 4. cap. 1.] Cleopatra the Queen sent the murderers in bonds to Bibulus, that he might punish the murderers at his own pleasure: but he presently sent them back to Cleopatra, without any hurt done them: saying, That the authority of punishing them belonged to the Senate, and not to him. [Valer. ibid. Seneca ad Marcian.]

Cicero thought of going into Cilicia, on the Nones of May, [lib. 2. ad Familiar. epist. 13. & lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 2.] but he came not to Tarsus before the Nones of June, (the second day of the Julian April.) There many things troubled him: a great War in Syria, and great robberies in Cilicia. [lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 4.]

Going from thence, when he was incamped by the river Pyramus, Q. Servilius sent him letters from Tarsus, which were written from Appius Claudius Pulcher, dated at Rome the Nones of April (the first day of the Julian February) in which he signified that he was quit of Treason. [lib. 3. ad Familiar. epist. 11.]

When Syria was in a flame with the Parthian war, and there was great fear at Antioch, and Bibulus, for all his great sorrow, (for the murder of his sons) took all the care of the war; although there was great hopes in Cicero and in his army: yet it is reported that Bibulus should say, That he had rather suffer any thing, than seem to have need of the help of Cicero: and whereas he wrote to Thermus, the Praetor of Asia, concerning the Parthian war; yet he never wrote to Cicero: although he knew that the greatest part of the danger of the war belonged to him. Notwithstanding, his Lieutenants sent letters to Cicero, that he should come to their aide. [lib. 2. ad Familiar. epist. 17. & lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 5.]

And indeed Cicero had but a weak army of his own, yet he had good Auxiliaries of the Galatians, Pisidians and Lycians: yet he thought it his duty, to have his army, as near as he could to the enemy, as long as he should command in that Province according to the decree of the Senate: and whereas the term of his charge that lasted but a year, was almost out; he agreed with Dejotarus, that the King should be in his Camp with all his forces, [lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 1. & 5.] concerning whom Cicero saith, in the XI. Philippick, I and Bibulus were both Captains General, in near and neighbour Provinces; we were both oft helped by that King, with Horse and Foot.

The Parthians kept Bibulus besieged, Year of the World c. [Caesar. in Bell. Civil. lib. 2.] who kept himself within a Town extreamly well fortified, and full of men, as long as the Parthians were in the Province, [Cicero, lib. 12. ad familiar. epist. 19.] and never set foot out of the Town, as long as the Parthians were on this side the Euphrates. [lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 8. & lib. 7. epist. 2.]

But the Parthians left Bibulus but half alive, [lib. 7. ad Attic. epist. 2.] by an incredible felicity departing out of Syria. [Ibid. lib. 6. epist. 6. lib. 7. epist. 1. & lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 17.] For Bibulus had set the Parthians one against another; for having entred into friendship with Ornodophantes, a Noble man, who was an enemy to Orodes, he perswaded him by messengers that went between them, that he should make Pacorus King, and that by his aide he should make war upon Orodes. [Dio. lib. 40.]

Bibulus in his letter he wrote to the Senate, concerning the things that he had done, that that he and Cicero had done together, he attributes to himself alone, that that Cicero had done alone, that he ascribes unto himself; but that that he himself had done alone, that he makes common between them: as Cicero complains in an epistle that he wrote to Salust his Treasurer. [lib. 2. ad. familiar. epist. 17.] where also he notes as a mark of a poor, malicious, jejune, and vain spirit, that he stiled not Ariobarzanes King, but the son of King Ariobarzanes, (whom the Senate it self called King, and commended him to Cicero) and when as he that had done no great matter, endeavoured to obtain a Triumph, Cicero also thought it would be a disgrace to him, not to obtain the same; seeing Bibulus his army had their hopes in Cicero's army: he also by the advise of his friends, began to think of a Triumph. [lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 7, 8. lib. 7. epist. 2,]

The fear of the Parthians being now removed, Cicero withdrew all Garrisons, which were good and strong, that he had provided for Apamea and other places. [lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 17.]

Whereas about the III. Kalend of August (the 26. day of the Julian May) the term of his office, which was to last but a year, was almost at an end, and some body was to be left by him at his departure, who should command according to the decree of the Senate; Cicero preferred to the government of the Province, which was now freed from the fear of the Parthian war, C. Caelius Caldus, who was newly sent to him from Rome to be his Treasurer, (in the room of C…. Volusius) a Noble young Gentleman indeed, but one that wanted both gravity and continence. [lib. 2. ad. familiar. epist. 15. & 19. cum lib. 6. Attic. epist. 4. & 6.]

The III. Nones of August, (the 29. day of the Julian May) his annual commands being now ended, he went by ship to Sida, a City of Pamphilia. [lib. 3. ad familiar. epist. 12.] From thence he went to Laodice, the utmost bound of the Province: and there he commanded his Treasurer Messinius to stay for him, that he might leave his accounts according to the Julian Law, in the Province, in the two Cities of Laodicea and Apamea. [lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 7. cum lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 7. & lib. 5. epist. 20.] but of the prey (of the Mount Amanus) he touched not a penny, but left it wholly, as also of his yearly stipend, which was designed unto him, to the value of a 1000; Sestertia (his Cohort grumbling at it, who thought it ought to be distributed among them) to the Treasury; taking security also of all the publick mony at Laodicea; that it might be safely returned to him and the people, without any danger of carriage. [lib. 7, ad Attic. epist. 1. lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 17.]

The Senate decreed a very large procession of 20 dayes, by the perswasion of Cato, to M. Bibulus, as soon as they had received his letters: [lib. 7. ad Attic. epist. 2. & 3.] But the Legions which the Senate had decreed, should be sent into Syria, by Marius (who was to succeed Salust in the Treasures office there) were deteined: the Province being now freed from the fear of the Parthian war. [lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 17.] But there was a Decree of the Senate made, that there should be sent to Bibulus for the Parthian war, one Legion from Cn. Pompey, and another from Julius Caesar. Pompey, of those Legions that he had with him, granted none; but yet he commanded them that were Commissioners in that businesse, that they should demand that Legion from Caesar, that he had lent Caesar. Caesar, although he made no doubt but that his adversaries intended that he should be left without any Legions, sent back to Pompey his Legion: and also gave another out of his one number, that he might satisfie the Decree of the Senate: therefore these two Legions were furnished, as though they were to be sent against the Parthians: but seeing there was no use of them for that war, the Consul Marcellus fearing they should be again restored to Caesar, kept them in Italy, and gave them to Pompey. To what purpose these things tended, although Caesar knew well enough, yet he determined to suffer all things, because he saw here was offered him no absurd pretence of keeping those Legions by him that he had already, and of raising more. [Caesar. commentarior. de Bell. Civil. lib. 1. Hirtius, de Bell. Gallio, lib, 8, Plutarch in Pompeio. & Dio, sub fine, lib. 40.]

Cicero perswaded Q. Thermus the Praetor, who was to depart out of Asia, that he would leave a noble young Gentleman, his Treasurer, Governour of that Province, (which was C. Antonius; as Pighius shews in his Annals, Tom. 3. pag. 431.) [lib. 2. ad familiar. epist. 18.]

Cicero laid up with the Publicans at Ephesus, all the mony which lawfully came to his share, which was, 22000 Sestertiums. [lib. 5. ad familiar. epist. 20.] and being very much hindred by the Easterly winds, on the Kalends of October (the 25 of the Julian July) he sailed from Ephesus, [lib. 6. ad, Attic. epist. 8.] and landed at Rhodes, [Plutarch in Cicerone.] for they young Cicero's sake, [lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 7. cum lib. 2, ad familiar. epist. 17.] and there he heard of Hortensius his death. [initio Bruts, sive, de claris oratoribus.]

Cicero, the winds being against him, the day before the Ides of October, (the seventh day of the Julian August) came to Athens. [lib. 14. ad familiar. epist. 5. lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 9.]

The motions of the civil war between Caesar and Pompey approaching, the Sun, a little after his rising, on the 21 day of the Julian August, was ecclipsed almost two parts, to which it may seem that that of Petronius, concerning the Prognosticks of this war is to be referred.

—namque or…cruento

Deformis Titan vultus caligine texit.

Civiles acies jam tum spirare putares.

For bloudy Sol appear'd with visage like to death,

Thou'dst think th'civils wars just then began to breath.

Bibulus departed out of Asia, as Cicero shews in the eighth epistle of the seventh book to Atticus, dated the V. Ides of December; or the first day of the Julian October.

On the Kalends of January, (falling on the 22 day of October) on which C. Claudius Marcellus, and L. Cornelius entred upon the Consulship: there was a Decree of the Senate made, That Caesar should dismisse his army before a certain day, and if he did not, that he should seem to do it against the Common-wealth; against which Decree, when as M. Antonius, and Q. Cassius, the Tribunes of the people, had in vain interceded; it was made the beginning of the civil war between Caesar and Pompey [Caesar, commentar. lib. 1. de Bell. civil. Cicero. in Philippic. 2. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 9. Dio. lib. 41, init.]

The day before the Nones of January, (the 25 of October) Cicero came to the City; where was given him such a mutiny, that nothing could be more honourable: but it fell upon the very flame of the civil discord, or war rather. [lib. 16. ad familiar. epist. 11.] but he entred not the City. A full Senate amid these troubles, earnestly demanding a Triumph for him: which Lentulus the Consul, that he might make his courtesie seem the greater, deferred. [Ibid. cum lib. 7. epist. 1. ad Attic.] And whereas the Senate decreed a Triumph for him; he said, he had rather, if there were a peace concluded, follow Caesars Chariot. [Plutarch in Cicerone.] but the discord increasing, not only deferred, but clean took away both his and Bibulus his Triumph also. [Vid. lib. 9. ad Attic. epist. 2. & lib. 11. epist. 6.]

On the VII. Ides of January, (the 28 day of October) there was a Decree of the Senate made, That the Consuls, Praetors, Tribunes of the people, and all Proconsuls that were in the City, (amongst whom Cicero was one) should do their indeavour, that the Common-wealth should receive no damage; and immediately the Tribunes of the people, who had interceded against that decree of the Senate, fled out of the City, and went unto Caesar. [Caesar, comment. Bel. Civ. l. 1. Cicero, ad familiar. l. 16. ep. 11. Dio. l. 41.]

In the next day, the Senate being called without the City, Pompey also being present, Provinces were decreed for private men: two of them were for the Consuls, the rest the Praetors had. Syria fell to Scipios share. [Caesar, ut supra.] This was Metellus Scipio, who had married his daughter Cornelia, the widow of Publius Crassus, who was slain by the Parthians, to Pompey this year, (that is two years before he was put to death) and had been his Colleague three years before in the Consulship: [Plutarch in Pompeio. Dio. lib. 40.] but that Sextius, or Sestius, succeeded Cicero in the Province of Cilicia, is gathered out of lib. 5. ad familiar. epist. 20. compared with lib. 11. ad Attic. epist. 7. and that Sextilius Rusus was sent the first Quaestor, with pretorian authority into Cyprus, which was henceforward separated from Cilicia, is gathered out of lib. 13. ad familiar. epist. 481. and that the three governments of Asia (Cibyra, Synnada and Apemea) were taken from the Province of Cilicia, and were given to the new Proconsul of Asia, P. Servilius Sigonius gathers out of the 67. epistle of the same book. [de antiquo jure provinciarum lib. 1. cap. 11.]

On the same day, the VIII. Kalend of March, (the 11. of the Julian December) on which the Feralia were celebrated, (as we may see in the inscriptions of Gruterus, pag. CXXXIII.) Caesar came from Corsinium to Brundusium after noon, and Pompey from Canusium in the morning, [lib. 8. ad Attic. epist. 22. & lib. 9. epist. 2.] when Autumne was already past. [Dio. lib. 41.]

Pompey sent his father in law Scipio, and his son Cneus, from Brundusium into Syria, to provide a fleet. [Plutarch in Pomp.] concerning whom Cicero, in the first epistle of the ninth book, [ad Atticum] written the day before the Nones of March, (the 23. of the Julian December) Scipio goeth into Syria, either according as his lot fell, or for the honour of his son in law, or flyeth an angery Caesar.

The VII Ides of March (the 26 of Decemcer) Caesar came to Brundusium, and encamped before the walls; as himself shews in an epistle to Oppius, and Cornelius Balbus. [lib. 9. ad Attic. epist. 16.]

On the XVI Kalends of Aprill, (as it is in the 10 epistle of the 9 book ad Atticum: not the IIII Kalends of March: as it is in Lipsius in the 31 epistle of the century to the Germans and Frenchmen) on which the Liberalia were celebrated, (as appeares in the marble records in Gruters inscriptions, pag, CXXXIII) which there fell upon the 3 day of the Julian January, Pompey went from Brundusium with all the forces that he had, to Epirus, on which very day of the Liberalia, or Dionysia, his sonnes were overcome in Spain at the battle of Munda, four yeares after that their father was said to go to the war, [Plutarch. in Caesare,] to wit, on the same day on which Pompey the father, leaving Italy, made the seat of the war in Graece; not on which he fled from the city to make war, as by a mistake it is written by Orosius, [lib. 6. cap. 16.]

The next day Caesar entred Brundusium: and there made an oration, and so marched towards Rome; being willing to be at the city before the Kalends, [lib, 9. ad Attic. epist. 18.]

From thence Caesar dismissed Aristobulus into his own countrey of Palestine, that he might do something against Pompey. [Dio. lib, 41.] Josephus relates that he sent Aristobulus having freed him from prison into Syria; giving him also two legions, that he might the more easily keep the province in order, yet both of them were frustrated of their hopes, Aristobulus being poysened by the Pompeians, and buried by the Caesarians. [Joseph. lib, 1. bell. cap. 7. & lib. 14, Antiquit. cap. 13.]

Alexander also the son of Aristobulus, was beheaded at Antioch by Scipio, according to Pompeys letters, being first publickly accused of what he had done against the Romans: but Ptolemei Mennaeus the governour of Chalcis, which is seated in mount Libanus, having sent his son Philippio to Ascalon to the wife of Aristobulus; sent for her son Antigonus and her two daughters; the youngest of which named Alexandra Philippio fell in love with and married. [Id. ibid.] Pompey having gotten a yeares time to provide forces in (which free from war, and at idlenesse from any enemy) gathered together a great fleet out of Asia, and the Islands Cyclades, Corcyra, Athens, Pontus, Bithynia, Syria, Cilicia, Phoenice, and Egypt: and took care that a great navy should be built in all places, he exacted also great sums of moneys from Asia, Syria, and all Kings, Governour, Tetrarchs and the free people of Achaia, he compelled also the societies of those provinces which fell to his share, to pay unto him great sums of money. [Caesar. bell. civill. lib. 3.] It is reported that 60 ships sent him out of Egypt from Cleopatra, and Ptolomei who was then but a child King and Queen of Egypt, he had also auxiliaries out of Ionia, archers out of Crete, darters out of Pontus, and horsemen out of Galatia: Commagenians were sent from Antiochus, Cilicians and Cappadocians, and some from Armenia the lesse, Pamphilians also and Pisidians, came to him. [Appian. bel. civil. lib. 2. pag. 458. & 472.]

M. Cato being sent into Asia by Pompey, to be an help to them that gathered the fleet and souldiers together, carried along with him his sister Servilia, and a son that Lucullus had by her: where whenas he had made the Rhodians to be of Pompeys party, he left Servilia and her son with them, and returned to Pompey, who was well furnished, very strongly both with land and sea forces. [Plutarch in Catone minore.] and he had an intention to set the whole world in an uprore both by sea and land, to stir up barbarous Kings, and to bring cruell nations being armed into Italy. [Cicero. ad Attic. lib. 8, epist. 11.]

Pompey also went about to draw to his party, Orodes himself the King of the Parthians, although after the death of the Crassi, he was accounted amongst the enemies. Orodes promised him his assistance, if Syria might be granted unto him; but he not obteining Syria, he brought no forces. [Dio. lib. 41.] although otherwise the Parthiwere of Pompeys party: both by reason of the friendship they had contracted in the Mithridatick war, and also for the death of Crassus, whose son they heard was of Caesars side; whom they doubted. not, would revenge his fathers death if Caesar got the conquest. [Justin, lib. 42. cap. 4.]

Pompey made use of a great fleet which he had provided from Alexandria, Colchis, Tyre, Sidon, Andros, (or rather Arados) Cyprus, Pamphilia, Lycia, Rodes, Byzantium, Lesbos, Smyrna, Miletum, Coos, to intercept provisions from Italy, and to seize upon the provinces from whence the corn came. [Cicero, ad Attic. lib. 9. epist. 11.]

Pompey's son was Admiral of the Egyptian fleet; of the Asiastick, D. Laebius and C. Triarius; of the Syriack C. Cassius; of the Rhodian, C, Marcellus, with C. Pomponius, of the light ships, and the Achian fleet, Scribonius Libo, and M. Octavius, but over the whole businesse at sea, M. Bibulus was set and commanded all, for he was chief Admiral. [Caesar. Bell. Civil. lib. 3.]

Julius Caesar being created Dictator after eleven dayes, Year of the World 3956. a. himself and Servilius, Isauricus, being declared Consuls, resigned up his Dictatourship. [Caesar init. commentar. lib. 3. Bell. Civil. Plutarch in Caesar. & Appian. lib. 2. Bell. Civil. pag. 457.]

From this first Dictatorship of Caesar, the Macedonians of Syria began their account of the time of the Caesars, (of which there is mention made in an old stone, in the inscrip. of Gruter. pag. CCLXXVII. 3.) deduced from the 24. day of the Julian September, (on which we have shewed in another place, that the Solar year of the Macedonians began.) from which day, not onelyonly the Macedonian, but also the Roman Emperours began their Indictions, or the circle of 15. years: and the Antiochians their account, (which being divided by 15. alwayes sheweth the Indictions of the Emperonrs) although the form of the year being afterwards changed, and the Macedonian monethmonth conformed to the Italian, the Antiochians refer the beginning of their account, and the rest of the Eastern people, the beginning of their Indictions, to the beginning of their new year, and have brought it from the 24 of September, to the Kalends of September: but whatsoever is said concerning the original of the Indictions, (which they commonly refer to the times of Constantine) it ought to be without controversie, that the head of the Antiochian account is to be fetched from the September of the year of the Julian Period, 4665.

In the end of the year in which Marcellus and Lentulus were Consuls, Pompey being made General of the Romans, and the Senate which were in Ephesus with him, bestowed honours on Kings, and people that had deserved well of them, as Lucan speaks in his fifth book.

—pelagique potens Phoebeia donis

Exornata Rhodos, gelidique inculta juventus

Taygetis: fama veteres laudantur Athenae;

Massiliaeque suae donatur libera Phocis.

Tunc Sadalen fortemque Cotyn, fidumque per arma

Dejotarum, & gelidae dominum Rhasipolin orae

Collaudant: Libyamque jubent auctore Senatu

Sceptifero parere Jubae.

Phoebus sea-powerful Rhodes rewarded was,

And Spartans rough, prais'd were th'Athenians

Phocis made free whither Massylians:

Faithfull Dejotarus, young Sadalis,

The valiant Cotys and Rhasipolis

Of Macedon were prais'd: Juba to thee

The Senate gives all Libya by decree.

And after the same manner he avers, that the kingdom of Egypt was at this time confirmed upon Ptolomy, being but then a lad: whither are to be referred those words of Pothinus the Governour of Ptolomy, concerning Pompey, in the same Authour in the eighth book.

—quod nobis sceptra Senatus

Te suadente dedit.

—The Senate gave to mee

The Scepter, when perswaded to't by thee.

About the Winter Solstice, Caesar sent messengers to the army, that they should meet him at Brundusium: he himself departed from Rome; in the monethmonth of December, not expecting the next Kalends of the beginning year, in respect of his office: thus Appian, [lib. 2. pag. 458. Bell. Civil.] supposing that at that time there was the same account of the Roman year, as was in his own time. Whereas the Kalends of January, on which Caesar was to begin his second Consulship, answered to the 11 day of the Julian October. With the like errour Florus affirms, [lib. 4. cap. 2.] that Caesar took shipping to go to the war, although it were in the middest of Winter: and likewise Plutarch in Pompeio writes, that Caesar came to Brundusium, foreign, and in Caesar, that he departed from thence, in the time of the Winter Solstice, in the beginning of the monethmonth January, which he saith answereth to the Athenian Posideon: and indeed Caesar himself in the third book of his Commentaries of the civil war, confirmeth, That he set sail on the day before the Nones of January with seven Legions, and the day after landed at the Ceraunia; but that was not the Julian January, on which in the time of Plutarch the Athenian Posideon fell, but which the …alse account of the Roman year did then use: whereas the Nones of that monethmonth (on which Caesar landed at the Ceraunia) answered to the 15 day of the Julian October: and that Winter was approaching, and that thereupon Pompey marched out of Epirus into his winter quarters to Apollonia and Dyrrachium, Caesar himself shewes also afterwards: but by no means that it was Winter, that is, the height of Winter.

Pompey, having provided great store of corn out of Thessalia, Asia, Egypt, Crete, Cyrenia, and other Countries, he intended to winter in Dyrrachium, Apollonia, and in all the sea Towns, that he might hinder Caesar from passing the sea (although it was all in vain.) [Caesar. Bell. civil. lib. 3.]

Scipio… Governour of Syria, the father in law of Pompey, having received some losse about the Mountain Amahus, declared himself Captain General: which having done, he laid great sums of money upon the Cities and the Tyrants, and also from the Publicans of the province he exacted the tribute of two years; and borrowed of them also the money of the following year, and commanded the whole province to provide him Horsemen. All which Forces being gathered together, having left the Parthians who were bordering enemies behind him, he with his Legions and Horsemen marched out of Syria: and when as there was heard some mutterings of the souldiers, that they would go against an enemy, but not against the Consul, and their fellow Citizens, he brought the Legions to their winter quarters into the richest Cities, as Pergamus, and gave huge bribes, and to confirm the souldiers to him, he gave them the plundering of the Cities, [id. ibid.]

In the mean time, the money that was laid upon the Cities, was most cruelly exacted: and moreover many things were generally for covetousnesse; pole-money was laid both upon bond and free: money was also demanded for making of pillars and doors, for souldiers and mariners, for armes and engins, and carriages: and if any thing could be found out that had a name, this was sufficient for the gathering of money. There were Governours with command appointed, not over Cities and Castles, but also Villages; and he that did any thing most outragiously and cruelly, he was accounted the Man, and the best Citizen. The province was full of Lictors and Commanders, and was stuffed with petty Governours and Exactours: who besides the monies that were commanded, served also their own private gain; they said, That they were expelled from their own houses and country, and that they wanted all things necessary, that they might cover their businesse with some honest pretence. To these exactions were added also great usuries, (which for the most part happen in war) in which things they said, that the prolonging of a day was giving them as much: whereupon the debt of all the province was much multiplied in these two years; and no lesse were monies exacted for this cause upon the Roman Citizens of the province, but upon all guilds, and every and each city was certain monies exacted: and they told them that they borrowed these monies by the decree of the Senate, [Ibid.]

Moreover at Ephesus, Scipio commanded the money that of a long time had been laid up there, to be taken from the Temple of Diana: but when he came into the Temple, having also many of the Senatours with him whom he had called together for that purpose, he received letters from Pompey, that Caesar had crossed the sea with the Legions; and he should with all speed make haste to him with the army, and set all things else aside. As soon as he had received these letters, he dismisseth them that he had called unto him, and begins himself to prepare for his march into Macedonia, and a few dayes after he went; and this businesse saved the money at Ephesus, [Ibid.]

In the mean time, Pompey had in his army besides the Roman and Italian Legions, and two which Lentulus the Consul had caused to be raised, and archers out of Crete, Lacedemon, Pontus, Syria, and other cities, to the number of 3000 of slingers, six coho…s, two of mercenaries, 7000 horsemen, of which horsemen Dejotarus brought 500 Galatians, Ariobarzanes 500 out of Cappadocia; 500 French and Germans, which Gabinius had left at Alexandria for a guard for King Ptolemei, and the son Pompey had brought with the Fleet. Tarcundarius, Castor, and Donilaus, sent out of Gallogrecia 300. one of them came along himself, the other sent his son. Antiochus the Commagenian on whom Pompey had bestowed great rewards, sent 200. among which were many archers on horseback, and with Scipio were expected two Legions that should come out of Syria, [Id. ibid.]

After the coming of Caesar into Epirus, there were many moneths passed, and winter came on apace; neither were the ships nor legions that were left at Brundusium, come unto Caesar: but there M. Antonius, and Fusius Calenus, having gotten a fair South wind, hoysed sail, and brought with them three Legions of old souldiers, and one newly raised, and also 800 horsemen unto Caesar: whose passage, whenas Q. Coponius, who commanded the Rhodian Fleet at Dyr…achium, strived to hinder, a tempest arising so troubled the Fleet, that all of them to the number of 16 except one, were beaten one against another and perished by shipwrack; and a great part of the mariners and souldiers were dashed against the rocks and killed; part were dispersed by the Caesarians, whom Caesar saved and sent home again, [Id. ibid.]

In Egypt, the lad Ptolemei by his kindred and friends, expelled out of the kingdom Cleopatra, his wife and sister, [Caesar. lib. 3. Bell. civil. Livy, lib. 111.]

—habens subjure Pothini

Affectus ensesque suos:

But all his power will and affections be

Under Pothinus Girdle—

as it is in Lucan, [lib. 10.] where we read Cleopatra complaining: for as Strabo declares how she was ejected by the friends of the lad, who had raised a sedition: So particularly this businesse is attributed by Plutarch in Caesare, to Pothinus: there was then in the Praetorship of the kingdom, an Eunuch that was his governour, by name Pothinus, (as it is read in Caesar) the which also is called by the Greek Writers Potheinus by a truer name. Cleopatra being thus ejected, departed into Syria with her sister, [Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 796.] that she might there provide her self of an army, [Appian. lib. 2. bell. civil. pag. 480.]

Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates King of Pontus, and King of Bosphorus Cimmerius, when he heard that this civil war was begun amongst the Romans (which he hoped would continue long) and that Caesar was not near at hand, out of a desire of regaining all his fathers former possessions, revolted from the Romans; and having committed the government and defence of Bosphorus to Asandrus, he reduced into his power without any resistance considerable, Colchis, and all Armenia, together with the kingdom of Moschis (in which Strabo notes that he spoiled the Temple of Leucothea in lib. 11. pag. 498.) and Dejotarus being absent, he laid to these some Cities of Cappadocia and Pontus, which belonged to the jurisdiction of Bithynia, [Dio. lib. 42.] and having also taken Sinope, he made for Amisus; but at that time failed of it, [Appian. in Mithridatic. pag. 254.]

Pompey sent his wife Cornelia privily into the Isle of Lesbo…, that she should live quietly at Mitylena free from all troubles of the wars, [Lucan, lib. 5. init.] with whom also Plutarch in Pompeio, and Dio. lib. 42. relate, that her son in law Sextius, the younger son of Pompey, was sent thither also: when Lucan saith notwithstanding that he tarried in the camp with his father, [lib. 6. fin.]

L. Hirtius (otherwise Hirrius) being sent Embassadour to the Parthians (as in understood out of the Commentaries of Caesar, lib. 3. bell. civil.) not onelyonly obtained not any aid from Orodes, but was cast into prison by him, against the law of Nations, [Dio. lib. 42.] namely because Syria was denied him: as hath been above said out of the same [Dio. lib. 41.]

Pompey having been besieged four moneths together with huge Works, at Dyrrhachium, was as last utterly overthrown in the battle of Pharsalia, [Sueton in Julio Caesare, cap. 35.]

At what time Caesar came into Thessaly, (when the battle was fought at Palaeopharsalum) and a few dayes after Pompey came likewise, when the corn was even ripe, as Caesar himself witnesseth, [lib. 3. bell. civil.] Appian also confirmeth, that at the instant that the fight was, it was the Caesari…s foreign, [Bell. civil. lib. 2.] that it was full Summer, and very hot weather, if we believe Plutarch, [in M. Bruto.]

On the same day that the Pharsalian fight was, there was twice at Antiochia heard such a shouting of an army, such sounding of alarms, such rattling of armes, that the whole city run up to the wall in their armes; the same thing happened at Ptolemais, from the vestry of the temple of Bacchus at Pergamus, whither it was lawful for the Priests only to go, there was a great noyse of drums and cymbals first began, and went through all the city; also at Tralles, in the Temple of victory, where they had consecrated a statue of Caesars, a green palm tree was shewen in the root, which sprung out of the pavement between the joyning together of the stones, to the Syrians also appeared two young men that declared the errand of the battle, and were never seen after. [Caesar. bell. civil. lib. 3. Julius Obsequens. de prodigiis Plutarch. in Caesare. Dio. lib. 2.]

In the army of Pompey there were almost all Nations that inhabit round about the sea towards the East, Thracians, Hellespontians, Bythinians, Phrygians, Ionians, Lydians, Pamphilians, Pisidians, Paphlagonians, Cilicians, Syrians, Phoenicians, Hebrews, and their neighbours the Arabians, Cypriots, Rhodians Cretian slingers, and other Islanders, there were also Kings, and Governours, Deiotarus the Tetrarch of the Gallograecians, and Ariarathes the King of the Cappadocians, Taxiles led those Armenians on this side of Euphrates; Megabates the Lieutenant of King Artasias those beyond Euphrates, other lesser Princes helped also according to their power. [App. bel. civil. lib, 2. pag. 472.] and seeing the greatest part of his army consisted of Asiaticks, who were not used to the wars, he was overcome. [Dio. lib. 41.] as Petronius also saith.

Ille tremor Ponti, saevi quoque terror Hydaspis,

Et piratarum scopulus; modò quem ter ovantem

Jupiter horruerat, quem fracto gurgite Pontus,

Et veneratus erat submissa Bosphorus unda,

(Proh pudor!) Imperii deserto nomine fugit.

He who made Pontus and Hydaspes quake,

Did quell the Pirates, by his triumph shake

Three times great Jove, t'whom Pontus submisse wave

And likewise Bosphors their submission gave:

To's shame! has fled and left th'name Emperour.

Caesar, having taken Pompeys cabinet, neither read, nor copied out the Pirates letters, which betraied the good will of some towards him, or their rancour of minds against Caesar, but in good deed presently burnt them all, least out of the letters he should be compelled to be too severe against any man. [Pliny lib. 6, 7. cap. 25. fin. Dio. lib. 41. fin.] he also afterward pardoned the Kings, and people, who had assisted Pompey, not imposing any punishment upon them, but only a pecuniary mulct: for he considered, that indeed he either had none or very small acquaintance with any of them; whenas Pompey had deserved very much at their hands, and much more commended them, than those, that had received favours from Pompey, and yet had forsaken him in his greatest dangers. [Dio. ut supra.]

Pompey leaving the camp, fled to Larissa, with very few accompanying him, but entred not the city, although he was invited to it by the citizens; least the Larissaeans should be punished for receiving him, but after he had bid them to seek the victours friendship, he having received necessaries from them, went towards the sea. [Dio. lib. 42.]

Caius Cassius came into Cilicia, with a fleet of Syrians, Phoenicians, and Cilicians: and having burnt Caesars ships, after he had heard of the battle that was fought in Thessalia, he departed with his fleet [id. ibid.]

The Rhodian fleet, over which C. Coponius commanded as Praetour, after the battle of Pharsalia, deserted the Pompeians and returned home. [Cicero. lib. 1. de divinatione.]

L. Lentulus (Crus) who was Consul the former year, and P. Lentulus (Spinther) who had been Consul, and others who had followed Pompey from the flight, coming to Rhodes, were not received either in the town or port; and sending messengers unto them, were commanded against their will to disanchor, and to depart from those places. [Caesar. bell. civil. lib. 3.]

Caecilius Bassus a man of the order of Knighthood, and of Pompeys party, retired to Tyre; and he hid himself in that place, wherein Merchants used to trade. [Dio. lib. 47. & Libo. apud Appian. lib. 3. bel. civil. pag. 576.]

M. Claudius Marcellus, being afraid of Caesar went to Mitylenae: and there lived most happily in the study of good arts, (as Seneca relates out of Brutus, in his consolation to Albina:) Cicero in vain perswading him, that he would return from thence to Rome, and demand pardon of Caesar, [lib. 4. ad familiar. epist. 7. & 8.]

Labienus coming from the Pharsalian flight, brought news of the overthrow of the Pompeian army at Dyrrachium, when M. Ctro was left with 15. Cohorts, and 300. Gallies: whereupon both he and Cicero, and others with them, being suddenly affrighted, took shipping; and looking back to the Town, saw all their ships of burden on a flame, which the Souldiers had burned, because they would not follow them: but Cato passing into Corcyra, (an Island seated under Epirus, in the confines of the Ionian and Adriatick sea) where the fleet was, with those that were of the same opinion: there he took unto him the rest that had fled from the battle of Pharsalia, or otherwise followed that party. From the fight came L. Scipio, the father in law of Pompey, Labienus, Afranius, and many other renowned men: and a little after Octavius also, who keeping the Ionian sea, had taken C. Antonius, joyned himself unto them: also Cneus Pompey, (the eldest son of Pompey the Great) who sailing in the Egyptian fleet, had made incursions upon Epirus, his father being overcome, whereas the Egyptians went home, went himself also to Corcyra. This fact of his C. Cassius also, who had vexed Sicly, and others with him imitated, and fled unto Cato, whom they observed to excell others in virtue. [Cicero, de Divinat. lib. 1. Plutarch in Catone mmore. Appian de Bell. Civil. lib. 2. pag. 482. Dio. lib. 42.]

There Cato resigned the command to Cicero, seeing he was but Praetour, and the other had been Consul; which when Cicero (a man as Livy notes in his third book, not bound for the wars) refused, and would needs leave the wars, he wanted but little of being killed; for young Pompey, and his friends, calling him traitour, drew their swords at him: but Cato withstood them, and kept him from being slain, and withdrew him from the Camp. [Plutarch in Catone & Cicerone.]

After this the fleet was divided among Pompeys chiefest friends, and Cassius sailed into Pontus to Pharnaces, with an intent to stir him up against Caesar: and Scipio into Africa, having Varus and his forces with him, and the auxiliaries of Juba the Moor. [Appian. Bell. Civil. lib. 2. pag. 482.]

Cato himself, conjecturing that Pompey was fled either into Africa, or Egypt, making hast after him, took shipping, and set saile: but yet before he went, he gave leave to all that were not ready to follow him, either of leaving him, or staying with him. [Plutarch in Catone.] Lucan in his ninth book, thus describeth his voyage by sea.

Corcyrae secreta petit, ac mille carinis

Abstulit Emathiae secum fragmenta ruinae.

Quis ratibus tantis fugientia crederet ire

Agmina? quis pelagus victas arctasse carinas?

Doridae tunc Malean, & apertam Toenaron umbris.

Inde Cythera petit, Broeaque urgente carinas

Creta fugit: Dictoea legit, cedentibus undis,

Litt…ra: tunc ausum classi praecludere portus

Impulit, ac saevas meritum Phycunta rapinas

Sparsit.

He sailes unto Corcyra's shore,

And in a thousand ships carries away

The conquer'd remant of Pharsalia.

Who would have thought so great a fleet had held

All fleeing men? That conquer'd ships had fill'd

The straitned seas? from thence they saild away

To Ghost-field Tenarus, and long Malea,

Thence to Cytherus: Boreas blowing faire,

Crete flies: and getting a good sea they clear

The Cretan coast; Phycus, that durst deny

Their men to land, they sack deservedly.

This Phycus is a promontory of the Country of Cyrenae, and a Town, which, as the Poet notes, Cato gave the plunder thereof to his Souldiers; but leaving here any further discourse of Cato his navigation, let us turn out speech to the way that Pompey the Great took, and of Julius Caesar pursuing him.

Caesar having tarried two dayes at Pharsalum, Year of the World d. to offer sacrifices for the victory he had gotten, and to refresh his Souldiers that were tired with the fight, the third day he pursued Pompey, [Appian. Bell. Civil. lib. 2. pag. 482.] for he thought it was his best way, setting all other things aside, to pursue Pompey, into whatsoever part of the World he had retired himself from the flight, least he should be forced again to raise new forces, and to renew the war again: wherefore he went every day as far with his Horse as possibly he could, and commanded one Legion to follow after him, by lesser marches, [Caesar, lib. 3.]

Pompey coming to the sea, rested all night in a fishermans cottage; and about break of day, he went into a wherry, and taking with him all the freemen, and commanding all the slaves to go to Caesar without any fear, he departed from land, [Plutarch, in Pompey.] concerning whom Lucan in lib. 8.

Littora contigerat, per quae Peneius amnis

Emathia jam clade rubens exibat in aequor.

Inde rates trepidum, ventis & fluctibus impar

Flumineis vix tuta vadis, evexit in altum.

Now to the shore he came where Peneus ran

Red with Pharsaliaes slaughter to the main;

There a small Barque unfit for seas, and winds,

Scarce safe in shallow'st rivers Pompey finds

And goes aboard—

But as he went in this boat along the shoar, he saw a ship of great burden under sail; the Master of it was Peticius a Roman citizen: who knowing Pompey, took him out of the boat into the ship: together with the two Lentuli (who had been Consuls, whom as we have declared out of Caesar, were excluded fom Rhodes) and Favonius, (who had been Praetor; out of Velleius, lib. 1. cap. 53.) and all other, as he would himself: and presently after King Dejotarus (who trusting to the flight of birds, which he thought portended happy successe to him, came to Pompey, as Cicero shews in lib. 1. de Divinat.) whom they saw posting towards them from land, him they took in also, [Plutarch, in Pompey.]

There Pompey stood at anchor one night: and calling unto him his friends at Amphipolis, and having received money of them for his necessary expences, and knowing that Caesar was coming after him, he departed from that place, [Caesar, lib. 3.]

Sailing thus by Amphipolis, within a few dayes he came to shoar at the Isle of Lesbos, [Caesar, & Plutarch, ut supra. Dio. lib. 42.]

He sent for his wife from Mitylenae to sea, where they bewailed together their hard fortune: then she commanded her stufle to be brought out of the Town, and called her maid-servants to come to her: but Pompey refused to come into the Town of the Mitylenians although they came to salute him and invited him into it; but advised them to obey the Conquerour, and to be asraid, for Caesar was merciful, and bountiful: then turning to Cratippus the Philosopher (for he came out of the Town to visit him) he bewailed his misfortune, and disputed with him some things concerning providence; the Philosopher affirming, that foreign, by reason of the ill government of the Common-wealth, there was need of a Monarchy: and demanding of Pompey, How and by what token can we believe that you would have used your good fortune if you had overcome Caesar better than he? [Plutarch.]

Being detained there two dayes by tempest, and taking unto him other light ships, he put all his stuffe into four Gallies, which came from Rhodes and Tyre: and sailing along the coast, even to Cilicia with his wife and friends, kept along the havens that he might take in fresh water and things necessary, [Caesar, lib. 3. cum Plutarcho, in Pomp. Appian. pag. 479, 480. & Dio. lib. 42.]

To these we may adde what Lucan saith, lib. 8.

Sparsus ab Emathia fugit quicunque procella,

Assequitur Magnum: primusque à littore Lesbi

Occurrit natus, procerum mox turba fidelis.

Nam neque dejecto fat is, acieque fugato

Abstulerat Magno reges Fortuna ministros:

Terrarum dominos & seeptra Eoa tenentes

Exul habet comites, jubet ire in deviamundi

Dejotarum, qui sparsa ducis vestigia legit.

Sol hid the Stars, and land discovered

When those that from Phaisalias battle fled

To Pompey came, and first from Lesbos shores

He met his son; then Kings and Senatours:

For Pompey yet (although at that sad time

Vanquisht and fled) had Kings to wait on him;

Proud Sceptered Kings that on the East did reign

Attended there in banisht Pompeys Train.

Then Pompey, King Dejotarus commands,

To go for aids to furthest Eastern Lands.

There declaring the instructions, with which Dejotarus was sent to demand aid of the Parthians, (which notwithstanding he never performed) the Poet goes on thus describing the navigation of Pompey.

—dimisso in lit…ore rege,

Ipse per Icar…ae scopulos, Ephesumque relinquens,

Et placidi Colophona maris, spumantia parvae

Radit saxa Sami: spirat de littore Coe

Aura fluens; Gnidon inde fugit, claram que relinquit

Sol Rhodon, magnosque sinus Telmessidos unda

Compensat medio pelagi, Pamphylia puppi

Occurrit tellus: nec se committere muris

Ausus adhuc ullis: te primum parvae Phaselis

Magnus adit; nam te metui vetat incola rarus,

Exhaust aeque domus populis; major que carinae

Quàm tua turba fuit.

—The King took leave at shore

And by the Icarian rocks great Pompey gone

Leaves Ephesus and sea-calme Colophon,

Shaving small Samos foamy rocks he goes,

A gentle gale blows from the shore of Cos:

Gnidon and Phoebus-honoured Rhodes he leaves

And sailing strait in the mid-ocean saves

Telmessus long and winding circuits. First

Pamphylia greets their eyes: but Pompey durst

Commit his person to no Town but thee

Little Phaselis: thy small company

And few inhabitants could not cause fear

More in thy ships than in thy walls there were.

The first Town that Pompey entred, was Attalia of Pisidia: thither some ships came to him out of Cilicia, and some souldiers also, and about 60 of the order of Senatours: and when he heard news, that his Navy was safe, and that Cato was passed into Africa with a strong party of souldiers that he had gathered together out of the flight: then he began to repent that he had joyned battle with Caesar so far from the assistance of his Fleet, but it was too late, [Plutarch, in Pemp.] But Lucan relates, that at Selinus in Cilicia, Pompey began to advise with Lentulus who was Consul the year before, and with the rest of the Senatours, about some safe place, whither he might make his retreat, [lib. 8.]

Out of Cilicia Pompey came into Cyprus, [Caesar, lib. 3.] where they who came to offer their service to him at Paphos, confirmed unto him, that Cicero had made a very honourable mention of him, [Cicero, in Philippica. 2.] Here he knew that, by the general consent of all the Antiochians and Roman Citizens that traded there, the Castle of Antiochia was already taken, meerely to keep him out, and it was also reported of them, that they had sent messengers to all the neighbour Cities whither any had retired from the flight, that they should not come to Antioch, and if they did, it should be upon perill of their lives: and now there was a report spread about the Cities of Caesars coming; which when Pompey knew, he set aside his intention of going into Syria, and taking away the money that belonged to the guilds, and also from private persons, and shipping great store of money to defray the charges of the army, and 2000 souldiers well armed (part whereof he took out of the families of the guilds, and part he forced from the Merchants, and whomsoever any one thought fit for this purpose) he sailed to Pelusinm, [Caesar, lib. 3.]

For Theophanes a Lesbian, and other his friends, perswaded him, that setting all other places aside, he should go into Egypt, accounting it not only neer within three days journey, but also rich and powerful, where he might expect aid from the King his pupil; especially seeing Pompey had restored his father to his kingdom by the aid of Gabinius: and that the son was not ungrateful but had sent ships to Pompey against Caesar, [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 53. Plutarch, in Pompey. Appian. pag. 480. Dio. lib. 42.] As soon as that opinion prevailed, Pompey and his wife went into a ship of Seleucis, an set sail from Cyprus; some in long ships, and others in ships of burden accompanied him, [Plutarch.] to which navigation belongs that of Lucan, [lib. 8.]

Haec ubi deseruit Pompeius littora, totos

Emensus Cypri scopulos quibus exit in austrum,

Inde maris vasti transfuso vertiturastu:

Nec tenuit Casium nocturno lumine montem,

Infimaque Aegypti pugnaci littora velo

Vix tetigit, qua dividui pars maxima Nili

In vada decurrit Pelusia septimus amnis.

Pompey departing thence, his course gan bend,

Round all the Cyprian Rocks that Southward tend,

And got into the interposed main;

Nor by the nights weak light could he attain

Mount Casius, but with stiugliug sails and strength,

A lower port of Egypt reacht at length,

Where parted Nilus greatest channel flows,

And to the Ocean at Pelusium goes.

Caesar (that we may returne to what he did in the pursuit of Pompey) for want of Gallies, passed the Hellespont in small ships, whom being in a ferry boat, Cassius bearing to Pharnaces with ten beaked ships, met in the midst of the passage: neither did Caesar avoide him, but making towards him, advised his adversary to yield, who being astonished at the admirable fortune of Caesar, and supposing that the sailed against him on purpose; holding his hand to him out of the Gally, humbly demanded pardon of him: and immediately delivered up the fleet to him; which consisted of 70 ships, (if we believe Appian) [Sueton. in Julio. Caesar. cap. 63. Appian. pag. 482, 483, Dio. lib. 42.]

As soon as Caesar came into Asia, he granted the Cuidians liberty, in favour of Theopompus, who had collected the fables.] [Plutarch in Caesare,] He received into favour the Ionians and Aeolians, and other nations, who inhabit the lesser Asia, who demanded pardon of him by their Embassadors; [Appian. pag. 483,] only demanding mony of them; which yet he recompensed with another benefit, for he freed Asia from Publicans, which grievously vexed it, and converted part of the customs into a convenient payment of Tribute, [Dio. lib. 42.] and remitted the third part of the Tribute to all the inhabitants of Asia. [Plutarch ut supra.]

T. Ampius having an intent to take away the mony out of the Temple at Ephesus, called the Senatours of that province, that they might be witnesses of what mony he took, but he was fain to fly, being hindred by the coming of Caesar: thus by Caesars means was the mony at Ephesus twice saved. [Caesar. lib. 3.]

Seeing no body had any thing of certainty to say concerning whither Pompey intended to fly. Caesar taking some part of his voyage alone with M. Brutus, (who being returned unto him from Pompe's party, he esteemed among his chiefest friends) he demanded his opinion: and because they could make no certain conjecture of Pompeyes flight, they thought to take the most probable, and setting all others aside, directed their course for Egypt, [Plutarch in M. Bruto.] fearing least he being possessed of that Kingdom, should again rally his forces. [Dio. lib. 42.] Wherefore he passed to Rhodes, neither did he stay till all his army was come together, but going aboard the Cassian and Rhodian Gallies, with those forces that he had with him, never telling any one whither he would bend his course, he set saile about evening, giving order to all the Captains of ships, that they by night, should follow the light of the Admiralls Gally, and his own flag by day: but being now far from land, he commanded his Captain of his ship, to direct his course for Alexandria, and by sea they were carried thither on the third day. [Appian. pag. 483.]

Lucan in his ninth book describes this voyage of Caesar, more like a Poet than an Historian, tells how he loitered at Ilium, and places thereabouts, and that loosing from thence, he came into Egypt on the fourth night.

Sic fatus, repetit classes, & tota secundis

Vela dedit Coris; avidusque urgente procella

Iliacas pe…sare morus; Asiamque potentem

Praevehitur, pelagoque Rhodon spumante relinquit.

Septima nox Zephyro nunquam laxante rudentes

Oftendit Phariis Aegyptia littora flammis.

Sed prius orta dies nocturnam lampada texit,

Quam tutas intraret aquas.

—This said, to shore

He hasts, takes shipping, and to Coreus lends

His full-spread sailes with hast, to make amends

For these delayes; and with a prosperous wind,

Leaves wealthy Asia and fair Rhodes behind:

The west wind blowing still, the seventh night

Discovers Egypts shore by Pharian light;

But ere they reach the harbour, day appears,

And dims the night by fires.—

But none openeth the whole businesse more certainly than Caesar himself, thus writing of himself in the third Commentary of the civil war.

Caesar having tarried a few dayes in Asia, when he heard that Pompey was seen at Cyprus, conjecturing that he had taken his voyage into Egypt, by reason of the tyes he had upon that kingdom, and other oppertunities of that place, came to Alexandria, with the Legions, one whereof he commanded to follow him out of Thessaly, and another which he had commanded to come to him out of Achaia, by his Lievtenant Fusius, and 800 Horse, and the ten Rhodian ships, and a few out of Asia. In these Legions were 3200 men, the rest being so weakened with their wounds in fights, and with labour and greatnesse of the voyage, could not overtake him: but Caesar, trusting in the fame of what he had done, made no doubt of going on, for all his forces were so weak, supposing that each place would be secure enough for him.

The time of the year that Pompey came into Egypt before Caesar, Lucan thus describeth in lib. 8.

Tempus erat, quo Librapares examinat horas

Non uno plus aequa die; noctique rependit

Lux minor hybernae verni solatia damni.

That time was come wherein just Libra weighs

The hours, and makes the nights equal with dayes;

Then paies the winter nights hours, which the Spring

Had tane away.—

Namely in the end of September, as the year was then accounted, he had read that Pompey came into Egypt; and he knew that in the end of the same monethmonth of the Julian year, which was in use in his time, the Sun was wont to enter into Libra; and thereupon, not considering the diverse account of the times, he wrote that Pompey came into Egypt, about the autumnal Solstice; when indeed the sun began to enter into Leo, when as about the beginning of the Dog-dayes, Nilus began to swell: not into Libra, when the river was wont to retire within his banks.

Not far from Pelusium, one of the mouths of Nilus, about the Mountain Cassius, which is sited between the borders of Egypt and Arabia, was King Ptolomy by chance at that time, with great forces, waging war with his sister Cleopatra, whom a few months before he had expelled the kingdom, and not far from his Camp was Cleopatra encamped. [Caesar. lib. 4. cum Pompeio. Appian. pag. 480. & Dio. lib. 42.] Caesar saith that he was but a boy in age, that he was but a boy of middle age, saith Mirtius, [de bell. Alexandro.] foreign, a very young boy saith Strabo, [lib. 17. pag. 796.] foreign, a very boy, Dio. [lib. 40.] a young man, Orosius, [lib. 6. cap. 15.] foreign a very young man, Plutarch, [in Pompeio.] neerer a boy then a man, Velleius, [lib. 2. cap. 53.] Appian [pag. 480.] writes, that he was at the most but thirteen years olde.