A New Martyrology, Martyrology · Life 6
Captain WALCOT, &c.
CAptain Walcot and his Fellow-sufferers, in order of time, should have gone first, he being convicted before my Lord Russel, and executed the Friday, as he on Saturday. But my Lord Russel's Fate having so immediate a dependance on the Earl of Essex's, and all the Plot hanging on him; especially they two making the greatest Figure of any who suffer'd on this occasion; it look'd more proper and natural to begin with them, and reserve the other to this place. Captain Walcot was a Gentleman of a considerable Estate in Ireland, but more remarkable for the rare Happiness of having Eight Children all at once living, and most of all, for his Love to his Country, which cost him his Life. We can have but little dependance, as has been before hinted, on the publick Papers relating to these concerns; especially in his Case, where Cartwright was engaged. What appears to us, and we may believe most reasonable, and what's agreed on of all hands, is—'That West, Rumsey, and I think one more of 'em, had frequent Discourses, at least, of killing the King and Duke — so horrid and barbarous a thing, and so like the Practice and Principles of those worst of men, the Papists; that as every true Englishman, and good Christian must needs conceive a detestation and horror at the very mention of it; so no doubt, it will be very acceptable to such to find when the thing is enquired closely into, which has partly been done before, and shall now be finished, to find no probability of any thing real in the bottom, none engaged in it, but two or three Knaves, and one Fool. No Person of Honour or Character, who had heard so much as any Discourse of it, but what immediately disapproved, or detested it, as much as every good Man ought to do: Tho' some of 'em, if there were more than Walcot, might hear such mad Discourse, as my Lord Russel says, the Wickedness, passions, and vanities of other men might have occasion'd; and yet not believing any thing in it more than words, nor think they were obliged to turn Informers and Hangmen; which because they did not do, they suffer'd themselves. And this any reasonable man will, I doubt not, upon a little free thinking, acknowledge to be Walcot's Case, and no further. The pretended Crime for which Walcot suffer'd, and which West and others witness against him, was — Consulting the Death of the King, and charging the Guards, at his return from New-market, while the dreadful Blunderbuss was to be fired into the Coach by Rumbold, or some others. His Privacy to Discourses about the Kings Death was but Misprision. For his acting in it, they could not have pitch'd on a more unlikely man to command a Party in so desperate an Attempt as charging the Guards, than one that was sick and Bed-rid of the Gout, as about this time, and often besides the Captain was. Nor seems West's pretence more likely— That he refused to be actual in the Assassination, because of the baseness of it, but offer'd to charge the Guards, while others did it—much as wisely and tenderly, as if he had denied to cut a Man's Throat, but consented to hold his hands while others did it. This he denies with indignation in his Speech, and [Appeals to all that knew him, Whether they thought him such an Idiot, that he should not understand 'twas the same thing to engage the Kings Guards, whilst others kill'd him; or to kill him with his own hands?] Here then 'tis plain, lies the pinch of the matter; West and Rumsey, &c. had been frequently discoursing at that bloody villanous rate; West was most impatiently eager of having it done — He proposed the Lopping 'em at a Play, which he said would be [in their own calling.]
For some of those who are charged with this foul business, as Promoters, or so much as Approvers thereof, were the innocent or guilty as to that particular; I can assure the Reader I have the same thought of 'em, that Juvenal had of Sejanus, and can say as he does, Nunquam si quid mihi credis, amavi. But however one may add as he does, Sed quo accidit sub crimine? Quisnam Delator? Quibus indiciis? Quo teste? and almost resolve all these Questions to the same way, with a — Nil horum. Never was any Party without many ill men—This no doubt, had too many whose ill Lives both discredited, and in probability, ruined the best Cause in the World, as my Lord Russel intimated in his Speech. Some of these, not having the fear of God before their Eyes, might have such traiterous Designs; nay, and by their own Confession, it appears they had so—But let's not however be hurried away in a popular Stream, which generally runs very muddy, to condemn those, who, whatever personal Faults they may have had, how turbulent their Nature, or bad their Morals, or ill their Character, yet seem to be no way concerned in so bloody and barbarous a Conspiracy, how home soever it might be charg'd upon 'em. West and Rumsey were the main Pillars, and almost only Witnesses on which the Credit of that Action depended, who appear all through the great and almost sole Managers thereof, and who accuse others for being concerned in it. What and how much their Credit weighs, we have already hinted, but shall yet confront it with further Testimonies relating to this matter, and that of dying men, who could expect no pardons in this World, nor 'tother for a Falshood. Besides, Rumbold's solemn Protestation; see Walcot's Speech and Paper, wherein he as deeply affirms as a man can do, [That West bought Arms for this Villanous Design (which can't be express'd with Detestation enough) without any direction of his—nay, without any Direction, Knowledge, or Privity of his.] West says in his Answer to this, as well as in his Evidence, [That Walcot joyn'd in the direction about the nature and size of those Arms; that he was very Intimate and Familiar with this Rumbold, who was to be the principal Actor in the Assassination.] But Rumbold's Death before recited, clears himself, and Walcot, and shews us what West is. In another place he affirms—That Walcot told him Ferguson had the chief management of the intended Assassination. Rumbold's hard-name, as has been said already, Ferguson's ill Name, and the absence of 'em both, brought 'em in all probability into the business; and Walcot's being past answering for himself or them, made it very advisable to charge so much on him. So in the same nature Ferguson was the Author of that Expression Walcot had from West, — Ferguson undertook for the Duke of Monmouth, — Ferguson proposed to see for an opportunity between Windsor and Hampton-Court.—The Men to commit the Assassination were all provided by Ferguson, Rumbold, &c. And I remember another of 'em, or he himself talks of fifty men engag'd for the very Action. Now as meer Good Nature, and the Love I have to my Countreymen will never suffer me to believe there could be so many Englishmen found, and Protestants too, who would consent to kill their King; never any one having acknowledged such a design besides poor Hone, who was so stupid, he could not give one sensible Answer to what Cartwright ask'd him at his Death: So plain Testimony, and Dint of Fact and Reason, forces me to conclude these Persons here charged were not guilty. See what Rouse says of it—He was told, they did not intend to spill so much as one drop of blood. But most particularly Holloway, [He could not perceive Ferguson knew any thing of the New-Market design, but Rumsey and West were deep in't.] Again, [Holloway ask'd West who was to act the Assassination? To which he could give but a slender Answer, and could, or would name but Two Men, Rumbold and his Brother.] Just such probable stuff as Colledges seizing the King by himself at Oxford, [So that (he goes on) we found they had but few Men, if more than two, and no Horses, only a parcel of Arms he shew'd at a Gunsmith's.] And lower, at another time, [West only named Rumsey and Rich. Goodenough as concerned in the Assassination—West again proposed the Assassination, but none seconded him—Rumsey was for the old Strain of killing the King, to which not one consented—He could never find above five concerned in it—He heard Walcot speak against it—I knew Ferguson to be against any such Design.
Upon the whole, the World is left to its Liberty to believe, at least Three Dying Mens Asseverations, against those who so plainly swore others Necks into the Halter, to get their own out, that West himself is not ashamed to own in his forementioned Answer, That he was still in danger of Death, though not so eminent as it had been; not, at the apparent point of Death. And at the close of this Paper — If it shall please the King to spare my Life for my Confession, it is a great happiness, &c. Which part of his Evidence every body will easily believe.
From all which, here lies a fair Supposition of the Innocency of this Captain, and others, of what they were Accus'd, found Guilty, Sentenc'd, and Dy'd for; it being on West's Evidence, and such as his, that he and others were Arraign'd and Condemn'd; the Captains Defence being much the same with what he says in his Speech. 'Tis well known, that the Witnesses against Captain Walcot swore for their own lives with Halters about their Necks; and it's as true that most of the Witnesses had talkt at a mad rate, in the hearing of some of those whom they destroyed; but see, what Captain Walcot in a most solemn manner declared with his last breath.
An Abstract of Captain Walcots Speech.
Captain Walcot denied any design of killing the King, or of engaging the Guards, whilst others killed him; And said, that the Witnesses invited him to Meetings, where some things were discoursed of, in order to the asserting our Liberties and Properties; which we lookt upon to be violated and invaded: —That They importuned and perpetually solicited him, and then deliver'd him up to be hang'd—That They combined together to swear him out of his Life, to save their own; and that they might do it effectually, They contrived an Vntruth. — That he forgave them, tho' guilty of his Blood; But, withal, earnestly begg'd, That they might be observed, that Remarks might be set upon them, whether their end be peace; and he concluded (with what made Sir Roger L'Estrange a great deal of Sport, but yet Heaven has made it good) That when God hath a Work to do, he will not want Instruments.
With him was try'd Rouse, who was charg'd with such a parcel of mad Romance as was scarce ever heard of; and one wou'd wonder how Perjury and Malice, which use to be sober sins, cou'd even be so extravagant as to hit on't. He was to seize the Tower, pay the Rabble, uncase the Aldermen, to be Pay-master and Flea-master General, and a great deal more to the same Tune. In his Defence, he says, no great Matter, but yet what looks a thousand times more like Truth than his Accusation; That the Tower Business was only discourse of the feasibleness of the thing, (as Russel's about the Guards) but without the least in tent of bringing it to action; That all he was concern'd in any real Design, he had from Lee, and was getting more out of him, with an intention to make a Discovery. But it seems Lee got the whip-hand of him; they were both at a kind of Halter-Combat; Rous's foot slipt, and Lea turn'd him over, and sav'd his own Neck.
His Dying Words.
MR. Rouse declared, that he was told, that They did not intend to spill one drop of Blood; and affirmed that Lee, the Witness against him, did (by his Evidence) make him the Author of the very Words, that came out of his the said Lee's own Mouth.
A Brief Extract of Captain Walcots Prayer.
O Lord, our God, Thou art a God of present help in time of Trouble, a God, that hast promised to be with thy People in the Fire and in the Water. O Lord, we pray Thee, that thou wilt afford thy Presence to thy poor suffering Servants at this time, O Lord, thy Servant that speaketh doth confess, that the Iniquities at his Heels have justly overtaken him; O do thou bathe each of our Souls in that Fountain set open for Sin and for Vncleanness. O do thou enable every one of us, from the inward Evidence of thy Spirit, to say with thy Servant Job, That we know and are assured that our Redeemer lives. O give us some inward Tasts of those Heavenly Joys that we hope through the Mercy of Jesus Christ, in a little time to have a more full Fruition of. O Lord, do thou speak Peace to every one of our Consciences; though we lie under a Sentence of Death from Man, we beg that we may have a Sentence of Life Eternal from our God; and though we meet Thee, O Lord, in a Field of Blood, we beg that Thou wilt come to meet with us in a Field of Mercy. O Lord, though we have been Prodigals, we desire to return unto our Fathers House where there is Bread enough. O enable us to come unto Thee as Children to their Parents. Lord put to thy helping Hand, Lord teach us truly to leave no Sin unrepented of in any one of our Hearts. And O Lord, we beg that with us thou wilt give us leave to recommend unto thy Care our Poor Wives and Children: Thou hast promised to be the Father of the Fatherless, and the Husband of the Widow; and thou hast commanded us to cast the Care of them upon Thee. O do thou make Provision for them, and enable them to hear this severe stroke with Patience. O Lord, we also beseech Thee in the behalf of these Poor Kingdoms wherein we are, that Thou wilt be merciful to them, prevent Divisions among them, heal all their Breaches, compose their Differences, make all that are thine of one Heart and Mind in the things of thee our God. Lord, favour us with thy Mercy, assure us of thy Love, stand by us in the difficult Hour, take us into thine own Care, cause thy Angels to attend us, to convey our Souls as soon as they are divided from our Bodies, into Abraham's Bosom. All which we beg for the sake of thy Son Jesus Christ, in whom, O Lord, this little time do thou give us Hearts to give thee all Glory, Honour, and Praise, now and for evermore, Amen. Sweet Jesus, Amen.
Hone was accused, and owns himself Guilty of a Design to Kill the King and the Duke of York, or one, or neither, for 'tis impossible to make any Sense of him. When they came to suffer, Walcot read a Paper, in which was a good rational Confession of his Faith; Then comes to the Occasion of his Death, for which, he says, he neither blames the Judges, Jury, nor Council, but only some men, that in reality were deeper concern'd than he, who combin'd together to swear him out of his Life to save their own, and that they might do it effectually, contriv'd an untruth, &c. He forgives the World and the Witnesses: Gives his Friends advice to be more prudent than he had been; prays that his may be the last Blood spilt on that account; wishes the King wou'd be merciful to others; says he knew nothing of Ireland, and concludes, with praying God to have mercy upon him. He had then some Discourse with Cartwright wherein he tells him, That he was not for contriving the Death of the King, nor to have had a Hand in't; and being urg'd with some Matters of Controversie, tells him, He did not come thither to dispute about Religion, but to die Religiously.
But tho' dying be a serious Business, yet 'tis almost impossible to read his Discourse with the Dean, without as violent temptations to laughter as Compassion. Never was so exact an Imitation of the Scene of the Fisherman and Kings in the Rehearsal, when he tells 'em Prince Pretty-man kill'd Prince Pretty-man. One wou'd think him very near in the same Case with Bateman, who came after him. His Replies are so incongruous, that there's hardly either Sense or English to be made out of 'em. But the poor Fellow talks of Snares and Circumstances, and no body knows what, and says in one Line, He was to meet the King and Duke of York, but he did not know when, where, nor for what: In the next he was for killing the King, and saving the Duke; and when askt the Reason, answers, the only sensible thing he said all through, That he knew no Reason, that he did not know what to say to't. And when the Dean charges him with the Murderous Design,—That he knew as little of it, as any poor silly man in the World.
Rouse comes next, gives an Account of his Faith, professing to die of the Church of England, tells his former Employment and manner of Life, acknowledges he heard of Clubs and Designs, but was never at 'em, and a perfect Stranger to any thing of that Nature. Gives a Relation of what past between him and his Majesty on his Apprehension. Talks somewhat of Sir Thomas Player, the Earl of Shaftsbury, and accommodating the King's Son, as he calls it, tho' not while the King reign'd. Then falls upon Lee, and the Discourse they had together, who, as he says, swore against him on the Trial those very words he himself had used in pressing him to undertake the Design. Speaks of a Silvers Ball which he proposed to be thrown up on Black-Heath, and after some Discourse with the Ordinary, gives the Spectators some good Counsel. Then they all three singly prayed; and then the Sentence was Executed upon 'em.