The Annals of the World, History 2 · 6 (continued) (12 of 15)

The Annals of the World · History 2 · 6 (continued) (12 of 15)

p. 611Tigranes, the son of Tigranes, a King and an enemy, was as yet kept prisoner by Pompeys command, at L. Flavius his house, who was Praetor. Clodius, the Tribune of the people, being bribed with mony, desired of Flavius, that he would give him leave to sup with them, that he might see him; who being brought, he feasted him, and taking him out of prison, let him go free: neither would render him again at Pompeys demand. And when he had taken shipping and was fled, he was driven back by a tempest. Clodius the Tribune sent Sextius Clodius, to bring him unto him. Flavius also, as soon as he heard of it, went to apprehend him; within four mile of the City they fell to scuffling, many are slain on both sides, but more on Flavius party: amongst whom was Papirius a Roman Knight, a Publican, and very familiar friend of Pompeys. Flavius, without any companion, hardly escaped to Rome. Clodius the Tribune, contumeliously used Pompey and Gabinius that took this bu…ine…e…ili, and beat and wounded their fellows, and brake Gabinius, the Consuls bundle of rods; and confiscated his goods. [Cicero, pro domo sua. Ascon. Pedian. in Orat. Milonianam. Plutarch in Pompeio. & Dio. lib. 38.]

Piso and Gabinus, the Consuls, expelled Syrapis and Isis, and Harpocrates, with Cynocephalus, forbidding them the Capitol, and overthrew their Altars, restraining the vices of their filthy and idle superstitions. [Tertullian. in Apologetico.]

Ptolomaeus Auletes, being commanded by the Egyptians, to demand of the Romans, the Island of Cyprus, or else to renounce their allyance, did not consent; and indeed he incurred their hatred, both for this cause, and for the great taxes he laid upon the Egyptians, that he might pay the debt; that he had contracted for the purchasing of the Romans alliance. Wherefore, when he neither could perswade them to be quiet, nor could compell them by force; (for he had no hired Souldiers) he fled out of Egypt, and sailed to Rome. [Livy, lib. 104. Dio. lib. 39.] that Caesar and Pompey might with their army restore him again. [Plutarch in Catone minore.] But Timagenes (who under Augustus his raign, wrote some Histories: out of whom Seneca, [lib. 3. de Ira. cap. 23.] affirmeth, that Ptolemaeus departed the kingdom without any good cause, or that he was compelled by any necessity; and that he left Egypt by the perswasion of Theophanes, because he would give Pompey occasion to get mony, and of making new wars. [Id. in Pomp.]

Cato going to the expedition of Cyprus, Clodius the Tribune allowed him neither ships, nor souldiers, nor servants, to go with him, onelyonly two Secretaries, whereof one was an arrant thief, and the other a client of Clodius, and as if the businesse of Cyprus had been but a light matter, he commanded him to restore the exiles of Byzantium, endeavouring to keep him from Rome as long as possibly he could. [Id. in Ca…one minore.]

Cato by his friend Canidius, whom he sent before him into Cyprus, tampered with Ptolomei, that he should yield, without any fighting; putting him in hope, that he p. 612should neither live poorly, nor in contempt, and that the people would give him the preist-hood of Paphian Venus. Cato in the mean while staied at Rhodes, both for making preparation, and to tarry for an answer. [Id. ibid.] but Ptolemy, when he perceived what was decreed against him, and neither durst take up arms against the Romans, neither did he think he could live, if he were outed out of his Kingdome; he therefore put all his treasure into shipping, and took sea, that by bilging of his ships, he might perish as it pleased himself, and his enemies be defeated of their prey: but seeing he could not endure to sink his gold and silver, he carried home again the reward of his own death, and by drinking poyson, ended his life; by his Title King of the Island, but in his mind a miserable: slave to his mony. [Id. ibid. Florus, lib. 3. cap. 9. Strabo, lib. 14. pag. 684. Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 45. Valer. Maxim. lib. 9. cap. 14. Appian. Bell. Civil. lib. 2. pag. 441. Dio. lib. 39. Ammian. Marcellin. lib 14. Sextus Rufus, in Breviario.]

Ptolomaeus Auletes sailing to Rome, when he had arrived at Rhodes, and then had a mind to meet Cato; he sent unto him, hoping that he would come unto him: but he sent to Ptolomy, and told him, That if he had a mind to see him, he should come unto him. After he was come, he neither went to meet him, nor rose from his seat, but saluted him as one of the common people, and bad him sit down. At first it amazed him, and he wondred to see such a superciliousnesse and severity in one that had so simple and mean a traine. When they began to talk of his businesse, Cato accused him of folly; that leaving his own felicity, he had subjected himself to such dishonour, such great pains, and all to satisfie the the covetousnesse of the chief men of Rome, which he could never do, if all the Kingdom of Egypt were coined into silver. Wherefore he councelled him to return with his Navy, and to reconcile himself to his subjects; offering himself also to go along with him, and to help him to be reconciled. The King being as it were recovered from his madnesse and folly, by this speech, when he perceived the truth, and Cato's wisdom, intended to follow his advice. But being again turned from this by his friends, as soon as he came to Rome, and was fain to wait at the Magistrates gates, he began to bewaile his inconsiderate enterprize, and that he had scorned the divine oracles of such a great man, [Plutarch in Catone minore.] but his coming on the other side, wrought so much trouble to the Romans afterwards, that Crassus (as Cicero saith in his oration for Caelius) used that speech of the Tragedian: Vtinam ne in monte Pelio.

The Alexandrians, seeing they knew not of Ptolemy his voyage into Italy, supposed he was dead, they set over the Kingdome to his daughter Berenice, which was legitimate, together with her elder sister Tryphaena (which was elder than Cleopatra) [Strabo. lib. 17. pag. 796. Dio. lib. 39. Porphyrius in Grac. Eusebian. Scaligeri pag. 226.] and sent Menelaus Lampon, and Callimachus, to Antiochus Pius, (or Asiaticus rather his soune, whom Pompey had dispossessed of his Kingdome) that he would reign together with the women, but he being taken with a sicknesse, died. [Porphyrius ibid. pag. 227.]

Both the Consuls in their souldiers coates, went into the provinces, Piso into Macedonia, and Gabinius into Syria: the people following them with their curses. [Cicero pro Sextio. & in L. Pison.] and when Gabinius was about to set saile in Syria, he invited Antonius (who was afterwards Triumvir) to go along with him to the wars which he refused to do as a private souldier, whereupon he gave him a command of horse, and he went with him to the wars. [Plutarch. in Antonio.]

T. Ampius, by the means of P. Clodius the Tribune, obtained the Province of Cilicia, contrary to the custome, [Cicero. pro domo sua. cum. lib. 1. ad Familiar. epist. 3.]

Of the things concerning his voyage of Gabinius into Syria, and of his first coming thither. M. Cicero thus makes mention in his Oration of Consular Provinces. His voyage into the Province, was after this manner, That King Ariobarzanes hired your Conful, to commit murders, as if he had been a Thracian: Then at his first coming into Syria, he lost many of his Horse, and afterwards his best Foot were cut off. The which losse of his Horse and Foot, he also mentions in his Oration for Sextius.

Although it was said that the King of Cyprus left a vast sum of mony behind him, Year of the World 4947 yet he determined to go first unto Byzantium. M. Brutus, his sisters son, (the murderer of Julins Caesar afterwards) was in Pamphilia, where he then lived for the recovery of his health. Cato wrote to him, that he should immediately come to him from thence into Cyprus, because he suspected that Canidius, in medling with mony, would be light fingred: which voyage Brutus undertook much against his will, both for Canidius his shame, whom he thought Cato slandered, and also because he thought this office too mean, and unmeet for him, being a young man, and given to his study: yet notwithstanding, he behaved himself so carefully, that Cato commended him. [Plutarch. in Catone. & Bruto.]

p. 613Alexander the son of Aristobulus, The Julian Period. 4657 who in the way escaped from Pompey, Year before Christ 57 troubled Judea with incursions. Hircanus at that time being not able to resist him, being in determination about building the walls of Jerusalem, that Pompey had thrown down, from the doing of which he was hindered by the Romans who were there: But Alexander travelling thorough the Country, armed many Jews; so that in short time having gotten together 10000 Foot, and 1500 Horse, he strongly fortified Alexandrion, a Castle feated near Corea, and Hyrcanium, and Machaeron, not far from the Mountains of Arabia, [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 10.]

Against him A. Gabinius the Governour of Syria undertook an Expedition, haveing sent before him M. Antonius with some Commanders. These joyned with some Jews, who were under their command, whose Captains were Pitholaus and Matichus, taking also some Auxiliaries of Antipater: These met with Alexander, Gabinius following with the rest of the army. Alexander drew near Jerusalem, where joyning battle, the Romans killed of the enemy about 3000 men, and not fewer prisoners taken: but Gabinius when he was come to the Castle of Alexandrium, offered the besieged conditions of peace, and promised them pardon for all that was past. And whereas many of the enemies had encamped themselves without the Fort, the Romans set upon them, where M. Antonius behaved himself very valiantly, having slain many of his enemies, [Id. ibid.] who being curteously entertained by Antipater, when being Triumvir, he came 16 years after into Syria, he shewed towards his sons Phasaelus and Herod, that he was not unmindful of this curtesie, [Id. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 10. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 23.]

Gabinius, having left part of the army at the siege of Alexandrion, he went to visit the rest of Judea; and commanded, that what Cities he found destroyed, that they should be rebuilt: and by this means, were Samaria, Azotus, Scythopolis, Anthedon, Apollonia, Jamnias, Raphia, Dora, Marissa, Gaza, and many others rebuilt. So that they afterwards were quietly inhabited, whereas they had laine a long time before desert.

Having thus ordered these things in the Country, Gabinius returned to Alexandrion; and whereas they intended to assault it, Alexander by his Embassadours demanded pardon, offering him the Castles of Hyrcanion, and Machaeron, and at last Alexandrion: all which Gabinius, by the advice of the mother of Alexander, levelled with the ground, lest they should be an occasion of new wars; for the woman being sollicitous for her husband and children, who were carried captive to Rome, favoured the Romans; and using all obsequiousnesse towards Gabinius, obtained to him whatsoever she desired, [Id. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 10.]

After this, Gabinius having disposed of his affairs, carried Hircanus to Jerusalem, and committing the care of the Temple and Priesthood to his charge, he made others of the Nobility Rulers of the Common-wealth; and having appointed five seats of Judicature, he divided the whole province into so many equall parts. So that some were to demand Justice at Jerusalem, some at Gadara, (otherwise Dora) some at Amathus, some at Jericho, and some at Sephora. And thus the Jewes being freed from the single command of one alone, they were willingly governed by an Aristocracy, [Id. ibid.]

Philippus Euergetes, the son of Gryphus, and Tryphaena the daughter of Ptolemei the eighth King of the Egyptians, (who 35 years before was King of Syria) being sent by the Alexandrians to take upon him the kingdom of Egypt, was hundered by Gabinius the Governour of Syria, [Porphyr. in Graecis, Eusebian. Scaligeri pag. 227.]

Pompey at Rome undertook Ptolemei Auletes his cause, and commended it to the Senate, and moved for his restoring [Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 796.] but Ptolemei demanded that he might be restored by Cornelius Lentulus Spinther the Consul, to whom the province of Cilicia was given in charge, [Dio. lib. 39.] Spinther also himself propounding, that he might be brought back into his kingdom again by him: then was a decree of the Senate made to that purpose, [Cicero, lib. 1. ad familiar. epist. 1. cum Orat. in L. Pison. & pro Rabirio Posthumo.]

And it was said, that this advice was given by the same Consul, that a greater authority of providing corn thorough all the Roman Empire, both by sea and land, might be given to Pompey; so that Pompey being busied in a greater command, he himself might be sent to aide King Ptolemei, [Plutarch, in Pompeio.]

The Alexandrians sent an hundered men to Rome, that they might defend their cause against the accusations of Ptolemei, and might also accuse him of the injuries he had done unto them: the chief of which Embassie, was Dio an Academick, [Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 796. Dio. lib. 39.]

Ptolemei, sending out certain men into all parts, laid ambushes for the Embassadours, and killed most of them in their voyage; some of them he slew in the very City, and the rest, partly by scaring them, and partly by bribing them, he brought the p. 614matter to that passe, that they did not so much as dare to agitate before the magistrates their cause from whom they were sent, or once make any mention of them that were killed. [Dio. ibid.] to which belongeth that, that Cicero hath concerning the murdering of the Alexandrian Embassadors against all law and honesty, (in the oration, de Aruspicum respons.) and concerning the beating of the Alexandrians at Puteoli; [in orat, pro Coelio.]

This businesse was so vulgarly talked of, that the Senate was very angry, especially Marcus Favonius egging them on particularly: both because many Embassadors of their allyes being sent to Rome, were violently bereaved of their lives, (one whereof Cicero, in orat. de Auruspicum responsiis, makes mention of, namely one Theodosius that was sent Embassador from a free City, was stabbed by the meanes of P. Clodius, and Hermachus a Chi…n:) and because there were a great number of Romans at that time, who had suffered themselues to be corrupted with bribes: wherefore they called Dio the chief of the Embassy unto them, that they might be certified by him, concerning the truth of the businesse, but Ptolemeys money had so much prevailed, that neither Dio eame into the Senate, neither was any mention made of those that were killed, all the while that he was at Rome. [Dio. ut supra.]

And at length also Dio himself, a very learned man, who lodged with Luccius (who also was a most learned man, of whom Cicero begged [in lib. 5. ad famiiiar. epist. 12.] that he would write the story of his Consul-ship) with whom he was acquainted at Alexandria, was treacherously murdered: but for this murder neither P. Ascitius, who was accused as being guilty, nor Ptolemy suffered any punishment, for Ascitius was quit in his tryall; and Pompey entertained Ptolemy at his house, and helped him all he could; and although many, because they had taken bribes, were in after times accused before the Judges, yet very few were condemned: because seeing there were many that were guilty of the same fault, every one in fear to himself helped the other: men did commit those villanies then for the love of money. [Cicero. in Orat. pro Coelio. Dio. lib. 39.]

M. Cato having reconciled the banished men with the rest of the citizens, and setled a firm concord in Byzantium, sailed into Cyprus: whom the Cypriots willingly received, hoping that in the place of servants as they had been, they should now become friends, and allyes of the people of Rome: Cato found there great and royall preparation in plate, tables, jewels, and purple; all which was to be sold, and to be turned into ready money: so that he gathered little lesse than 7000 talents of silver. [Plutarch. in Catone minore, & Bruto. Strabo, fin. lib, 14. Dio. lib. 39.]

Here he himself was very carefull in searching out all things, and to set the highest price, and to be at all bargains himself, and cast it up to the last penny: neither would he trust to the custome of the market place, but suspected all apparitours, cryers, praisers and friends, he also talked a part with them that set the prizes, and forced many to buy, and so sold many things by this meanes, and whereas he offended many of his freinds as distrusting them, but especially his most intimate freind Munatius he provoked almost to an implacable …ffence: so that this gave occasion to Julius Caesar of accusing him, in the book that he wrote called Anticaton: for this Munatius (whom Valerius Maximus; lib. 4. cap. 3. surnameth Rufus) set forth a commentary, concerning Cato, and his expedition into Cyprus: whom Thrasias cheifly followed, in which commentary Munatius doth not write that this difference grew between them out of any distrust of Catoes: but that when he was come late into Cyprus, Cato did not entertaine him, and preferred before him Canidius, who was with him before, and had given good proof of his fidelity, and abstinence to him. [Plutarch. in Caton. min.]

In the last month of his Consul-ship (then falling upon the Julian September) when the new Tribunes of the people entred upon their office, P. Cornelius Spinther prepared to take his voyage into his province of Cilicia, and Ptolemy Auletes departed from Rome, as that place out of the [22. lib. Annal. of Fenestella] quoted by Nonius Marcellus sheweth. As soon as the tribunes entred upon their office, C. Cato a turbulent and bold young man, and one that could speak indifferently well, began with the favourable rumour of the people to raise hatred by his continuall speeches to the people, against both Ptolemy who was now departed from the city, and also against P. Lentulus Spinther, who was now preparing for his voyage. but Ptolemyes cause was defended by Cicero, as he himself seems to shew in his oration for Caelius, and Fortunatianus doth more clearly confirm, quoting by name that very oration of his for King Ptolemy.

In the beginning of the Consul-ship of L. Marcius Philippus, Year of the World 3948 and Cn. Lentulus Marcellinus, the statue of Jupiter Capitolinus being strook with lightning, gave some stop to the restitution of Ptolomaeus, for when the Sybils books were consulted, they were reported to have foretold, that a King of Egypt with crafty councels (as it is in Cicero, in the oration pro Rabinio Posthumo) should come to Rome, and concerning the suspicion of him (as it is in Dio) thus to have declared her then sentence, If a p. 615King of Egypt wanting your help shall come hither, ye shall not deny him friendship, but ye shall aide him with no forces; for if ye shall do otherwise ye will raise labours and dangers. Which Oracle was divulged among the people, by the meanes of C. Cato the Tribune of the people: for it was not lawful to reveal any prophesies of the Sybills to the people, unlesse the Senate had so decreed it: and it seemed to be the lesse lawful, seeing the people took it so heavily. Wherefore Cato fearing that the Sentence of the Oracle should be suppressed, he compelled the priests to translate it into Latine, and to declare it to the people, before the Senate had decreed anything concerning it, [Dio. lib. 39.] Notwithstanding this was the opinion of the people of Rome, that this name of a pretended Religion was brought in by the ill willers of Lentulus Spinther (the proconsul of Cilicia) and yet not so much to hinder him, as that none should have a mind to go to Alexandria for the desire of an army, (which amongst the rest, Pompey did most of all seek to have.) [Cicero, lib. 1. ad familiar. epist. 4.]

Ammonius Ptolemeis Embassadour, did openly with money oppose the reduction of the King by Spinther: those few that wished well to the Kings cause, would have the matter to be committed to Pompey. The Senate approved the forgery of Religion, not for Religion, but for ill will, and for hatred of the Kings great bribes, [Id. ibid. epist. 1.] and because they could not tell how to contradict the matter of Religion, there was a decree of the Senate made, that it seemed dangerous for the Common-wealth, that the King should be brought back into his kingdom without a multitude, [Id. ibid. epist. 2. & lib. 2. ad Quint fra…r. epist. 2. Appian. in Syriacis, pag. 120. & Parthic. pag. 134.]

When Pompey understood of the Oracle, that he demanded that Pompey might come to aide him in Spinthers stead, and there were little tickets found that were thrown about, both in the Market-place, and the Senate-house, that signified so much: whereupon the Kings letter concerning this businesse being publickly read by Aulus Plautius the Tribune of the people, his Colleague Caninius (falsely by Plutarch called Canidius) propounded a law, that Pompey without an army, and onelyonly accompanied with two Lictors, should bring the King in favour again with the Alexandrians: which law, although it did not seem to displease Pompey, yet it was decreed by the Senatours, partly under colour of the charge of the corn, that was already committed unto him, and partly as for colour of the safety of Pompeys person (as they pretended to be afraid for him,) [Plutarch, in Pompeio, Dio, lib. 39.]

But in the Senate concerning this businesse, there were divers opinions; Bibulus was of opinion, that Ptolemei should be settled in his kingdom without an army, by three Embassadours, and those to be private men: Crassus, that by three Embassadours, and those either private men, or men in office. Volcatius, at the proposal of Lupus the Tribune of the people (with whom Afranius, Libo, Hypsaeus, and all the familiar friends of Pompey concurred) that by Pompey: Hor…ensius, Cicero, and Lucullus, that it should be done by Lentulus Spinther; but Servilins denied that he ought to be settled at all, [Cicero, lib. 1. ad familiar. epist. 1. & 2.]

In the monethmonth of February (or the Julian November) C. Cato published a law for the depriving of Lentulus of command; which gave his son occasion to change his garment; as Cicero in lib. 2. ad Quintum fratrem, epist. 5. makes mention: which must be meant of the command of settling of Ptolemei in his kingdom again according to the decree of the Senate granted unto him in his Consulship; for it is manifest out of the Epistles of Cicero written unto him (lib. 1. epist. 7. and those that follow) that he retained after the promulgation of this law, the Proconsulship of Cilicia, with the additition also of Cyprus (Cato being now departed from thence) and now made tributary and reduced into the form of a province by the Romans, as Strabo shews at the end of the 14 book.

Ptolemei, seeing he could neither be settled in his kingdome againe by Pompey (as he most desired) nor by Lentulus, now despai…ing of his returne, went to Ephesus, and tarried there in the Temple of Diana, [Dio. lib. 39.]

Aristobulus, with his son Antigonus escaping from Rome, returned to Jerusalem: a multitude of Jewes coming to him again, partly of such as desired a change, and partly for the old love they bare him, he determined to rebuild the Castle of Alexandrion that was dismantled, [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 11.]

Against him contriving these things, Gabinius, the President of Syria, sent Souldiers, with their Captains, Sisinna (his son) Antonius and Servilius, to keep him from seizing upon Alexandrion, and to take him if they could, for many other Jews resorted unto him for the reputation that he had, and Pitholaus also, the Governour of Jerusalem, left the Roman party, and came to him with a thousand men well armed: and whereas many of that company were not well armed, Aristobulus dismissed them, as unfit for execution. He took onelyonly eight thousand armed men p. 616(among whom those that Pitholaus brought) and marched to Machaerus. The Romans pursued them, and fought with them; where Aristobulus's party valiently held out a good while: but having lost 5000 men, they were forced to fly. Neer 2000 fled into a certain Mountain, from whence they got away, and provided for their own safety as well as they could. Another thousand with Aristobulus brake through the rancks of the Romans, and fled to Machaerus, and began to fortifie the Castle: but not being able to hold out the siege above two dayes, having received many wounds, he was taken prisoner with his son Antigonus, and brought to Gabinius. [Id. ibid.]

Plutarch thus amplifieth the action, giving the whole victory to the honour of Antonius. Being sent against Aristobulus, who made the Jews to rebell, he was the first man that got up the wall, of a most strong Castle of his, and so drave him out of all his holds: then joyning battle with a few men of his, he overthrew a great army, and put them all to the sword, except a few. Aristobulus also, with his son, was taken prisoner. [Dio. lib. 39.] not very rightly writes, how Gabinius went into Palestine, how he took Aristobulus, (who was fled from Rome, and made some commotions) and that he sent him to Pompey: and that having laid a tax upon the Jews, how he went from thence into Egypt, to settle Ptolomy again in his kingdom.

Tyrannio, teaching in Cicero's house, orderly disposed his Library, using the help of Dionysius and Menophilus, two Book-binders, sent him by Att…cus; [Cicero, lib. 2. ad Quintum Fratr. epist. 4. & lib. 4. ad Atticum. epist 4. & 8.] namely Tyrannio Amisenus, who (fourteen years before) was taken by Lucullus, who became rich and famous at Rome, and got together about 30000 books. [Suidas in Voc. Tyrannio.] who caused the books of Aristotle to be transcribed out of the Library of Sylla; from whom it is reported that Andronicus Rhodius received the Copies; and that he published those summaries that we have. [Suidas, lib. 13. pag. 608. Plutarch in Sylla.]

Valerius produceth witnesses of the asistance of M. Cato, in the administration of the businesse of Cyprus, [lib. 4. cap. 3.] Epirus, Achaia, the Islands Cyclades, the sea coasts of Asia, the Province of Cyprus: for when he undertook the charge of bringing away the mony, he kept his mind free from venery or bribes, having matter sufficient to be intemperate in both, for the Kings riches were in his own power, and the necessary places of lodging in all his voyage, were the Cities of grace, which were most abounding with delight: And thus Munatius Kufus his faithfull companion in that expedition signifieth in his writings.

Cato fearing a tedious voyage, prepared divers Coffers; each of which held two talents, and five hundred drachmes: to each of these he tyed a long rope, and fastned at the end a great piece of cork; so that if the ship should miscarry, the cork should shew the place: And thus was all the mony, saving a little, brought very safe. But Cato had provided two books, wherein he had cast up the accounts of all things that he had gotten: one of the which a free man of his called Philargyros carryed with him, who taking ship at Cencrea, was drowned, and all his baggage; the other he himself kept till he came to Corcyra: where, lying in the market place in his Tents, the Souldiers making many fires, by reason of the frost, set the Tents a fire, and so lost that book also: and although the Kings Stewards might easily silence his enemies, and detractours; yet it vexed Cato, because he had not so much kept these accounts for the approbation of his fidelity, but that he might give example to others of being diligent. [Plutarch in Catone Minore.]

This Cato with great diligence, carried up the river of Tiber, in light boats, the riches of Ciprus, as if they had been spoiles taken from an enemy, and carryed in a fleete. [Florus, lib. 3. cap. 4. Valerius Maximus, lib. 4. cap. 1. Ammian. Marcellen. lib. 14.] which brought more treasure to the treasury of the people of Rome, than any triumph, as Florus affirmeth, [ut supra.]

The news of Cato's coming being told, presently all the Magistrates and Priests, together with the Consuls (one of which was L. Marcius Philippus, the father of Marcia, Cato's wife) the whole Senate, & many of the people went to the river side to meet him; so that this bringing of him in, differed little from the shew and splendour of a triumph. Notwithstanding, his insolence was observed in this, that he did not come ashore to the Consuls and Praetors that came to meet him, nor stayed his course, but sailed by the shoar, in one of the Kings Gallies, with six oars on a banck, neither did he come ashoare, untill he came with his fleet, to the place where the mony was to be landed. [Vellei. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 45. Plutarch in Catone minore.] but when he landed, the Consuls, and the rest of the Magistrates, were ready to receive with him all civillities; not rejoycing so much for the vast some of gold and silver, as that the fleet had brought Cato safe home again. [Valer. Maxim. lib. 8. cap. ult.]

p. 617The money being carried thorough the Market-place, the people wondered at the treasure, far greater than they hoped for, [Plutarch.] he because, having gathered together many slaves, and much money out of the Kings riches, and could not be accused by any one, but had delivered up all things; Cato received not lesse honour than if he had returned a Conquerour from the Wars: for, many men having suffered themselves to be corrupted with bribes, he caused it to be accounted a rarer virtue to despise money, than to conquer an enemy, [Dio. lib. 39.]

Pliny relates, that Cato brought back with him from this Cyprian Expedition, one Philosopher, [lib. 7. cap. 30.] Cato obtained of the Senate liberty for Nicias the Kings Steward, giving good testimony of his fidelity and diligence, [Plutarch, in Catone.] Clodius intended that those slaves that were brought from Cyprus, should be called Clodian, because he had sent Cato thither; but because Cato withstood it, he could not obtain it: wherefore they were called Cyprian; for Cato would not suffer them to be called Porcian, though some were of that opinion, [Dio. lib. 39.]

Coldius being angry with Cato, because he had opposed him, calumniated the service that he had done, and demanded an account of his deeds: not because he thought he could accuse him of any unjust act, but because he thought it would make some thing for him, that all the Records almost were lost in the shipwrack. Caesar helped Clodius also in this businesse, although he was absent, and (as some report) sent accusations against Cato to him by letters, [Dio. ibid.] but Cato told them that he had brought as much money out of Cyprus, although he had not received so much as one horse, or souldier, as Pompey had brought from so many Wars and Triumphs, wherein all the World was in combustion, [Plutarch, in Catone.]

Cato opposed himself against Cicero, who was very urgent that none of those things that Clodius had done in his Tribuneship, should be confirmed in the Senate, not so much in favour of Clodius, but because that among other acts that should be revoked, his commission also for Cyprus should be one, because the Tribune that sent him was unlawfully chosen, [Plutarch, in Cato…e, & in Cicerone.]

Phraates the second, being wickedly put to death by his sons, Orodes succeeded him in the kingdom of the Parthians, his brother Mithridates being expulsed out of Media, over which he commanded. Thus [Dio. lib. 39.] but the sons contending for the kingdom, it seems Orodes was first banished, and after him Mithridates also: But Surenas a rich man, and one among the Parthians next the King in blood and authority, brought Orodes back again from banishment; whose prerogative by birth it was, that he should alwayes crown the new King of the Parthians. He reduced Seleucia the Great under the Kings power; and was the first man that scaled the walls, and overthrew with his own hands them that defended it: and although he was not as yet thirty years old, yet had he gotten a very great opinon for his advice in council, and his wisdom: for they report these things of him; as Plutarch in Crasso, and Appian in Parthicis, [pag. 140, 141.] but yet the same Appian, both in Parthicis, [pag. 134.] and in Syriacis, [pag. 120.] acknowledgeth at another time, that Mithridates was driven out of his kingdom by his brother Orodes: although Justin notes in [lib. 42. cap. 4.] that Mithridates was deposed from his kingdom for his cruelty by the Parthian Nobility, and that his brother Orodes seized upon the kingdom, the Royal Seat being vacant: althoug very falsely he there makes this Mithridates the same with Mithridates the King of the Parthians, to whom his famous acts gave the sirname of Great: seeing that between this Mithridates the Great, and he that was the brother of Orodes, there was a various succession of many Kings among the Parthians: as appeareth out of the very prologue of the 42 book of Trogus Pompeius, an epitome whereof Justin hath given us.

Mithridates being driven out of his kingdom, either by the Parthian Nobility, or his brother Orodes, came to came to Gabinius the Proconsul of Syria, as he was preparing for an Expedition against the Arabians, and wrought so with him, that he should let the Arabians alone, and go against the Parthians, and help to restore him to his kingdom, [Appian. in Syriacis, pag. 120. & Parthicis, pag. 134. Dio. lib. 39.]

Upon the Ides of May (falling upon the Julian Feburary) the letters of Gabinius were read in full Senate concerning the war that he had had with the greatest Nations and Tyrants of Syria, (under which name, the Princes of Judea, Commagena, Chalcis, Emesa, Thrachonitis, Batanea, and Abilene, are wont to be called) but they were not believed: and the procession, that under that notion he desired might be granted him at Rome, was denied him, [Cicero, lib. 1. ad Quintum, fratr. epist. 7. Orat. de provincis Consularibus, & in L. Pisonem.]

When Gabinius had sent Aristobulus the King and his sons to Rome, the Senate indeed kept him prisoner, but sent his sons immediately back again into Judea, because that they understood by Gabinius's letters, that he had promised his mother so much for the delivery of the Castles: thus Josephus, [lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. & lib. 14. Antiquit. p. 618cap. 11.] where he further adds, That Aristobulus held the Kingdom and Priesthood three years and six moneths: which the Arabian Collectour of the Jewish History, (set forth by the same man at the end of the Parisian Bibles of many languages) [cap. 40.] understands it of the space of the former principality; untill he was taken prisoner the first time: whereas it seems rather to be understood of that former, and this later, both taken together; so that he reigned three years and three moneths, before the former captivity, (as Josephus confirmeth in lib. 20. Antiquit. cap. 8.) and before his second captivity three moneths also.

M. Cicero, in the Oration that he spake in the Senate, de Provinciis Consularibus, councelled that L. Piso and A. Gabinius (in whose Consulship he was banished) might be recalled, and their Provinces, Macedonia and Syria, might be assigned to the future Consuls; objecting these things among other against Gabinius. He being General in Syria, there is nothing done, but some trucking for mony with the Tyrants, compositions, plunderings, thieveries, murders. Beeing the General of the people of Rome his army being in battle array, stretching out his right hand, exhorted not his Souldiers to gain honour, but cryed that all things were by him already bought, or to be bought: but now he hath delivered the wretched Publicans into slavery, to Jews and Syrians, Nations that are themselves born to slavery. And he hath continued in this, That he will not doe justice to a Publican, he hath revoked all agreements made between them, without any wrong done by them. He hath taken away all watches, he hath freed them that paid tribute, and many Pensioners; in what Town soever he was, or whither soever he was to come, he forbad any Publican, or Publicans servant, to be there.

Gabinius, when he had afflicted Syria with many mischiefs, and had done more worng to the Province than the Thieves, who were very strong at that time; yet he accounted all this gain that he had gotten, but little, and therefore he set his mind upon the expedition against the Parthians, and made preparation for that voyage. [Dio. lib. 39.]

Archelaus, the friend of Gabinius, being made High Priest of the Comani in Pontus, by Pompey: (as is said at the year of the World 3940.) he there living with Gabinius, he hoped that he should be his companion in the Parthian wars, that he was preparing for; but the Senate would not permit it. [Strabo. lib. 12. pag. 558. & lib. 17. pag. 796.]

When Gabinius, leading his army against the Parthians, had passed the Euphrates. Ptolomy came with letters from Pompey, and promised that he would give a huge sum of mony to Gabinius and his army, part to be paid in hand, and part when he was restored to his kingdom. That it was 10000 talents that was promised by him to Gabinius, not onelyonly Plutarch, but also Cicero confirmeth, in his Oration for Gabinius Posthumus; where he reckoneth it up to be 2160000 Sestertiums. Most of the Commanders were against it, and Cabinius himself was in doubt to undertake it, although he would very fain have been fingering those 10000 talents. But Antonius, who was covetous of doing great matters, and desirous to gratifie Ptolomies requests, was very ready to egge on, and perswade Gabinius to undertake this war: and although the Law forbad that any Governours of Provinces should go out of the bounds of their own Government, nor undertake any war upon their own head; and also the people of Rome had forbad, being induced thereunto by the religion of the Sibylls verses, that Ptolomaeus should be restored at all; yet by how much the more it was forbidden, by so much …he made the more gain: wherefore leaving off the Parthian affairs, he undertook the expedition against the Alexandrians. [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 11. Plutarch in Anton. Appian. in Syriac. pag, 120. & Parthic. pag. 134. Dio. lib. 39.]

Bernice, the daughter of Auletes, held at that time the Kingdom of Egypt, who having sent for one Seleucus out of Syria, who as he said himself, was of the stock of the Syrian Kings, and called him husband, and made him partner in the command of the Kingdom, and of the war: He was a most fordid man, (as Suetonius describes him in Vespasiano. cap. 19.) surnamed in contempt, Ptolemaeus Cocces and Cybiosactes, foreign, or Changling, he brake open the golden Coffin, that the body of Alexander the Great was buried in, but got no profit by that thievery, for the Queen seeing him so base a man, strangled him within few dayes, seeing she could no longer endure his fordidnesse and niggardlinesse. And whereas there was a husband sought out for her, that should be of royal extraction, that Archelaus the High Priest of the Comani, then being in Syria, and faining that he was the son of Mithridates: (under whom his father Archelaus had waged war against Sylla and the Romans) was brought to the Queen by some friends: by whom being entertained as an husband, that was fit to govern a Common-wealth, upon the same conditions that Seleueus was, he enjoyed the Kingdom six moneths, together with her. [Strabo, lib. 17. pag, 794, 796. & lib. 12. pag. 558. Dio. lib. 39.]

p. 619C. Clodius, the brother of P. Clodius by his praetour-ship (which Dio. lib. 39. bare saith he this year) obteined the province of Asia. (Cicero. ad A…ic. lib. 4. epist. 14.) whose Q…aestor in that province C. Scribonius Cu…io was; to whom there be many letters of Cicero's extant. [in lib. 2. ad familiar.]

By a law made by C. Trebonius the Tribune of the people, Year of the World 3949 there were provinces appointed to the new Consuls: to Cn. Pompey Spain, and Africa, to M. Licinius Crassus, Syria with the adjacent countreys: and moreover power was given to both of them, to take as many souldiers out of Italy, and from their allyes as they would themselves, and to make peace or war with whom they would likewise. [Liv. lib. 105 Plutarch. Crasso, Pompeto. Catone minore. Appian. bel. civil. lib. 2. pag. 437. 438. Dio. lib. 39.]

Crassus, as soon as he had by lot obteined his province, could not dissemble his joy, supposing that nothing could ever have happened more luckily for him, among his familiar freinds he would talk so vainly and childishly, as did not become his age, and wisedome: designing to himself not only the conquest of Syria, and Parthia, but carrying on his vain hopes even to the Bactrians, Indians, and the western ocean, though in the decree made by the people, concerning his government, there was no mention made of the Parthians, yet all men knew that Crassus gaped upon that prey, and Caesar writing to him out of Gallia, commended his resolution, and advised him to go on. [Plutarch in Crasso.]

A. Gabinius leaving his sonne Sisenna, who was very young, with very few souldiers, and the province also over which he was governour, more exposed to the injuries of theives, went through Palestine into Egypt [Dio. lib. 39.] against Archelaus whom the Egyptians had chosen to be their King. [Liv. lib. 105.] in which expedition he made use of his freinds Hyrcanus, and Antipator, for all things that were necessary for the war, for Antipator helped him, with money, and arm, and corn, and men, [Ios. lib. 1. bel. cap. 6. lib. 14. cap. 10.]

Whereas they were to passe thorough deep, dry, sandy places, about the fenns and marshes of Solonis, which the Egyptians call the exhalations of Tryphon. M. Antonius being sent before with the horse (whom Gab…nius had made commander of the Cavalry he being as yet very young, [as Appian notes, lib. 5. bell. civil. pag. 676,] did not only win the passe, but took also the city of Pelusium, a very large city. [Plutarch in Antonio.] the Jews also who inhabited Pelusium, and were as keepers of the passage into Egypt, being drawn unto his party. [Ioseph. ut supra.]

The garrison of Pelusium being thus reduced, Antonius made the way safe for the army, and settled in a fair way the victory for the generall: but Ptolemy as soon as he was entred into Pelusium, was so inflamed with anger and hatred, that he would have put all the Egyptians to the sword. Antonius interceded and would not suffer him. [Plutarch in Antonio.]

Gabinius having marshalled his army in two battalions, marched from Pelusium, and the same day discomfited the Egyptians that opposed him. [Dio. lib. 39.]

Cicero, in an oration that he made at Rome, not only extorted from the ignoble King of the Commagenians, the little town Zeugma that is seated upon the Euphrates but also speaking many things against him, he exposed to the laughter of all men the purple gown, that he had gotten when Caesar was Consul. [Cicero. lib. 2. ad Quintum Frat. epist. 11.]

Upon the Ides of February (falling upon the Julian November the Tyrians were admitted into the Senate, and against them many of the Syrians, Publicans. Gabinius was extreamly vexed; notwithstanding the Publicans were chidden by Domitius because they followed him post. [Id. ibid. epist. 12.]

About the Kalends of May (falling upon the Julian February) there was a great rumour at Puteoli, The Julian Period. 4659 that Ptolemy was in his Kingdome, Year before Christ 55 as Cicero writes. [ad Attic. lib. 4. epist. 9.] and indeed he was in Egypt, and Gabin…us had taken Archelaus, who came out against him sooner then was thought he would, so that there was no more businesse to be done, but Gabinius fearing, least having done nothing he should receive lesse money from Ptolemy, than was agreed upon, and hoping moreover, that because Archelaus was a man both stout, and of good reputation; he should receive more money, and also having received a great summe of money of Archelaus, he let him go, as if he had fled from him. [Dio. lib. 39.]

M. Antonius after he had done many noble acts, in fights and battles, whereby he shewed himself a valiant and wise commander, but especially in one, where he compassed and circumvented the enemy behind, and by that meanes gave the victory to them that were in the front, for which he was honoured with many excellent gifts. [Plut. in Antonio.]

The people of Egypt marched out of the walls of the city, under the conduct of Archelaus against Gabinius, and had given command that the camp should be fortified p. 620with a rampire and a ditch, they all cried out that that Work should be done with the publick money: wherefore their minds being so encrvated with pleasure could not withstand the spirit of the Roman army, [Valeri…s Maxmus, lib. 9. cap. 2.] Then again Gabinius obtained a victory both by sea and land; for the Alexandrians indeed have minds daring enough, and by nature are heady and rash to speak any thing that comes next to mind, but most unapt for war and the labours thereto belonging; although in seditions (which happen often among them, and those very great) they presently fall to murders, and account it a good to be desired, to die, especially in them, [Dio. lib. 59.]

Gabinius having therefore conquered them, and slain among others in fight Archelaus, he presently was Master of all Egypt, which he delivered over to Ptolemei, [Dio. ibid. Livie, lib. 105. Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 558. & lib. 17. pag. 796.] all which businesse Cicero toucheth in few words, in his Oration against Piso, speaking of the madnesse of Gabinius. That vast prey being now spent, that he had drawn from the fort…nes of the Publicans, from the Countries and Cities of the Allies, part of which prey his insatiable lusts devoured, part his new and unheard of luxury, part the purchases that he had made in those places that he had wholy plundered, part barterings, and all for building up this mountain of Tulseuluni: but when the intolerable building was left off for a time, he sold to the Egyptian King himself, his bundle of rods, the ar…y of the people of Rome, the power, and the threatning of the … gods, the answers of the Priests, the authority of the Senate, the commands of the people, there nown and dignity of the Empire; whereas the bounds of his Province, were as great as he would himself, as great as he could desire, as great as he could buy with the price of my life, yet could he not contain himself within them. He brought his army out of Syria, how durst he carry it out of the Province? He made himself a mercenary souldier to the King of Alexandria, what more vile than this? He came into Egypt, he joyned battle with the Alexandrians; When had either the Senate or the people undertaken this war? He took Alexandria, what could we expect more from his fury, but that he should send letters to the Senate, of all the famous acts that he had done? But that he sent none, Dio observed, lest he himself might be the accuser of his own villanies.

M. Antonius sought for the body of dead Archelaus (with whom he had had great familiarity and friendship) and gave it royal burial; for which he left a great fame among the Alexandrians, [Plutarch, in Antonio.] but in Pontus the son of Archelaus received the Priesthood of the Commani after his father, [Strabo, lib. 12. pag. 558.]

Gabinius lest at Alexandria some of his souldiers for a Guard with Ptolemei: who afterward came to live after the fashion of the Alexandrian life and licentiousnesse, and unlearned the name and discipline of the people of Rome, and married wives, by whom they had many children, [Caesar, Commentar. de Bell. civil. lib. 3.] to whom belong those of Lucan, lib. 10.

—pars maxima turbae

Plebis erat Latiae: sed tanta oblivio mentes

Cepit, in externos corrupto milite mores,

Vt duce sub famulo jussúque satellitis irent,

Quos …rat indignum Phario parere tyranno.

—The greater part were Latians born,

But they, corrupted into forraign manners,

Did so forget themselves, they did not scorn,

T'obey a Serj'ant, follow a servants Banners,

Whom th' Pharian Tyrants rule was much below.

Ptolemei being restored to his kingdom, put to death his daughter the Queen Berenice, [Strabo, lib. 17. pag. 796. Dio. lib. 39. Porphyr. in Graec. Eusebian. Scaliger. pag. 226.] He also killed many of the rich Noble men, because he had much need of money, [Dio. lib. 39.]

C. Rabirius Posthumus, a Roman Knight, who being absent had rashly trusted Ptolemei both when he was in his kingdom, and coming to Rome also, and being present when he departed with money both of his own and his friends; that he might recover it, was forced to change the Roman Gown, for the Grecian Coat at Alexandria, and to undertake there the Proctorship and Stewardship for the King; being made the Kings Overseer by Auletes: notwithstanding he was afterwards put in prison, saw many of his familiar friends in bonds, and death alwaies before his eyes; and at last was faine to flee out of the kingdom naked and poor, [Cicero, pro. C. Rabirio.]

Whilest Gabinius tarried in Egypt, Alexander the son of Aristobulus seizing again p. 621by force upon the Government, made many of the Jews to revolt; and having gathered together a great army, and forraging the Country, put to death all the Romans he could meet with, and besieged all those that fled to Mount Garizim; but Gabinius being returned, sent Antipater, … his great wisdom, to the rebellions, who reduced many of them to obedience: but Alexander having with him 30000 Jews▪ ventered to meet Gabinius, and fought with him near the mountain Ita…yr, in which fight the Jews lost 10000 men. Then Gabinius having ordered the affairs of the City of Jerusalem by Antipators advice, went against the …, whom he overcame in one battle. [Joseph. lib. 14. cap. 11.]

King Mithridates (the son of Phraates the second) being forsaken by Gabinius, did not recover the Parthian Kingdom, by the help of the Arabians, (as it is commonly believed from the false interpretation of the words of Appian, [in Syriacis, pag. 120.] but retired rather to Babylon, as is gathered out of Justin: which when his brother Orodes had long besieged, and at length, by reason of famine; had forced the Townsmen to yield it up: and Mithridates relying upon the neernesse of kindred, willingly, yielded himself unto him. But Orodes taking him rather for an enemy, than a brother, commanded him to be slain before his face, [Justin. lib. 4…. cap. 4.]

Gabinius privately sent back Mithridates and O…sanes, men of account among the Parth…ans, who had fled unto him, causing a b…uite to be spread among the Souldiers, that they were fled. [Joseph. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. lib. 14. cap. 11.]

Whereas the Syrians complained much of Gabinius, both for other things, and also, because that through his absence, they were grievously infested with Thieves. And whereas the Publicans also complained. That by reason of them, they could not gather the tribute, and so were run much in debt. The Romans angry hereat, determined to have the matter judged, and were prepared to condemn him, and Cicero also vehemently accused Gabinius, and was or opinion, that the Sybills Oracles should be read again; perswading himself, that there was some punishment set down for him, that had violated them. But Pompey, one of the Consuls, of his own accord favoured Gabinius, as did also Crassus, the other Consul, both that he might gratifie his Colleague, and also for the monies sake that Gabinius had sent: and whereas both of them openly defended him, they suffered nothing to be decreed against him, upbraiding Cicero, among other things, with his banishment. [Dio. lib. 39.]

Pompey, in his second Consulship, dedicated his Theatre, by exhibiting most munificent plaies and shews, [Cicero, lib. 2. de Offic. & lib. 7. ad familiar. epist. 1. Ascon. Pedian. in Orat. Pisonianam.] although it was reported, that this Theatre was not built by Pompey himself, but by his freed man Demetrius, (a Gadarene) out of the mony that he had gotten, when he was a Souldier under him; who gave the honour of this work to Pompey, lest he should be ill spoked of, that a freed man of his should get so much mony, that he could spend so much, [Dio. lib, 39.]

Gabinius did not admit the Lieutenant that was sent by Crassus to succeed him in the Province of Syria, but kept it, as if he had received a perpetual magistracy. [Dio. Ibid.]

Whereas the Tribunes of the people hindred Crassus, the Consul, from raising any Souldiers, and endeavoured to make voide the expedition that was decreed him. Crassus runs to arms; the Tribunes of the people, because they saw that their liberty, wanting arms, was but infirme to withstand his actions, left off from gainsaying, but cursed him to the pit of hell: and as Crassus went into the Capitol, to make his accustomed prayers, for a prosperous voyage, they told him what unlucky signes and prodigies had happened. [Id. ibid.]

When as Ateius, the Tribune of the people, was prepared to hinder Crassus his departure, and many also of the same mind were offended, that he should make war against men that were at peace with them, and confederates. Crassus, seating this, desired Pompey that he would go with him out of the City, for he was of great authority with the common people: for although many were ready prepared to decry and hinder Crassus; yet when they saw Pompey go before him with a pleasant and smiling countenance, they held their peace, and made a lane for them. [Plutarch in Crasso.]

But Ateius, the Tribune, meeting Crassus, at first by word of mouth withheld him; bidding him go no further: then he commanded a Sergeant to lay hold on him, and carry him to p…ison: but the rest of the Tribunes not permitting it, Crassus got without the walls. [Id. ibid. cum Dion. lib. 39.] Notwithstanding, Ateius ran to the gate, and there kindled a fire, and as Crassus passed by, he cast in perfumes, and made sprincklings over it, pronouncing horrible curses, calling upon terrible and strange names of gods. The Romans thought these secret and ancient execrations to be of p. 622such force, that he that was cursed, could not escape thence, nor he that doth curse any one shall ever thrive. [Plutarch.]

That Metellus, the Tribune of the peoplee powred hostle curses upon Cassus at his setting out, Florus writes, [lib. 3. cap. 11.] and Vellei…s Paterculus, that all the Tribunes of the people generally cursed him. [lib. 2. cap. 46.] Appian, [lib. 2. Bell. Civil. pag. 438.] and Dio. [lib. 39.] do note.

—Crassumque in bella secu…a.

Saeva Tribunitiae moverunt praelia dirae. (i. e.)

—Tli… Tribunes so ill befriended

Crassus, with curses he his march attended.

As Lucan speaks in his third book; but that especially P. Arcius pronounced those curses, and setting a token before him, warned him of what would happen, unlesse he took heed. Cicero confirmeth [in lib. 1. de divinatione.] from whose house almost he went into the Province, for he had supped with him, in the Gardens of his son in law Crassippes, [id. lib. 1. ad familiar. epist. 9.] from whence Cicero went unto Tusculanum, about the middle of November, (falling at that time upon the Julian August) and Crassus went his voyage clad in his coat arment. [Id. lib. 4. ad Attic. epist. 12.] and at Brundusium shipped his army. [Id. lib. 2. de divin.]

Crassus loosing from Brundusium, when as the tempests had not yet left the seas, lost many of his ships. Having landed his army out of them that were left, he marched by land through Galatia, where he found King Dejotarus, a very old man, building a new City, and jeering him, said, Do you begin to build in the afternoon, to whom the King smilingly answered; Truly me thinks, O General, you go, not against the Parthians in the morning: for Crassus was above 60, and his face made him seem older than he was. [Plutarch.]

Cicero very earnestly defended the cause of Crassus in his absence against the new Consuls, Year of the World 3950 and many that had been Consuls. [Id. ad familiar. lib. 5. epist. 8.]

Seeing Crassus had not much to do in Syria, The Julian Period. 4660 (for the Syrians were quiet, Year before Christ 54 and those that had troubled Syria, being affrighted with the power of Crassus, did not stir) he undertakes an expedition against the Parthians, without any cause for making war upon them, onelyonly he heard they were rich; and he was in hopes that Orodes, who now reigned, would easily be overcome. [Dio…. lib. 40.]

But hearing of the riches of the Temple of Jerusalem, which Pompey had left untouched, he turned aside into Pal…stine, came to Jerusalem, and took away the riches. [Oros. lib. 6. cap. 13.]

There was in the Temple a wedge of solid gold, weighing 3000 Hebrew pounds, or 750 common pounds; inclosed in an hollow beam of wood, on which they hung the Hangings of the Temple: which were admirable for their beauty and esteem. Eleazer a Priest, who was the keeper of the sacred treasure, onelyonly knew of this: who seeing Crassus so greedy in gathering up the gold, and fearing he should take away all the ornaments of the Temple, delivered him the golden beam as a ransom for all the rest, having first bound him by an oath, that he should not stir any thing else. Notwithstanding, Crassus took this, and immediately breaking his oath, not only took from the Temple 2000 talents, which Pompey had not medled with, but all the rest of the gold, the sum of which came to 8000 Attick talents: which vast riches (whereas Josephus was perswaded that it would scarce be believed among people of other Nations) he endeavours to prove out of the Historical writings of Strabo of Cappadocia, which are not now extant, and others, that they were heaped up there in long time, from the Jews that lived in Europe, Asia, and Cyriniaca. [lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 12.]

Crassus having built a bridge over Euphrates, easily and safely passed his army over the river, and was master of many Towns, that of their own accord yielded unto him; [Plutarch in Crasso.] for Crassus his coming was beyond all expectation, so that there was scarce any setled Garrison in all Mesopotamia. [Dio. lib. 40.]

Talymenus Ilaces (or Syllaces) the Governour of that Country, with a few Horse, fought with Crassus, and was overcome, and wounded, and retired to the King, and certified him of the expedition of Crassus. [Dio. ibid.]

In the mean time Crassus recovered many Cities, especially those that belonged to the Greeks, and among them Nicephorium; for many inhabitants of the Macedonians and Grecians, who served in the wars under the Macedonians, fearing the tyranny p. 623of the Parthians, and putting much hope in the Romans, of whom he knew the Grecians were beloved, very willingly revolted unto them. [Dio. ibid.]

OnelyOnly the Citizens of Zenodotia, whereof Apollonius was Tyrant, killed an hundred Roman Souldiers, whom they had received within their walls, as if they meant to yield unto them. Whereupon Crassus brought thither his whole army, won it, and sacked it, and sold the inhabitants at an outcry. And whereas, besides this one thing, Crassus had neither done against, nor suffered any thing from the enemy, yet he suffered himself to be called Imperator, or Captain General, which turned to his disgrace, and to be thought of a low spirit, as if he did not hope for any great matters, seeing he was puffed up with so small a successe. [Id. ibid. Plutarch in Cresso.]

Gabinius returned into Italy, Domitius and Appius being Consuls, [Ascon. Pedian. in init. orat. Pisonian.] and the same being Consuls, there was again judgment given against Gabinius, and that in his absence, for all Pompey stood very earnestly for him, and the opinion of many of the judges were against him, for both Domitius was an enemy to Pompey, by reason of the contention about the demanding of the Consul-ship, because he had taken that magistracy against his good will, and Appius, although he was a kin to Pompey, yet because he was led on by a design of flattering the people, and hoped that if he made any stir, he should be bribed with money by Gabinius; and to that end he directed all his actions; wherefore it was decreed, that the Sybils verses should be read over again, although Pompey was much against it; but in the mean time the money that was sent by Gabinius came to Rome, and the money wrought so much, that Gabinius was sure not to suffer any great matter either being absent, or present: for there was then such confusion at Rome, that where Gabinius had but given part of that money to the Magistrates, and to some of the Judges, with which he had been bribed; they did not only not make any account of their duty, but others also being taught for moneys sake to do wickedly, because they could easily ransome themselves from punishment with money. [Dio. lib. 39.]

On the XII Kalends of October, (about the Julian July) Gabinius came into the city: the IV Kalends of October he entred the city by night. [Cicero. lib. 3. ad Quint. Fratr. epist. 1.] for he was so tormented in conscience for his ugly actions, that it was late e're he came into Italy, and came by night into the city, and durst not go out of his own house for many daies together. [Dio. lib. 39.]

There were those factions that accused Gabinius; L. Lentulus the sonne of the Flamen, who accused him of treason; T. Nero with divers good men that joyned in the accusation, and C. Mummius the Tribune of the people with Lucius Capito: and whenas being accused of treason he appeared by the edict of C. Alsius the praetour; he was almost trodden under foot by the great concourse and hatred of all the people. [Cicero. lib. 3. ad Quintum, Fratr. epist. 1.]

On the tenth day after he came into the city, on which he ought to have given an account of the number of the enemies, and his souldiers, he was wonderfully astonished in the midst of a great multitude, Appius the Consul accused him of treason, and the names being called he answered not a word: when he would go out he was reteined by the Consuls, and the Publicans were brought in: he is accused of all sides, and when he was most of all wounded by Cicero, he could not endure it, but with a trembling voice called him banished man, all the Senate rose against him with a shout, so that they came unto him where he stood, as likewise did the Publicans, with the like shout and violence: the VI Ides of October, Memmius manifestly put Gabinius in an heat before the people; so that Calidius could not speak for him the next day, there was a divination of Cato the praetours house, for the appointing of an accuser against Gabinius, as whether Memmius, or T. Nero, or C. and L. Antonii the sonnes of Marcus [Id. ibid. epist. 1.]

There were many accusations against Gabinius, and not a few accusers; the first thing that was debated was concerning the crime of the resetling of Ptolemy: in this plea, almost all the people flocked to the Tribunal, and they had often a mind to pull him in pieces, especially because Pompey was not there, and Cicero had most sharply accused him. [Dio. lib. 39.] but Cicero himself in 2. and 4. epist. ad Quintum Fratr. denies that he accused him: either, for fear, that he was loath to have any quarrels with Pompey, or because he did not doubt but the businesse would be done, either without him, or something for his sake, or because he thought it would be an eternall disgrace to him if such an infamous guilty person should escape, if he pleaded against him. I was much delighted (saith he in ep…st. 4.) with this moderation, and this also pleased me, that, when I had sharply spoken both according to consolence and religion, the defendant said, that if he might be in the city, that he would give me satisfaction; neither did he ask me any thing and in the ninth epistle All that I did, I did with much gravity, and unity, as all were of opinion. I neither vrged it, nor any thing qualified it, I was a vehement p. 624witnesse, I did nothing else. In this judgment of the treason, Gabinius had very slow answers, but was ha…ed by all manner of men: Alsius was a sharp and sure enformer; Pompey was very earnest to beg the Judges to favour him, [Cicero. lib. 3. ad Quintum Fratr. epist. 3.] Gabinius said that he resetled Ptolemei for the good of the common-wealth, because he was afraid of the fleet of Archelaus, because he thought the sea would abound with Pyrates; he said also that he might do it by law. [id. in orat. pro Rabinio. Posthumo.] the freinds of Caesar and Pompey, were very ready to help him: saying that the Sybils meant another King, and other times: and upon this they stood most, because in the oracle there was no certain punishment mentioned. [Dio. lib. 39.] the youth of L. Lentulus was incredible for to be an accuser, whom all said was brought in on purpose that Gabinius might overcome, but notwithstanding unlesse there had been great contention, and intreaties of Pompey, and a rumour of a dictatourship which caused much feare, Gabinius had not answered to Lucius Lentulus, but when the Judges gave their sentence, there were 32 condemned him, and 38 absolved him. [Cicero. lib. 4. epist. 1. and lib, 3. ad Quintum Fratr. epist. 4.]

Dio delivers in the 39. book of his histories, that Gabinius, when he stood the trial for so high crimes, that he gave great summes of money, and when he was absolved, there wanted but little, but that the people had killed the Judges: but that Gabinius was brought to the judgement of the people by Memmius, and exempted by the intercession of Laelius the Tribune of the people, Valerius Maximus [in l…b. 8. cap. 1.] relateth after this manner. A. Gabinius in the great heat of his infamy being subjected to the suffrages of the people by C. Memmius his accuser, seemed as if all his hopes were broken: because the accusation was fully proved, and his defence had but a weak foundation; and those that judged him, through a rash anger, were very desirous to punish him: the Lictor and prison were alwaies before his eies, whenas in the mean time all were dasht by the intervention of a propitious fortune: for Sisenna the sonne of Gabinius through the meer impulsion of amazement fell humbly prostrate before Memmius from thence hoping for some aswaging of the storm, from whence the violence of the tempest brake out: whom the insolent conquerour rejected with a sterne countenance, and having struck his ring from his finger let it lye on the ground a great while, which spectacle was the cause, that Laelius the Tribune of the people, commanded Gabinius to be dismissed, that we may learn by this example, neither insolently to abuse the successe of prosperity, neither that any one ought to be too much cast down by adversity.

Yet notwithstanding did Gabinius escape so; for being quitted of his treason, he was again brought into judgement, both for other causes, and also because he had wrongfully extorted 100000 (either drachmes or pence) from the Province, and so was condemned of extortion. Pompey who was gone from the City to provide corn, (for much corn was spoiled by the overflowing of Tiber) and was then in Italy, made all the haste he could to be present at the judgement; but seeing he came too late, he departed not out of the Suburbs, till the businesse was finished. He then called the people together without the walls of the City, (because it was not lawful for him to come into the City, he having at that time the dignity of Proconsul) and spake unto them in the behalf of Gabinius, and rehearsed unto them the letters that he had received from Caesar, for the safety of Gabinius; and used much intreaties with the Judges: and he averted Cicero not onelyonly from accusing Gabinius, but so wrought him, that he pleaded his cause: but yet all these things did Gabinius no good; for the Judges, partly for the fear they had of the people, and partly because they had not received any great bribes from Gabinius, (who being accused for light faults, did not bestow much costs, and thought surely he should come off free,) condemned him to banishment: from which he was afterwards brought back by Caesar, [Dio. lib. 39.]

Cicero in the Oration for Rabirius Posthumus acknowledgeth, that he did very earnestly defend Gabinius after that they were made friends, whereas they were great enemies before: in which although his curtesie be commended by Valerius Maximus, [lib. 4. cap. 2.] yet Dio confirmeth, that Cicero was branded with the name and crime of a Runnagado: and truly Marcus quite forgot what he had formerly written to his brother Quintus, [lib. 3. epist. 5.] I had been undone if I had defended Gabinius, as Pansa thought I ought to have done: although in the Oration for Rabirius, he giveth this account of his doing it. The renewing of our friendship was the cause that I defended Gabinius, neither doth it ever repent me to have enmity mortal, and friendship immortal.

Timagenes the Alexandrian (or as some will the Egyptian) the son of the Kings Banker, who being taken in the war, was brought to Rome by Gabinius, and was redeemed by Faustus the son of Sylla, taught Rhetorick at Rome, under Pompey, Julius Caesar, and the Triumvirs, and set forth many books: [Suidas in foreign.]

Publius Cornelius Lentulus Spinther the Proconsul of Cilicia, when he had behaved himself well in the war, was by the army saluted Captain General, [Cicero, lib. 1. ad familiar. epist. 8, 9.]

p. 625Appius Claudius Pulcher, about the end of his Consulship, being by the decree of the Senate designed succeessour to P. Cornelius Lentulus, without a law proposed to the Tribes, went into Cilicia at his own charge, [Id. ibid. epist. 9. & lib. 3. ad Quintum fratr. epist. 2. & lib. 4. ad Attic. epist. 16.] whom Lentulus went to meet when he came into the Province, [Id. lib. 3. ad familiar. epist. 7.] after whom Appius undertaking the command, most miserably afflicted the Province, and almost destroyed it, [Id. ad Attic. lib. 5. epist. 16. & lib. 6. epist. 1.]

Whereas Crassus ought to have proceeded with the same force, and making use of the fear the Barbarians were in, with which he had taken the first places of Mesopotamia, to have attempted Babylon and Seleucia, Cities that were alwayes enemies to the Parthians; he was wearied with staying in Mesopotamia, and longing after ease and idlenesse in Syria, he gave the Parthians time to provide themselves for the war, and occasions of distressing those Roman souldiers that were left in Mesopotamia, [Plutarch, in Crasso. Dio. lib. 40.]

He having disposed Garrisons in those Cities that had yeilded unto him, which were 7000 Foot, and a 1000 Horse, he returned into Syria to winter there. Thither came his son P. Crassus to him from Julius Caesar out of Gallia, who had bestowed upon him such gifts as Generals use to do, and brought with him a 1000 choice horse [Plutarch.]

Crassus spending his time in Syria, was more like to a Publican than a General; for he did not spend his time in providing of armes, nor training of his souldiers; but did reckon up the Revenues of the Cities, and for many dayes was weighing and measuring the treasures of the Goddesse of Hierapolis. He also demanded souldiers from divers people, and then for a sum of money discharged them: and these things brought him into contempt. As they were going out of the Temple of the Goddesse of Hierapolis the young Crassus sell upon the threshold, and presently his father sell upon him, [Plutarch.] Hierapolis is that City which some call Bambyce, others Edessa, and the Syrians Magog: where the Syrian Goddesse Atargatis, called by the Grecians Deceto, was worshipped, [Strabo, lib. 16. pag. 748. Pliny, lib. 5. cap. 23.]

Rabirius Posthumus, was accused before the Judges of treason because he followed Ptolemei to Alexandria, for the money that he owed him, [Sueton, in Claudia, cap. 16.] for now Gabinius being condemned of extortion, and gone into banishment, C. Memmius accused Rabirius because he was the cause that Gabinius went to Alexandria; because being made the King Dioecetes or overseer, he had taken the coat of Alexandria, and had gathered money out of the tributes imposed by Gabinius and himself. Cicero defended when it was pittifull cold weather, as may be gathered out of his oration, which is yet extant.

M. Crassus, his sonne Publius being killed and the army being discomfited, perished with shame and disgrace, beyond the river Euphrates. [Cicero. lib. 2. de divinatione] this discomfiture Dio declares in lib 40. but Plutarch more fully in the life of Crassus, out of whom all that … read in Appian. de Parthicis, are taken as it were word for word. wherefore it will be worth the labour to set down the principall parts of this most famous history, taken from thence, as Salianus hath done.

Orodes the King of the Parthians, sent Embassadors into Syria unto Crassus: who should expostulate with him concerning the invasion of Mesopotamia, and demand the reasons why he made war, he sent moreover Surana with an army to recover those places that had been taken, or revolted: he himself took an expedition into Armenia, least Artabazes the sonne of Tigranes, who reigned there, and was afraid of his own Kingdome, should send any aid to the Romans, [Dio.]

The Embassadors of Orodes came to Crassus in Syria, as he was drawing his forces out of their winter quarters (although F…orus relates that this was done in Mesopotamia, whenas Crassus was encamped at Nicephorium) putting him in mind of the leagues that they had made with Pompey and Sylla: and withall declaring unto him; that if this army was sent against the Parthians by the people of Rome, that then they would have no peace with the Romans; but if Crassus had brought this war against the Parthians for his own private gain, and had seized upon his cities, that their King would use him more favourably, in consideration of Crassus his old age, and that he would send back his souldiers to the people of Rome: to which Crassus, gaping after the Kings treasures, answered nothing, not pretending any imaginary cause of war but that he would answer them at Seleucia: [Florus lib. 3. cap. 11. Plutarch Dio.] then Vageses the chief of the Embassadors smiling, and strikeing the palm of his right hand with the fingers of his left, said, That haires should sooner grow there, then that he should see Seleucia, and so the Embassadours returned, telling King Orodes that he must prepare for war.

In the mean while certain souldiers who had been left in garrison in Mesopotamia, p. 626hardly escaped with great danger, brought him news of the formidable multitude of the Parthians, what kind of arms they use, and their manner of fight, as they had learned by experience: which so much discouraged the Romans, that some of the Captains were of opinion that Crassus should stay, and deliberate in council, concerning the whole businesse: among which was Cassius the Treasurer of Crassus; the Soothsayers also sought to deter him: but Crassus gave no ear to any of them.

He that chiefly encouraged Crassus was Artabazes the King of the Armenians, who came into his Camp with 6000 Horse, which were said to be the Kings Guard. He promised him also other 10000 men at armes, and 30000 Foot, whom he would pay. He also perswaded Crassus that he should inrode Parthia thorough Armenia, and that he would abundantly furnish his army, and that the march that way would be safer, by reason of the unevenness of the country, and so not so much in danger of the Horse, in which the Parthians did abound. But Crassus neglected this most wise counsel, and thanking the Armenian, sent him back, telling him that he would march thorough Mesopotamia where he had left many good souldiers of the Romans.

Whereupon he came to Zeugma, at the bank of Euphrates; where he neglected the threatnings of many prodigies, which Plutarch and Dio mention. The chief of which was this, as it is noted in Julius Obsequens, in his book of prodigies. How a sudden tempest snatched the Standerd from the Standard-bearer, and sunck it in the water: and how by a sudden darknesse of the skie that fell, they were hindred from passing over, yet Crassus would on: and by Florus, [lib. 3. cap. 11.] thus, When the army had passed Zeugma, sudden, whirle-winds threw the Standards into Euphrates, where they sunck. Crassus also neglected the councel of Cassius, who advised him, That he should refresh his army in some of the Cities, in which he had a Garrison, untill he heard some certain news of the Parthians; or else that he would march along the river to Seleucia, and so the ships would supply him with victual, and would follow the Camp, and that the river would keep the enemy from environing him.

A. Crassus was considering on these things, Augarus, or Abgarus Osroenus withdrew him from this wholsom advice: for he is rightly stiled by Dio; who by Florus [lib. 3. cap. 11.] is called Mazares the Syrian, and the copies of the Breviary of Sextus Rufus varying, he is called Mazarus, Marachus, Macorus, and also Abgarus; in Plutarch, he is called Ariamnes, a Captain of the Arabians: although in some Copies of Plutarch, and in those, out of which the Parthica of Appian are taken, he is found to be called Acbarus: this man was formerly in league with the Romans in Pompey's time, but now followed the Barbarians party. And whereas he was of the Parthians side, he made as though he was a great friend to Crassus, and liberally bestowing much mony upon him, sought out all his councels, and declared them to the Parthians: and when as Crassus had determined to march to Seleucia, and from thence to go to the City of Ctesiphon; he perswaded him, that he should not take that councel, because it would take up too much time, but that he should lead his army directly against Sillax and Surena, two of Orodes his Captains (leaving Euphrates behind him, which onelyonly could furnish him with victual, and be for a fortification to him.)

He then led his army through a vast Plain, both sandy and wanting water, where also was neither root nor green herb. And now Crassus began to suspect treason, especially when Artabazes sent Embassadors to him, that he could send him no forces, because he had a great war that lay upon him, for Orodes now wasted the Country of the Armenians; but yet very earnestly advised Crassus to come into Armenia, and to joyn forces with him, that they both together might fight with Orodes: but if he were not pleased to do this, that he should be sure to shun those places that were most convenient for Horse. Crassus angerly rejected this advice, and not vouchsafing to write to the King, told them, That he had no leasure to think upon Armenia, but that in his return he would punish the Armenian for his treachery: but immediately Abgarus, before his treachery was discovered, withdrew himself, when he had perswaded Crassus, that he might compasse the enemies in, and route them.

They had not gone far, but that some few scouts came in (for the rest were killed by the enemy) telling them, That there were huge forces, who couragiously marched on towards them: at this Crassus was astonished, and all the army was strooken with fear; and Crassus at the first following Cassius his advice, set his battle wide, but presently changing his mind, he contracted his forces, and made it square and deep. He gave the leading of one wing to Cassius, the other to his son C. Publius, and he himself led the battle in the middest. As soon as they came to the river Balissus, most of the Commanders perswaded him to encamp, and to lodge there all night; and in the mean time, to send to see what forces the enemy had, and how they were armed. This advise also Crassus rejected, because his son, and some of his Horse men, much p. 627desired to fight: and so he commanded them that would eat and drink, should do it standing, keeping their rankes: which before it could be done by all, he marched on with a disorderly march, not fair and softly, until the enemies were in view.

Surenas shewed not his whole body at the first, neither the brightnesse of their arms, but set them in a convenient place for a terrour to the Romans, whom they endeavoured with their lances to make break their ranks: but as soon as they saw the depth of the battle, and that the souldiers kept their ranks, they retired: and when as they seemed to be in disorder, before the Romans perceived it, they had on every side environed them. But when Crassus commanded his light Horse men to assaile them, they had not marched far, but they were ill entertained with a showre of darts, and were driven to retire to the force of the armed men; which gave the first beginning of fear and tumult, especially they seeing the force of the weapons that brake through all, and the greatnesse of the wounds.

The Parthians being thus sundered from them, began to shoot with their darts on every side upon the whole body of the army, that no dart fell in vain; and with so great force, that it made either an horrible wound, or most commonly death; and with so great constancy, that they did not cease from shooting even when they fled: and indeed the Romans were in hope, that when these darts were spent, that then they should come to handy-blows: but when they knew that there were many Camels laden with darts, from which they that had first spent their darts took a compasse and fetched others; then Crassus began to faint, perceiving that there would be no end of their shooting, until they were all killed with their darts: whereupon he commanded his son to endeavour by all means to joyne battle with the enemy, before they were wholy compassed about.

Young Crassus therefore taking with him 1300 Horse, (a 1000 whereof he had received from Caesar) and 500 Archers, and eight Ensigns of the next footmen who had Bucklers, gave a charge upon the Parthians; who fleeing on purpose, withdrew him a good way off from his father: then turning about, they thrust them thorough with their darts on every side, Publius himself (whom Orosius commends as a most choice young man, [lib. 6. cap. 13. and Eutropius, in lib. 6.] as a most famous and excellent young man) because he could not use his hand that was pierced thorough, commanded a gentleman to thrust him thorough the side. Censorinus a Senatour and Oratour is said to have died in the like manner. Megabacchus a man valiant both in body and mind, thrust himself thorough, as did the rest of the Nobility: the rest getting to an Hill, were killed in fight by the Speares of the Parthians. There are but 500 said to be taken prisoners.

They, having cut off Publius his head, marched towards Crassus, who expected the return of his son, during which time the enemy did not presse so hard: but whenas messenger came upon messenger, that Publius was clean lost, unlesse he were immediately succoured with a very strong party; he intended to march with the whole army; when as the enemies came upon him, with a terrible noise, being grown more fierce by reason of the victory, bringing the head of his son upon a Speare. That spectacle brake the hearts of the Romans, notwithstanding Crassus endeavours to hearten on his men, to extort from the enemy the joy they had received, and to revenge their cruelty: the battle is renewed, but seeing the Romans were on every side again wounded with their darts, many of whom died miserably; for those who desperately, that they might escape the darts, came upon the enemy, were with great Lances forced into a narrow compasse, with which at one thrust they strook thorough two bodies: until the night appoaching, the Parthians retired, bragging that they would allow Crassus one night to bemoane his son.

That same night Octavius and Crassus called together the Centutions and Souldiers; for Crassus being overwhelmed with sorrow for the publick and his own private losse, kept himself in the dark with his head covered: whereas the fear of what was to come forced the rest of the army to advise about flying, the army in all places began to dislodge without any sound of Trumpet: but whereas those that were weak perceived themselves to be forsaken, there was great tumult and confusion, and all the Camp was filled with howling and lamentation: the… fear and astonishment seized upon those that marched, because they thought the enemy would be raised by this noise, and come and set upon them: and indeed the enemy did know that they were removing, but neglected to pursue them; three hundred light-horsemen, under their Captain Egnatius late in the night came to Carrae, and calling to the watch, commanded them to tell Coponius the Governour, that Crassus had had a great fight with the Parthians; but said not a word more, and marched hastily to the Zeugma. Coponius by the confusednesse of the speech supposing that no good news was told him, presently armed his men, and meeting Crassus who marched slowly by reason of his wounded men, he received him with his army into the City.

p. 628As soon as it was day, the Parthians go to the Romans Camp, and there put to death 4000 that were left there. Many also their Horse men took up as they were wandring in the plain: among these there were four cohorts, whom in the same night Vargunteius a Liutenant lead, and had lost their way by night: these getting to an hill, the Parthians compassing them in, killed them all in fight, except twenty Souldiers: who breaking through the middest of the enemy, came safe to Carrae. Orosius also mentions this slaughter of Vargunteius. [lib. 6. cap. 13.]

Surenas being uncertain whether Crassus and Cassius were at Carrae, or fled to some other place, sends certain men to Carrae, that he might know the truth, under a colour of making a league with the Romans, if they would yield up Mesopotamia: which when the Romans approved of, because all things were in a desperate condition with them, and demanded time and place for the meeting of Crassus and Surenas. Surenas understanding that the enemy was shut up in Carrae, the next day he came before it with his whole army, and exceedingly straitning the Town, commanded the Romans, That if they would have any truce, that they should deliver Crassus and Cassius prisoners. Hereupon the Romans exceedingly lamented, that they were so cheated, and casting off all hopes of any aide from the Armenians, they thought how they might escape by flight.

This councel was to be kept secret from any of the Carrenians, yet Crassus declared it to Andromachus, the most perfidious of all men, whom also he took to be his guide in his march. Whereupon the Parthians knew all their councels, by the treachery of Andromachus, and because it is neither the custome, nor safe, for the Parthians to fight by night; but Crassus went out by night; and least the enemy should be too much behind them that fled. Andromochus led them, some one way, some another, and at last brought them into deep bogs, and places that were full of ditches: there were some who suspected Andromachus his often turnings, and would not follow him; for Crassus retired to Carrae, and from thence with 500 men, took his way into Syria. Others having gotten faithfull guides, took the way of the mountains, which they call Synaca, and before day, were retired into a safe place, and those were almost five thousand men, over whom Octavius, a valiant man, was Commander.

But the day overtook Crassus, who was intangled in those difficult places and bogs, by the treachery of Andromachus, he with four cohorts of legionary Souldiers, and a few Horse men, and five Lictors, having gotten out of those fastnesses with great pains, the enemy even now approaching, he fled to another hill, within twelve furlongs from Octavius, not so fortified, nor so steep for Horses: but being under the Synaca, and joyned to it with a long neck that stretched through the middest of the whole plain, so that Octavius could not but see the danger that Crassus was in: and therefore he first, with a few others came to his aide, and the rest chiding one the other followed him, and beating the enemy from the hill, received Crassus into the middest of them, and covering him with their Targets, spake nobly, That no weapon of the Parthians could touch the body of their General, till they had killed them that defended him to the last man.

Wherefore Surenas seeing the Parthians not so couragious as they were wont to be, and that it was a dangerous thing to fight with desperate men, especially they fighting from an higher place; and if perchance night should overtake them, that then the Romans could not be taken, they keeping the mountains, but that they would go to the Armenians, and so might be a means of renewing the war, (as Dio saith) he plotted another treachery and falshood: he let some prisoners go free, who had heard some Barbarians say on purpose, That their King was not altogether averse from making peace with the Romans, that he would use Crassus with all the civility that might be, if it could be effected by his means. In the mean while, the Barbarians forbare to fight: and Surenas with some noble men, came near the hill with his bow unbent; and holding forth his right hand, invited Crassus to make a league with him: and told him, That he had had experience of the force of the Parthians; yet now, if he would, he should have experience of his humanity. Crassus did not assent unto him, whom for good cause he had reason to be afraid of, as who saw no reason of this sudden change.

But the Souldiers demanded peace even with reproaches to Crassus; he endeavoured by entreaties and reason to perswade them, that they would hold out but the rest of the day, and that at night they should march through mountainous places, and that they would not break off the hopes of a safety that was so neer them: but when they began to mutiny, and beating of their harnesse, began to threaten him: being affrighted, he went towards the enemy, but turning about to his own men, he said, Yea, if Octavius and Petronius, and all you Roman Commanders that are here with me, p. 629see, what violence is upon me, yet, if ever any of you shal come off safely, tell, that Crassus was deceived by his enemies, and not delivered up by his own citizens. Which he might seem to have said, as it were trying by this friendly speech if he could asswage their obstinate minds, whilst he provides for their honour, but Octavius and the rest staid not on the hill but went down with him: the Lictors that would follow him for his honours sake, Crassus himself forbad.

The first who came from the Barbarians were two mungrell Graecians, who dismounting from their horses worshipped him, and saluted him, in Greek, desiring him that he would send some before to see if Surenas and the rest that came to parly, whether they came unarmed, he presently sent two Roscii that were brothers, whom Surenas staied, and coming on horseback, whereas Crassus was a foot, he commanded an horse to be brought to him, and that he should go to the rivers side to write the articles of the peace, because the Romans were not very mindfull of their covenants, and withall gave him his right hand, and when Crassus sent for an horse, he told him there was no great need, for the King, saith he, giveth you this, presently there was brought him an horse with a golden bridle, upon which the grooms mounted Crassus and following him behind lashed him, then Octavius first took hold of the bridle, and after him Petronius one of the Colonels, and then the rest of the Romans came about him to stay the horse, and to take him from them that pressed upon Crassus on every side.

And whereas at first they were justling and thrusting one the other, at last they came to blowes. Octavius drew his sword and killed a groom one of the Barbarians, another kills Octavius, striking him behind; Petronius had no weapon, but being strook upon his coat of maile lighted from his horse, and had no hurt, but Promanaethros or Manarthes by name a Parthian killed Crassus, or as others will have it, cut of his head and right hand, as he lay dead. Dio leaves it in doubt, whether he were killed by his own men, least he should come alive into the enemies hands, or whether he was slain by the enemies. Livy relateth lib. 106. that he was taken, and making resistance, least he should suffer any thing being alive, was killed: himselfe being allured to a parly, had upon a sign given by the enemy, come quick into their hands, if the resistance of the tribunes, had not moved the Barbarians to prevent the flight of the generall: as Florus saith in lib. 3. cap. 11. and Sextus Rufus following him, in his breviary to Valentinian the Emperour. Crassus himselfe being allured to a parly, might have been taken alive, but by the resistance of the tribunes he escaped, and whilst he sought to fly was killed.