The Unreasonableness of Separation, Title page – Preface
The Vnreasonableness of Separation: OR, An Impartial Account OF THE History, Nature, and Pleas OF THE Present Separation FROM THE Communion of the Church of ENGLAND. To which, Several late LETTERS are Annexed, of Eminent Protestant Divines Abroad, concerning the Nature of our Differences, and the Way to Compose Them. By EDWARD STILLINGFLEET, D. D. Dean of St. Pauls, and Chaplain in Ordinary to HIS MAJESTY.
LONDON, Printed by T. N. for Henry Mortlock, at the Phoenix in St. Paul's Church-yard. MDCLXXXI.
THE PREFACE.
IT is reported by Persons of unquestionable credit, that after all the Service B. Jewel had done against the Papists, upon his Preaching a Sermon at St. Paul's-Cross, in Defence of the Orders of this Church, and of Obedience to them,Arch-Bishop Whitgift's Defence of the Answer to the Admonition, p. 423. he was so Ungratefully and Spitefully used by the Dissenters of that Time, that for his own Vindication he made a Solemn Protestation on his Death-bed,Life of Bishop Jewel before his Works, n. 34. That what he then said, was neither to please some, Vita Juelli per Hum…red. p. 255.nor to displease others, but to Promote Peace and Unity among Brethren. I am far from the vanity of thinking, any thing I have been able to do, in the same Cause, fit to be compared with the Excellent Labors of that Great Light, and Ornament of this Church, (whose Memory is preserved to this day, with due Veneration in all the Protestant Churches;) but the hard Usage I have met with, upon the like occasion, hath made such an Example more observable to me; especially when I can make the same Protestation, with the same sincerity as he did. For, however it hath been Maliciously suggested by some, and too easily believed by others, that I was put upon that Work, with a design to inflame our Differences, and to raise a fresh persecution against Dissenting Protestants; I was so far from any thought tending that way, that the only Motive I had to undertake it, was, my just Apprehension, that the Destruction of the Church of England, under a Pretence of Zeal against Popery, was one of the most likely ways to bring it in. And I have hitherto seen no cause (and I believe I shall not) to alter my opinion in this matter; which was not rashly taken up, but formed in my Mind from many years Observation of the Proceedings of that Restless Party (I mean the Papists) among us; which hath always Aimed at the Ruine of this Church, as one of the Most Probable Means, if others failed, to compass their Ends. As to their Secret and more Compendious ways of doing Mischief, they lie too far out of our View, till the Providence of God, at the same time, discovers and disappoints them; but this was more open and visible, and although it seemed the farther way about, yet they promised themselves no small success by it. Many Instruments and Engines they made use of in this design; many ways and times they set about it, and although they met with several disappointments, yet they never gave it over; but, Would it not be very strange, that when they can appear no longer in it, others, out of meer Zeal against Popery, should carry on the Work for them?
This seems to be a great Paradox to unthinking People, who are carried away with meer Noise and Pretences, and hope those will secure them most against the Fears of Popery, who talk with most Passion, and with least Understanding against it; whereas no persons do really give them greater advantages than these do. For, where they meet only with intemperate Railings, and gross Misunderstandings of the State of the Controversies between them and us (which commonly go together) the more subtle Priests let such alone to spend their Rage and Fury; and when the heat is over, they will calmly endevour to let them see, how grosly they have been deceived in some things, and so will more easily make them believe, they are as much deceived in all the rest. And thus the East and West may meet at last; and the most furious Antagonists may become some of the easiest Converts. This I do really fear will be the case of many Thousands among us, who now pass for most zealous Protestants; if ever, which God forbid, that Religion should come to be Vppermost in England. It is therefore of mighty consequence for preventing the Return of Popery, that Men rightly understand what it is. For, when they are as much afraid of an innocent Ceremony, as of real Idolatry; and think they can Worship Images, and Adore the Host on the same grounds, that they may use the Sign of the Cross, or Kneel at the Communion; when they are brought to see their mistake in one case, they will suspect themselves deceived in the other also. For they who took that to be Popery which is not, will be apt to think Popery it self not so bad as it was represented, and so from want of right understanding the Differences between us, may be easily carried from one Extreme to the other. For, when they find the undoubted Practices of the Ancient Church condemned as Popish and Antichristian by their Teachers, they must conclude Popery to be of much greater Antiquity than really it is; and when they can Trace it so very near the Apostles times, they will soon believe it setled by the Apostles themselves. For, it will be very hard to perswade any considering Men that the Christian Church should degenerate so soon, so unanimously, so universally, as it must do, if Episcopal Government, and the use of some significant Ceremonies were any parts of that Apostacy. Will it not seem strange to them, that when some Human Polities have preserved their First Constitution so long, without any considerable Alteration, that the Government instituted by Christ, and setled by his Apostles, should so soon after be changed into another kind, and that so easily, so insensibly, that all the Christian Churches believed, they had still the very same Government which the Apostles left them? Which is a matter so incredible, that those who can believe such a part of Popery could prevail so soon in the Christian Church; may be brought upon the like grounds to believe, that many others did. So mighty a prejudice doth the Principles of our Churches Enemies, bring upon the Cause of the Reformation. And those who foregoe the Testimony of Antiquity, as all the Opposers of the Church of England must do, must unavoidably run into insuperable difficulties in dealing with the Papists, which the Principles of our Church do lead us through. For we can justly charge Popery as an unreasonable Innovation, when we allow the undoubted Practices and Government of the Ancient Church, for many Ages after Christ. But it is observed by Bishop Sanderson, That those who reject the Usages of our Church as Popish and Antichristian, Preface to 2d Vol. of Serm. Sect. 11.when Assaulted by Papists, will be apt to conclude Popery to be the old Religion, which in the purest and Primitive Times was Professed in all Christian Churches throughout the World. Whereas the sober English Protestant, is able, by the Grace of God, with much Evidence of Truth, and without forsaking his Old Principles, to justifie the Church of England from all imputation of Heresie or Schism, and the Religion thereof, as it stood by Law established, from the like imputation of Novelty. Wherein he professes to lay open the inmost thoughts of his heart in this sad business before God and the World. I might shew, by particular Instances, from my present Adversaries, that to defend their own practices they are driven to maintain such Principles, as by evident consequences from them, do overthrow the Justice and Equity of the Reformation; but I leave those things to be observed in their proper places: Yet I do not question the Sincerity of many Mens Zeal against Popery, who, out of too eager a desire of upholding some particular Fancies of their own, may give too great advantage to our Common Enemies.
Three ways Bishop Sanderson observes, Preface to the First Volume, Sect. 18.our Dissenting Brethren, though not intentionally and purposely, yet really and eventually have been the great Promoters of the Roman Interest among us. (1.) By putting to their helping hand to the pulling down of Episcopacy. And, saith he, it is very well known to many what rejoycing that Vote brought to the Romish Party: How even in Rome it self they Sung their Jo-…aeans upon the Tidings thereof, and said Triumphantly, Now the day is ours; Now is the Fatal-Blow given to the Protestant Religion in England. (2) By opposing the Interest of Rome with more Violence than Reason. (3) By frequent mistaking the Question; but especially through the necessity of some false Principle or other, which, having once imbibed, they think themselves bound to maintain: whatever becomes of the Common Cause of our Reformation. Which may at last suffer as much through some Mens folly and indiscretion, who pretend to be the most Zealous Protestants, as by all the Arts and Designs of our open Enemies. For, as the same Learned and Iudicious Bishop, hath said in this case, Many a Man, when he thought most to make it sure, hath quite marred a good business, by over-doing it. Thus when the Papists of late years, have not been able to hinder the taking many things into consideration, against their interest, it hath been observed, that their Instruments have been for the most violent Counsels, knowing, that either they would be wholly ineffectual, or if they were pursued, they might in the end bring more advantage than prejudice to their Cause. And it is to be feared, they may still hope to do their business, as Divines observe the Devil doth; who, when he finds one extreme will not do, he tries whether he can compass his end by the other: And no doubt they will extremely rejoyce, if they can make some Mens Fears of Popery, prove at last an effectual means to bring it about. As some of the Jews of old, out of a rash and violent zeal for the preservation of the purity of their Religion (as they pretended) by opposing the Sacrifices offer'd by Strangers, and denying the use of the lawful Customs of their Country, brought the Roman Power upon them, and so hasten'd the destruction both of their Religion and Countrey too. I do not mention this, as though we could take too great care by good and wholsom Laws to strengthen the Protestant Interest, and by that means, to keep out Popery; but only to shew, what mighty prejudice an indiscreet Zeal at this time may bring upon us; if Men suffer themselves to be transported so far as to think that overthrowing the Constitution of this Church will be any means to secure the Protestant Religion among us.
For, What is it which the Papists have more envied and maligned than the Church of England? What is it they have more wished to see broken in pieces? As the late Cardinal Barberini said in the hearing of a Gentleman who told it me, He could be contented there were no Priests in England, so there were no Bishops; for then he supposed, their Work would do it self. What is it they have used more Arts and Instruments to destroy, than the Constitution and Government of this Church? Did not Cranmer and Ridley, and Hooper, and Farrar, and Latimer, all Bishops of this Church, suffer Martyrdom by their Means? Had not they the same kind of Episcopacy which is now among us; and which some now are so busie in seeking to destroy; by publishing one Book after another, on purpose to represent it as unlawful and inconsistent with the Primitive Institution? Is all this done for the honor of our Reformation? Is this the way to preserve the Protestant Religion among us; to fill Mens Minds with such Prejudices against the first settlement of it; as to go about to make the World believe, that the Church-Government then established was repugnant to the Institution of Christ; and that our Martyr-Bishops exercised an unlawful Authority over Diocesan Churches? But, Whither will not Mens Indiscreet Zeal, and love of their own Fancies carry them, especially after 40 years prescription? I do not say such Men are set on by the Jesuits, but I say, they do their Work as effectually, in blasting the credit of the Reformation, as if they were. And yet after all these pains, and Forty years Meditations, I do not question but I shall make it appear, that our present Episcopacy, is agreeable to the Institution of Christ, and the best and most flourishing Churches. And, Wherein doth our Church differ from its first Establishment? Were not the same Ceremonies then appointed? the same Liturgy in Substance then used? concerning which Dr. Taylor who then suffered Martyrdom, Acts and Monuments, Tom. 3. p. 171.publickly declared; That the whole Church-Service was set forth in King Edward's days, with great deliberation, by the Advice of the best Learned Men in the Realm, and Authorised by the whole Parliament, and Received and Published gladly through the whole Realm; which Book was never Reformed but once, and yet by that one Reformation, it was so fully perfected, according to the Rules of our Christian Religion in every behalf, that no Christian Conscience could be offended with any thing therein contained, I mean, saith he, of that Book Reformed. Yet this is that Book, whose constant use is now pleaded by some, together with our Ceremonies, as a ground for the necessity of Separation from our Churches Communion.
But if we trace the Footsteps of this Separation as far as we can, we may find strong probabilities, that the Jesuitical Party had a great influence on the very first beginnings of it. For which, we must consider, that when the Church of England was restored in Queen Elizabeth's Reign, there was no open Separation from the Communion of it, for several years, neither by Papists, nor Non-conformists. At last, the more Zealous Party of the Foreign Priests and Jesuits, finding this Compliance would in the end utterly destroy the Popish Interest in England, they began to draw off the secret Papists from all Conformity with our Church, which the old Queen Mary's Priests allowed them in: this raised some heat among themselves, but at last the way of Separation prevailed, as the more pure and perfect way. But this was not thought sufficient by these busie Factors for the Church of Rome, unless they could, under the same pretence of purity and perfection, draw off Protestants from the Communion of this Church too. To this purpose Persons were imployed under the disguise of more Zealous Protestants, to set up the way of more Spiritual Prayer, and greater Purity of Worship than was observed in the Church of England: that so the People, under these Pretences, might be drawn into Separate Meetings. Of this we have a Considerable Evidence lately offer'd to the World,Foxes and Firebrands. 1680. in the Examination of a Priest so imploy'd at the Council-Table, A. D. 1567. being the 9th of Q. Elizabeth, which is published from the Lord Burleighs Papers, which were in the hands of Arch-Bishop Usher, and from him came to Sir James Ware, whose Son brought them into England, and lately caused them to be Printed. Two years after, one Heath a Jesuit was Summon'd before the Bishop of Rochester on a like account, for disparaging the Prayers of the Church, and setting up Spiritual Prayers above them; and he declared to the Bishop, That he had been six years in England, and that he had laboured to refine the Protestants, and to take off all smacks of Ceremonies, and to make the Church purer. When he was seized on, a Letter was found about him from a Jesuit in Spain, wherein he takes notice, how he was admired by his Flock; and tells him, they looked on this way of dividing Protestants as the most effectual to bring them all back to the Church of Rome; and in his Chamber, they found a Bull from Pius V. to follow the Instructions of the Society for dividing the Protestants in England; and the License from his Fraternity. There is one thing in the Jesuits Letter deserves our farther consideration, which the Publisher of it did not understand: which is, that Hallingham, Coleman, and Benson are there mentioned, as Persons imploy'd to sow a Faction among the German Hereticks; which he takes to be spoken of the Sects in Germany; but by the German Hereticks the English Protestants are meant, i.e. Lutherans: and these very Men are mentioned by our Historians, without knowing of this Letter, as the most active and busie in the beginning of the Separation. Of these (saith Fuller) Coleman, Church History, l. 1. p. 81. History of Presbyter. l. 6. p. 257.Button, Hallingham and Benson were the chief. At which time (saith Heylin) Benson, Button, Hallingham, and Coleman, and others taking upon them to be of more ardent Zeal than others, &c. That time is 1568, which agrees exactly with the Date of that Letter at Madrid, October 26. 1568. And both these had it from a much better Author than either of them;Annales Elizabethae, A. D. 1568. Camden I mean; who saith, That while Harding, Sanders, and others attacked our Church on one side; Coleman, Button, Hallingham, Benson, and others were as busie on the other; who, under pretence of a purer Reformation, opposed the Discipline, Liturgy, and Calling of our Bishops, as approaching too near to the Church of Rome. And he makes these the Beginners of those Quarrels which afterwards brake out with great violence. Now, that there is no improbability in the thing, will appear by the suitableness of these Pretences about Spiritual Prayer, to the Doctrine and Practices of the Jesuits. For they are professed despisers of the Cathedral Service, and are excused from their attendance on it by the Constitutions of their Order; and are as great admirers of Spiritual Prayer, and an Enthusiastick way of Preaching, as appears by the History of the first Institution of their Order, by Orlandinus and Maffeius. They who are acquainted with their Doctrine of Spiritual Prayer, will find that which is admired and set up here, as so much above Set-Forms, to be one of the lowest of three sorts among them. That Gift of Prayer which Men have, but requires the Exercise of their own Gifts to stir it up, they call Oratio acquisita, acquired Prayer; although they say, the Principle of it is infused. The Second is, by a special immediate influence of the Holy Ghost upon the Mind, with the concurrence of infused habits. The Third is far above either of these, which they call the Prayer of Contemplation, and is never given by way of habit to any; but lies in immediate and unexpressible unions. All these I …ould easily shew to be the Doctrine received and magnified in the Roman Church,V. Thom. à Iesu, de natura divinae Orationis. especially by those who pretend to greater Purity and Spirituality than others. But this is sufficient to my purpose, to prove, that there is no improbability that they should be the first setters up of this way in England. And it is observable, that it was never known here, or in any other Reformed Church before this time: and therefore the beginning of it is unjustly father'd by some on T. C. But by whomsoever it was begun, it met with such great success in the zeal and warmth of devotion which appeared in it, that no Charm hath been more effectual, to draw injudicious People into a contempt of our Liturgy, and admiring the Way of Separation. When by such Arts the People were possessed with an Opinion of a more pure and Spiritual Way of Worship than was used in our Church, they were easily drawn into the admiration of those, who found fault with the Liturgy and Ceremonies that were used among us; and so the Divisions wonderfully increased in a very short time. And the Papists could not but please themselves to see that other Men did their VVork so effectually for them. For the Authors of the Admonition 14 Elizab. declared, They would have neither Papists nor others constrained to Communicate: which although, Defence of the Answer, p. 605.as Arch-Bishop Whitgift saith, they intended as a Plea for their own Separation from the Church, yet, saith he, the Papists could not have met with better Proctors. And elsewhere he tells them, That they did the Pope very good service, Page 55.and that he would not miss them for any thing. For what is his desire but to have this Church of England (which he hath Accused) utterly defaced and discredited, to have it by any means overthrown, if not by Forrein Enemies, yet by Domestical Dissention. And, What fitter and apter Instruments could he have had for that purpose than you, who under pretence of zeal, overthrow that which other Men have builded, under color of Purity, seek to bring in Deformity, and under the Cloke of Equality and Humility, would usurp as great Tyranny and lofty Lordliness over your Parishes, as ever the Pope did over the whole Church? And in another place, he saith, They were made the Engines of the Roman Conclave, whereby they intend to overthrow this Church by our own Folly, which they cannot compass by all their Policy. Fair warning second Part Printed by H. March. 1663.Arch-Bishop Grindal (as I find a Letter of his) expressed his great fear of two things, Atheism and Popery, and both arising out of our needless Divisions and Differences, fomented, he doubts not by Satan the Enemy of Mankind, and the Pope the Enemy of Christendom. By these differences, the Enemies of our Religion gain this, That nothing can be established by Law in the Protestant Religion, whose every part is opposed by one or other of her own Professors; so that things continuing loose and confused, the Papists have their opportunity to urge their way, which is attended with Order and Government, and our Religion continuing thus distracted and divided, some vile wretches lay hold of the Arguments on one side to confute the other; and so hope at last to destroy all. Dr. Sutcliffe said long ago, That Wise Men apprehended these unhappy Questions about Indifferent things to be managed by the subtle Jesuits, thereby to disturb the Peace and Settlement of our Church, until at last they enjoy their long expected opportunity to set up themselves, and restore the exploded Tyranny and Idolatry of the Church of Rome. Among Mr. Selden's MSS. there is mention…d an odd Prophecy, That Popery should decay about 1500, and be restored about 1700, which is there said to be most likely by means of our Divisions, which threaten the Reformation, upon the Interest of Religion, and open advantages to the Enemies of it, and nothing is there said to be so likely to prevent it as a firm establishment of sound Doctrine, Discipline, and Worship in this Church.
Among the Iesuit Contzens directions for reducing Popery into a Country, Contzen Politic. l. 2. c. 18▪ Sect. 6▪the most considerable are,
(1.) That it be done under a pretence of ease to tender Consciences, which will gain a reputation to the Prince, and not seem to be done from his own Inclination, but out of kindness to his People.
(2.) That when Liberty is granted, then the Parties be forbid to contend with each other, for that will make way the more easily for one side to prevail, and the Prince will be commended for his love of Peace.
(3) That those, who suspect the Design, and Preach against it, be traduced as Men that Prea…h very unseasonable Doctrine, that the… are Proud, Self-opiniators, and Enemies to Peace and Union.
But, the special Advice he gives to a Catholick Prince, is,
(4.) To make as much use of the Divisions of his Enemies, Sect. 9.as of the Agreement of his Friends. How much the Popish Party here hath followed these Counsels, will easily appear by reflection upon their behaviour these last Twenty years.
But that which more particularly reaches to our own case, is, the Letter of Advice given to F. Young, by Seignior Ballarini, concerning the best way of managing the Popish Interest in England, upon His Majesties Restauration, wherein are several very remarkable things. This Letter was found in F. Young's Study, after his death, and was translated out of Italian, and printed in the Collection before mention'd;
The First Advice is, To make the Obstruction of Settlement their great design, especially upon the Fundamental Constitutions of the Kingdom, whereunto if things should fall, they would be more firm than ever.
(2.) The next thing is, To remove the jealousies raised by Prin, Baxter, &c. of their design upon the late Factions; and to set up the prosperous way of Fears and Jealousies of the King and Bishops.
(3.) To make it appear under-hand, how near the Doctrine, Worship, and Discipline of the Church of England comes to us: at how little distance their Common-Prayer is from our Mass; and that the wisest and ablest Men of that way are so moderate, that they would willingly come over to us, or at least meet us half way; hereby the more stayed Men will become more odious, and others will run out of all Religion for fear of Popery.
(4.) Let there be an Indulgence promoted by the Factious, and seconded by you.
(5.) That the Trade and Treasure of the Nation may be engrossed between themselves and other discontented Parties.
(6.) That the Bishops and Ministers of the Church of England be Aspersed, as either Worldly and Careless on the one hand; or so Factious on the other, that it were well they were removed.
These are some of those excellent Advices then given, and how well they have been followed we all know.
For, according to this Counsel, when they could not hinder the Settlement then, The great thing they aimed at for many years, was, the breaking in pieces the Constitution of this Church by a General Toleration. This Coleman owned at his Trial, Coleman's Tr…al, p. 101▪and after Sentence, Declared, That possibly he might be of an Opinion, that Popery might come in, if Liberty of Conscience had been granted. The Author of the Two Conferences between L'Chese and the Four Jesuits, owns the Declaration of Indulgence, 1671/2, to be of the Papists procuring; but he saith, the Presbyterians presently suspected the Kindness, and like wise Men closed with the Conformists; and refused the Bait, however specious it seemed, when they saw the Hook that lay under it. It was so far from this, that when one of the furious Dissenters, suspected the kindness, and made Queries upon the Declaration, wherein he represented it as a Stratagem to introduce Popery, and Arbitrary Government; one of the more moderate Party among them, Wrote a Publick Vindication of their accepting the Licences, Vindiciae libertatis Evangelii;wherein he declared to the World, in their Name, That they were not concerned what the Secret Design might be, Or a Iustification of our present Indulgence and acceptance of Licences, 1672. p. 12.so long as the thing was good And why, saith he, do you insinuate Jealousies? Have not we Publick, and the Papists only Private Allowance? In fine, we are thankful for the Honor put upon us to be Publick in our Meetings. Was this the Suspicion they had of the Kindness, and their Wisdom in joyning with the Conformists? If such bold and notorious Vntruths are published now, when every one that can remember but 8 years backward, can disprove them, What account may we expect will be given to Posterity of the Passages of these Times, if others do not take care to set them right? And I am so far from believing that they then closed with the Conformists, that I date the Presbyterian Separation chiefly from that time. For, Did not they take out Indulgences, Build Meeting Places, and keep up Separate Congregations ever since? And did not those, who before seem'd most inclinable to hold Communion with our Churches, then undertake in Print to defend the lawfulness of these Separate Meetings upon such Principles as will justifie any Separation? Sacrilegious desertion rebuked▪ and Tolerated Preaching Vindicated, 1672.VponUpon this, many of those who frequented our Churches before, withdrew themselves; and since they have formed and continued Separate Bodies; and upon the death of one Minister have chosen another in his room. And, What is a Formal Separation if this be not? Then the Ejected Ministers resorted to Cities and Corporations, not to supply the necessities of those who wanted them, but to gather Churches among them.Answer to Sacrileg. desert. p. 171. 1672. For a very credible Person informs us, That in the City he lived in, where there were not above 30 or 40 that ordinarily refused the Publick, and met Privately before the Indulgence; there were Ten Non-conformist Ministers that came into their City. And, What could this be for, but to draw People from their Churches, to make up Separate Congregations? And ever since that time, they have been hammering out Principles, such as they are, to justifie their own practices. But the Presbyterians did not joyn with the Papists for a General Toleration. I grant some of them did not, although very powerful Charm's were at that time used to draw them in: and not a few swallowed the Specious Bait, although some had the Skill to disentangle themselves from the Hook which went along with it. But that this honor doth not belong Vniversally to them, I shall thus evidently prove.
In A. D. 1675 there was a Book Printed, Entituled, The Peaceable Design, or an Account of the Non-conformists Meetings, by some Ministers of London.Page 71. In it an Objection is thus put; But What shall we say then to the P…pists? The Answer is, The Papist in our Account is but one sort of Recusants, and the Conscientious and Peaceable among them, must be held in the same Predicament with those among our selves, that likewise refuse to come to Common Prayer. What is this, but joyning for a Toleration of Popery?Page 72. If this be not plain enough, these words follow, But as for the Common Papist, who lives innocently in his way, he is to us as other Separatists, and so comes under like Toleration.
This notable Book, with some few Additions and Alterations, hath been since Printed, and with great sincerity called, An Answer to my Sermon. And the Times being changed since, the former Passage is thus alter'd, The Papist is one, Page 32.whose Worship to us is Idolatry, and we cannot therefore allow them the liberty of Publick Assembling themselves, as others of the Separation. Is it Idolatry, and not to be tolerated in 1680? And was it Idolatry and to be tolerated in 1675? Or was it no Idolatry then, but is become so now, and intolerable Idolatry too? The latter passage hath these Alterations; in stead of, He is to us as other Separatists, and so comes under the like Toleration; these are put in, He is to us, in regard of what he doth in private, in the matter of his God, as others who likewise refuse to come to Common Prayer. Now we see Toleration struck out for the Papists; but it was not only visible enough before, but that very Book was Printed with a Design to present it to the Parliament, which was the highest way of owning their Concurrence with the Papists for a general Toleration. And the true reason of this alteration is, that then was then, and now is now.
And to shew yet farther, what influence the Jesuitical Counsels have had upon their People, as to the Course of Separation; I shall produce the Testimony of a very considerable Person among them, who understood those affairs as well as any Man, viz Mr. Ph. Nye. VVho, not long before his Death, foreseeing the Mischievous Consequence of those Extravagant Heats, the People were running into, VVrote a Discourse on purpose, to prove it lawful to hear the Conforming Ministers, and Answers all the Common Objections against it; towards the C…nclusion he wonders, how the differing Parties came to be so agreed, in thinking it unlawful to hear us Preach; Page 250.but he saith, He is perswaded it is one constant design of Satan in the variety of ways of Religion he hath set on foot by Jesuits among us. Let us therefore be more aware of whatsoever tends that way. Here we have a plain Confession of a Leading Man among the Dissenters, That the Jesuits were very busie among them, and that they and the Devil joyned together in setting them at the greatest distance possible from the Church of England; and that those who would countermine the Devil and the Jesuits, must avoid whatever tends to that height of Separation the People were run into. And Mr. Baxter, in those days, viz. but a little before the Indulgence came out, was so sensible of the Mischief of Separation, Preface to the Defence of the Cure, p. 17.that he saith, Our Division gratifieth the Papists, and greatly hazardeth the Protestant Religion, and that more than most of your seem to believe, or to regard. VVhere he speaks to the Separating People. And among other great inconveniencies of Separation, which he mentions, this is one,Defence of the Cure of Divisions, introduction, p. 52, &c. That Popery will get by it so great advantage as may hazard us all, and we may lose that, which the several Parties do contend about.
Two ways especially Popery will grow out of our Divisions.
(1.) By the odium and scorn of our disagreements, inconsistency, and multiplied Sects: they will perswade People, that we must come for Unity to them, or else run Mad, and crumble into dust and individuaals. Thousands have been drawn to Popery, or confirmed in it by this Argument already; and I am perswaded, that all the Arguments else in Bellarmin, and all other Books that ever were Written, have not done so much to make Papists in England, as the Multitude of Sects among our selves. Yea, some Professors of Religious strictness, of great esteem for Godliness, have turned Papists themselves, when they were giddy and wearied with turnings; and when they had run from Sect to Sect, and found no consistency in any.
(2.) Either the Papists by increasing the Divisions, would make them be accounted Seditious, Rebellious, dangerous to the Publick Peace; or else when so many Parties are constrained to beg and wait for liberty, the Papists may not be shut out alone, but have Toleration with the rest. And, saith he, Shall they use our hands to do their Works, and pull their Freedom out of the Fire? We have already unspeakably served them, both in this, and in abating the Odium of the Gunpowder Plot, and their other Treasons, Insurrections, and Spanish Invasion.
Thus freely did Mr. Baxter VVrite at that time; and even after the Indulgence, he hath these passages, concerning the Separating and Dividing Humor of their People; It shameth, it grieveth us to see and hear from England, and from New England this common cry,Sacrilegious desertion, p. 103, 104. We are endanger'd by Divisions, principally because the Self-conceited part of the Religious People, will not be ruled by their Pastors, but must have their way, and will needs be Rulers of the Church and them. And soon after he saith to them, You have made more Papists than ever you or we are like to recover. Nothing is any whit considerable that a Papist hath to say, till he cometh to your case, and saith, Doth not experience tell you, that without Papal Unity and Force, these People will never be ruled, or united? It is you that tempt them to use Fire and Faggot, that will not be ruled nor kept in concord, by the Wisest, and holyest, and most Self-denying Ministers upon Earth. (Are not these kind words for themselves, considering what he gives to others?) And must you, even you, that should be our comfort, become our shame, and break our hearts, and make Men Papists by your Temptation? Wo to the World because of offences, and wo to some by whom they come.
Let now any impartial Reader Iudge, who did most effectually serve the Papists Designs, those who kept to the Communion of the Church of England, or those who fell into the Course of Separation? I will allow, what Mr. Baxter saith,Defence of the Cure, p. 53. That they might use their endeavors to exasperate the several Parties against each other; and might sometimes press the more rigorous execution of Laws against them; but then it was to set them at the greater distance from us, and to make them more pliable to a General Toleration And they sometimes complained, that those who were most adverse to this, found themselves under the severity of the Law, when more tractable Men escaped; which they have weakly imputed to the implacable temper of the Bishops, when they might easily understand the true Cause of such a discrimination: But from the whole it appears, that the grand Design of the Papists for many years, was to break in pieces the Constitution of the Church of England; which being done, they flatter'd themselves with the hopes of great Accessions to their strength and Party; and in order to this, they inflamed the differences among us to the utmost height, on purpose to make all the Dissenting Parties to joyn with them for a General Toleration; which they did not question would destroy this Church, and advance their Interest. Whether they did judge truly in this, I am not to determine; it is sufficient that they went upon the greatest Probabilities. But, Is it possible to imagine such skilful Engineers should use so much Art and Industry to undermine and blow up a Bulwark, unless they hoped to gain the place, or at lest some very considerable advantage to themselves by it? And it is a most unfortunate condition our Church is in, if those who design to bring in Popery, and those who design to keep it out, should both conspire towards its destruction.
This, which I have represented, was the posture of our Church-Affairs, when the late horrible Plot of the Papists, for Destruction of the Kings Person, and Subversion of our Religion came to be discover'd. It seems, they found the other methods tedious and uncertain; and they met with many cross accidents, many rubs and disappointments in their way; and therefore they resolved upon a Summary way of Proceeding, and to do their business by one blow. VVhichWhich, in regard of the circumstances of our Affairs, is so far from being incredible, that if they had no such design, it is rather a VVonder, they had not; especially considering the allowed Principles and Practices in the Church of Rome. Upon the discovery of the Plot, and the Means of Papists used confirm the Truth of it (knowing our great proneness to Infidelity) by the Murder of a worthy Gentleman who received the Depositions, the Nation was extremely Alarm'd with the apprehensions of Popery, and provoked to the utmost detestation of it. Those who had been long apprehensive of their restless designs, were glad to see others awaken'd; but they seemed like Men roused out of a deep sleep, being amazed and confounded, fearful of every thing, and apt to mistrust all persons who were not in such a Consternation as themselves. During this heat, some of us, both in Private, and Publick, endeavor'd to bring the Dissenters to the sense of the necessity of Union among Protestants, hoping the apprehension of present danger, common to us all, would have disposed them to a better inclination to the things which belong to our Peace. But finding the Nation thus vehemently bent against Popery, those who had formerly carried it so smoothly and fairly towards the common and innocent Papists (as they then stiled them) and thought them equally capable of Toleration with themselves, now they fly out into the utmost rage against them; and others were apt, by sly insinuations, to represent those of the Church of England (some of whom had appeared with vigor and resolution against Popery, when they were trucking underhand for Toleration with them) as Papists in Masquerade. But now they tack about, and strike in with the violent Rage of the People, and none so fierce against Popery as they. VVhat influence it hath had upon others I know not, but I confess it did not lessen my esteem of the Integrity of those of the Church of England, that they were not so much transported by sudden heats, beyond the just bounds of Prudence, and Decency, and Humanity, towards their greatest Enemies, having learnt from St. Paul, That, the wrath of Man worketh not the righteousness of God. They expected as little favor from them as any, if they had prevailed, and I doubt not but some of them had been made the first Examples of their Cruelty. However, this was interpreted to be want of Zeal, by those who think there is no Fire in the House, unless it flame out at the VVindows; and this advantage was taken by the inveterate Enemies of our Church, to represent us all as secret friends to the Papists (so improbable a Lie, that the Devil himself would Blush at the Telling of it, not for the Malice, but the Folly and Ill Contrivance of it) and those who were more moderate, were content to allow 3 or 4 among the Bishops to be Protestants, and about 4 or 5 among the Clergy of London To feed this humor (which wonderfully spread among more of the People than we could have believed to have been so weak) most of the Malicious Libels against the Church of England were Reprinted and dispersed, and new ones added to them. Among the rest, one Translated out of French, to prove the Advances of the Church of England towards Popery; but so unhappily managed, that those Persons are Chiefly Mention'd, who had appeared with most zeal against Popery. Yet, so much, had the Arts of some Men prevailed over the Iudgments of others, that even this Discourse was greedily swallowed by them. But I must do the Author of it that Right, to declare, that before his Death, he was very sensible of the Injury he had done to some Worthy Divines of our Church therein; and begged God and them Pardon for it. Wherein, as he followed the Example of some others, who were great Enemies to our Church while they lived, but repented of it, when they came to die; so, I hope, others, upon better consideration, will see reason to follow his. But this was but an inconsiderable trifle in comparison of what follow. We were still in hopes, that Men so Wise, so Self-denying as the Non-conformist Ministers represent themselves to the World, would, in so Critical a time, have made some steps or advances towards an Union with us; at lest to have let us known their Sense of the Present State of things, and their Readiness to joyn with us, as far as they could, against the Assaults of a Common Enemy. In stead of this, those we Discoursed with, seemed farther off than before; and when we lest expected such a Blow, under the Name of a Plea for Peace, out comes a Book, which far better deserved the Title of a Plea for Disorder and Separation, not without frequent, sharp, and bitter Reflections on the Constitution of our Church, and the Conformity required by Law; as though it had been designed on purpose, to Represent the Clergy of our Church as a Company of Notorious, Lying and Perjured Villains, for Conforming to the Laws of the Land, and Orders established among us; for there are no fewer than 30 Tremendous Aggravations of the Sin of Conformity set down in it. And all this done, without the lest Provocation given on our side; when all our Discourses that touched them, tended only to Union, and the Desirableness of Accommodation. If this had been the single Work of one Man, his Passion and Infirmities might have been some tolerable excuse for the indiscretion of it; but he Writes in the Name of a Whole Party of Men, and delivers the Sense of all his Acquaintance; and if those Principles be owned, and allowed by them, there can hardly be expected any such thing as a National Settlement, but all Churches must be heaps of Sand, which may lie together till a puff of Wind disperses them; having no firmer Bond of Vnion, than the present humor and good will of the People. But of the Principles of that Book, I have Discoursed at large, as far as concerns the business of Separation in the Second and Third Parts of the following Treatise.
But, as though this had not been enough, to shew what Enemies to Peace Men may be under a Pretence of it; not long after, the same Author sets forth another Book, with this Title, The true and only Way of Concord of all the Christian Churches. As though he had been Christ's Plenipotentiary upon Earth, and were to set the Terms of Peace and War among all Christians; but I wish he had shewed himself such a Pattern of Meekness, Humility, Patience, and a Peaceable Disposition, that we might not have so much Reason to Dispute his Credentials. But this is likewise Fraught with such impracticable Notions, and dividing Principles; as though his whole design had been, to prove, That there is No True Way of Concord among Christians: for if there be no other, than what he allows; all the Christian Churches this day in the World, are in a mighty mistake. When I looked into these Books, and saw the Design of them, I was mightily concerned, and infinitely surprised, that a Person of his Reputation for Piety, of his Age, and Experience in the World, and such a Lover of Peace, as he had always professed himself; and one who tells the World so often of his Dying, and of the Day of Judgment, should think of leaving two such Firebrands behind him, as both these Books will appear to any one who duely considers them, which have been since followed by 4 or 5 more to the same purpose, so that he seems resolved to leave his Life and Sting together in the Wounds of this Church. And it made me extremely pity the case of this poor Church, when even those who pretend to Plead for Peace, and to bring Water to quench her Flames, do but add more Fuel to them This gave the first occasion to those thoughts, which I afterwards delivered in my Sermon; for since by the means of such Books, the zeal of so many People was turned off from the Papists against those of our Church, I saw a plain necessity, that either we must be run down by the Impetuous Violence of an Enraged, but Vnprovoked Company of Men, or we must venture our selves to try, whether we could stem that Tide, which we saw coming upon us. And it falling to my Lot to Preach in the most publick Auditory of the City, at a more than usual Appearance, being the first Sunday in the Term, I considered the Relation I stood in under our Honored Diocesan, to the Clergy of the City, and therefore thought my self more obliged to take notice of what concerned the Peace and Welfare of the Churches therein. Upon these Considerations, I thought fit to take that opportunity, to lay open the due sense I had of the Unreasonableness and Mischief of the Present Separation. Wherein I was so far from intending to reflect on Mr. B. as Preaching in the Neighborhood of my Parish, that to my best remembrance, I never once thought of it, either in the making or Preaching of that Sermon. And yet throughout his Answer he would insinuate, That I had scarce any one in my eye but himself. His Books indeed had made too great an Impression on my Mind for me easily to forget them: But it was the great, the Dangerous, the Vnaccountable Separation, which I knew to be in and about the City, without regard to the Greatness or Smallness of Parishes, to the Abilities or Piety of their Ministers, or to the Peace and Order of the Church we live in; which made me fix upon that Subject; although I knew it to be so sore a place, that the Parties most concerned, could hardly endure to have it touched, though with a Soft and Gentle hand. However, I considered the Duty which I owe to God, and this Church, above the esteem and good words of Peevish and Partial Men; as I had before done in my dealing with the Papists; and I resolved to give them no Iust Provocation by Reproachful Language, or Personal Reflections; but if Truth and Reason would Anger them, I did not hold my self obliged to study to please them.
But, against this whole Vndertaking, there have been two common Objections.
First, That it was Unseasonable.
Secondly, That it was too Sharp and Severe.
To both these I shall Answer;
First, As to the Unseasonableness of it. What! Was it Unseasonable to perswade Protestants to Peace and Unity? That surely is very seasonable at any time, and much more then. And I appeal to any one that Reads it, whether this were not the chief, and only Design of my Sermon. And, to say, This was Unseasonable, is just, as if a Garrison were besieg'd by an Enemy, and in great danger of being surprised, and although they had frequent notice of it given them, yet many of the Soldiers were resolved not to joyn in a common body, under Command of their Officers, but would run into Corners, a few in a Company, and do what they list, and one should undertake to perswade them to return to their due obedience, and to mind the Common Interest, and some Grave by-standers should say, It is true, this is good Counsel at another time, but at this present it is very Unseasonable. When could it be more seasonable, than when the sence of their danger is greatest upon them? At another time it might have been less necessary; but when the common danger is apparent to all, Men of Sense, or common ingenuity, could not but take such advice most kindly at such a season. But this advice was not given to themselves, but to the Magistrates and Judges, and that made it look like a design to stir them up to a persecution of them. There had been some color for this, if there had been the left word tending that way through the whole Sermon. But this objection is generally made by those who never read the Sermon, and never intend to read it; and such I have found have spoken with the greatest bitterness against it. They resolved to condemn it, and therefore would see nothing that might have alter'd their Sentence. It is enough, it was Preached before the Magistrates and Judges, and therefore it must be for persecution of Dissenters. No…e are so incapable of Conviction, as those who presently determine what a thing must be, without considering what it is. Is it not possible for a Man to speak of Peace before Hannibal, or of Obedience to Government before Julius Caesar? Must one speak of nothing but Drums and Trumpets before, great Generals? Which is just as reasonable as to suppose, that a Man cannot Preach about Dissenters before Judges and Magistrates, but he must design to stir them up to the severe Execution of Laws? But it is to no purpose for me to think to convince those by any Vindication, who will not be at the pains to read the Sermon it self, for their own satisfaction. But the Dissenters themselves were not there to hear it. And must we never Preach against the Papists but when they are present? It seems they soon heard enough of it, by the Noise and Clamor they made about it. Yet still this gives advantage to the Papists, for us to quarrel among our selves. Would to God this advantage had never been given them! And Woe be to them by whom these offences come. And what must we do? Must we stand still with open Arms, and naked Breasts to receive all the Wounds they are willing to give us? Must we suffer our selves to be run down with a Popular fury, raised by Reviling Books, and Pamphlets, and not open our Mouths for our own Vindication, lest the Papists should overhear us? Which is, as if the unruly Soldiers in an Army must be let alone in a Mutiny, for fear the Enemy should take notice, and make some advantage of it. But which will be the greater advantage to him, to see it spread and increase, or care taken in time to suppress it? If our Dissenters had not appeared more Active, and busie than formerly; if they had not both by publick Writings, and secret Insinuations, gone about to blast the Reputation of this Church, and the Members of it, so disingenuously, as they have done; there might have been some pretence for the Unseasonableness of my Sermon. But when those things were notorious, to say it was Unseasonable to Preach such a Sermon then, or now to defend it; is, in effect to tell us, they may say and do what they will against us, at all seasons; but whatever we say or do for our own Vindication is Unseasonable; Which, under favor, seems to be little less than a State of Persecution on our side; for it is, like setting us in the Pillory, for them to throw dirt at us, without allowing us any means to defend our Selves.
But some complain of the too great sharpness and severity of it. But, Wherein doth it lie? Not, in raking into old Sores, or looking back to the proceedings of former times? Not, in exposing the particular faults of some Men, and laying them to the charge of the whole Party? Not, in sharp and provoking reflections on Mens Persons? All these I purposely, and with care declined. My design being not to exasperate any; but to perswade and argue them into a better disposition to Union, by laying open the common danger we are in, and the great Mischief of the present Separation But I am told by one,Dr. O. Vindication, p. 4. There are severe reflections upon the sincerity and honesty of the Designs of the Non-conformists; Letter out of the Country, p. 7.by another, that indeed I do not bespeak for them, Gibbets, Whipping-posts, and Dungeons; nor (directly) any thing grievous to their flesh; but I do not pass any gentle doom upon them, in respect of their Everlasting State. God forbid, that I should Iudge any one among them, as to their present sincerity, or final condition; to their own Master they must stand or fall; but, my business was to consider, the nature and tendency of their Actions. My Iudgment being, that a causless breaking the Peace of the Church we live in, is really as great and as dangerous a Sin, as Murder; and in some respects aggravated beyond it; and herein, having the concurrence of the Divines of greatest reputation both Ancient and Modern: Would they have had me represented that as no sin, which I think to be so great a one; or those as not guilty, whom in my Conscience I thought to be guilty of it? Would they have had me suffered this Sin to have lain upon them without reproving it; or, Would they have had me found out all the soft and palliating considerations to have lessen'd their sense of it? No, I had seen too much of this already: and a mighty prejudice done thereby to Men, otherwise scrupulous and conscientious, that seem to have lost all Sense of this Sin; as if there neither were, nor could be any such thing; unless perhaps they should happen to quarrel among themselves in a particular Congregation. Which is so mean, so jejune, so narrow a Notion of Schism, so much short of that Care of the Churches Peace which Ch…ist hath made so great a Duty of his Followers; that I cannot but wonder that Men of understanding should be satisfy'd with it, unless they thought there was no other way to excuse their own actings. And that I confess, is a shrew'd temptation. But, so far as I can judge, as far as the Obligation to preserve the Churches Peace extends, so far doth the Sin of Schism …each; and the Obligation to preserve the Peace of the Church extends to all lawful Constitutions in order to it; or else it would fall short of the Obligation to Civil Peace, which is as far as is possible, and as much as lies in us. Therefore to break the Peace of the Church we live in, for the sake of any lawful Orders and Constitutions made to preserve it, is directly the Sin of Schism, or an unlawful breach of the Peace of the Church. And this is not to be determined by Mens fancies, and present apprehensions; which they call the Dictates of Conscience; but upon plain and evident grounds, manifesting the repugnancy of the things required to the Laws and Institutions of Christ, and that they are of that importance that he allows Men rather to divide from such a Communion, than joyn in the practice of such things. We were in a lamentable case, as to the Defence of the Reformation, if we had nothing more to plead against the Impositions of the Church of Rome, than they have against ours: and I think it impossible to defend the lawfulness of our Separation from them, if we had no better grounds to proceed upon, than they have against our Church. For the proof of this, I refer the Reader to the BOOK it self. This then being my opinion concerning their Practices, Was this a fault in me, to shew some reason for it? And How could I do that without proving those Practices to be sinful? and if they were sinful, How could they who knowingly and deliberately continue in the Practice of them be innocent? What influence the prejudices of Education, the Authority of Teachers, the almost Invincible Ignorance of some weaker People, and the Vncurable Biass of some Mens Minds may have to lessen their Guilt, I meddle not with; but the Nature of the Actions, and the Tendency of them▪ which I then declared to be Sinful; and I am so far from being alter'd in my Iudgment by any of the Answers I have seen (and I have read all that have been published) that I am much more confirmed in it. But Dr. O. saith, He had seen a Collection made of severe reflections by the hand of a Person of Honor, Pag… 4.with his Judgment upon them. I wish the Doctor had favour'd me with a sight of them; but at present it is somewhat hard for me to make the Objections and Answers too. And it was not so fairly done to mention them, unless he had produced them. Therefore, to the …nknown Objections, I hope no Answer is expected.
But there is one expression wherein I am charged with a Scurrilous Sarcasm, or a very Unchristian Judging Mens hearts, or a Ridiculous piece of Nonsense, viz. When I say, That the most godly People among them can the lest endure to be to told of their Faults: Now,Mischief of Impos. end of the Preface. saith Mr. A. How can they be most Godly, who cannot bear reproof of their Faults, which is a main part of Godliness. I am really sorry, some of my Answerers have so much made good the Truth of that Saying in its plainest Sense. But there needs no more to clear my Intention in it, but to consider, of whom it is spoken; viz. of those, who will not bear being told of the Sin of Separation by their own Teachers. For my Words are, Is it that they Fear the Reproaches of the People? which some few of the most Eminent Persons among them, have found they must undergo, if they touch upon this Subject (for I know not how it comes to pass, that the most Godly People among them can the lest endure to be told of their Faults.) In all which words I had a particular respect to the Case of Mr. Baxter who, after he had, with great honesty, published his Cure of Divisions, and therein sharply rebuked the Separating, Dividing Humor of the People, who pretended most to Religious Strictness, he met with bitter Reproaches from them for the sake of this Freedom, that he was foced to Publish a Defence of his Cure in Vindication of himself from them; wherein he saith, He was judged by them to be too Censorious of them, Preface, p. 11, 13.and too sharp in telling them of that which he did not doubt to be their Sin: And again, If I be mistaken, Should you be so impatient, as not to bear with one, that in such an Opinion differeth from you? And why should not you bear with my Dissent, as well as I do with yours? Page 15.Again, Why should not you bear with lesser contradiction, when others must bear with far greater from you? Will you proclaim you selves to be the more impatient? You will then make Men think, you are the most guilty.— And a little after, And yet you that should be most patient, take it for a heinous crime and injury, to be told, that you wrong them, and that you judge too hardly of them; and that their Communion is not unlawful. And when we joyn to this, what he saith elsewhere, that they are the most Self-conceited Professors who will not be ruled by their Ministers, but are most given to Division and Separation: in a passage before mention'd; there needs no more to vindicate the truth of this saying, than to shew, that the most Self-conceited do often pass for the most Godly among them; which is a figure so common, so easie to be understood, that it needs no more Apology, than our Saviours calling the Pharisees Righteous Men, and saying, they were so whole, as to need no Physician. And I cannot think such figures which were used by our Saviour, unfit for a Pulpit.
But notwithstanding all the care I took to prevent giving any just occasion of Offence, my Sermon had not been long abroad, but I heard of Great Clamors against it. At first it went down quietly enough, and many of the People began to Read and Consider it, being pleased to find so weighty and so necessary a Point debated, with so much Calmness, and freedom from Passion. Which being discerned by the Leaders, and Managers of the Parties, it was soon resolved, that the Sermon must be cried down, and the People Disswaded, by all means, from Reading it. If any of them were Talked with about it, they shrunk up their Shoulders, and looked Sternly, and shook their Heads, and hardly forbore some Bitter Words both of the Author and the Sermon. VponUpon this followed a great Cry and Noise, both in City and Country, against it; and some honest persons really pittied me, thinking I had done some very ill thing; so many People were of a sudden so set against me, and spoke so bitterly of my Sermon. I Asked, What the matter was? What False Doctrine I had Preached? Did they suspect I was turn'd Papist, at such a Time, when all the Nation was set against Popery? who had Written so much against it, when others, who are now so fierce, were afraid to appear? It was something, they said, had Angred them sorely, but they could not tell What: which made me Read my Sermon over again, to see what Offensive Passages there might be in it; after all, I could see no just cause for any Offence, unless it were, that I perswaded the Dissenters to Submit to the Church of England, and not the Church of England to Submit to them. And this, I believe, lay at the bottom of many Mens Stomacks. They would have had me Humor'd the Growing Faction, which, under a Pretence of Zeal against Popery, Designed to Overthrow the Church of England; or, at lest have Preached for Alterations and Abatements, and taking away Ceremonies and Subscriptions, and leaving them full Liberty to do what they pleased; and then I might have gained their good opinion, and been thought to have Preached a very Seasonable Sermon. But supposing my own private opinion were never so much for some Abatements to be made, that might tend to strengthen and unite Protestants, and were consistent with our National Settlement; Had it been seasonable to have spoken of the Alteration of Laws before Magistrates and Judges, who are tied up to the Laws in being? Is it fit for private persons, when Laws are in force, to take upon them to Iudge what Laws are fit to continue, and what not? I think the Alteration of Established Laws, which concern the Preservation of our Church and Religion, one of the Weightiest things that can be taken into Consideration. And although the Arguments are very plausible one way, yet the Objections are very strong another. The Union of Protestants, the Ease of Scrupulous Consciences, the providing for so many poor Families of Ejected Ministers, are great Motives on our side; But,
1. The Impossibility of satisfying all Dissenters.
2. The Vncertainty of gaining any considerable number by Relaxations.
3. The Difficulty of keeping Factions out of the Church, considering the Vngovernableness of some Mens Tempers and Principles.
4. The danger of breaking all in pieces by Toleration;
5. The Exposing our selves to the Papists, and others, by Receding too far from the first Principles and Frame of our Reformation.
And 6. The Difficulty of keeping out Priests, pretending to be allowed Dissenters, are very weighty Considerations on the other side.
So that, whatever Men talk of the easiness of taking away the present Impositions, it is a sign they look no farther than their own case; and do not consider the Strength and Union of a National Settlement, and the necessity thereof to keep out Popery; and, How much easier it is to break things in pieces, than to set them in order again; for, new Objections will still be raised against any Settlement, and so the result may be nothing but Disorder and Confusion. Of what moment these things may be thought to other persons, I know not; but they were great enough to me, to make me think it very unseasonable to meddle with Establish'd Law's; but on the other hand, I could not but think it seasonable to endeavor to remove such Scruples and Prejudices, as hindered the People most from Communion with our Churches; for, as I said in the Epistle before the Sermon, If the People be brought to Vnderstand and Practice their Duty, as to Communion with our Churches, other difficulties, which obstruct our Union, will more easily be removed. This passage, Mr A. tells me,Mischief of Imposition Preface towards the end. was the Sport and Entertainment of the Coffe… -Houses. I confess, I am a great Stranger to the Wisdom of those places; but I see Mr. A. is able to give me an Account of the Sage Discourses upon Points of Divinity there. But if those pleasant Gentlemen would have understood the difference between Lay-Communion, and Ministerial Conformity, they might have apprehended the meaning of that passage. For, I am of Opinion, if the People once thought themselves bound to do, what they may lawfully do, towards Communion with us; many of the Ministers who seem now most most forward to defend the Separation, would think of putting a fairer Construction upon many things than now they do. And therefore I thought it fittest to handle the Case of the People, who are either over-violent in these matters, without ever considering them, or have met with ill-instructors, who have not faithfully let them know what the terms of Communion, as to themselves, were. For the Scruple of the Surplice seems to be worn out; Kneeling at the Sacrament is generally allowed by the more Iudicious Non-conformists; and the only Scruple, as to them, about the Sign of the Cross, is not, whether it be lawful for the Minister to use it, but whether it be lawful for them to offer their Children to be Baptized where it is used; and, as Mr. Baxter resolves the case; Baptism is Gods Ordinance, Christian Direct.and his priviledge, Cases Eccles. p. 49.and the Sin (if it be one) is the Ministers, and not his. Another Man's sinful Mode will not justifie the neglect of our Duty; else we might not joyn in any Prayer or Sacrament in which the Minister Modally sinneth: that is with none. As to the Use of the Liturgy, Defence of Cure of Divis. Introd. p. 55.Mr. Baxter saith, He that Separateth from all Churches among us, on the account of the Unlawfulness of our Liturgy, doth Separate from them on a Reason Common to All, or almost All Christian Churches upon Earth; the thoughts of which he is not able to bear. And although the New Impositions, he saith, makes their Ministerial Conformity harder than formerly; yet the Peoples Conformity is the same (if not easier, by some Amendments of the Liturgy) as when Separation was fully confuted by the Old Non-conformists. Ib. & p. 88.And the most Learned and Worthy of them, he saith, Wrote more against Separation, than the Conformists: and the present Non-conformists have not more Wisdom, Learning, or Holiness than they. But, he saith, they did not only urge the People against Separation, but to come to the very beginning of the Publick Worship, preferring it before their private Duties. What ground was there now, to make such a Hideous. Out-Cry about a Sermon, which perswaded Men to no more, than the Old Pious, and Peaceable Nonconformists would have done; who talked more sharply against the Sin, and Mischief of Separation, than I have done; as may be seen in the First Part of the following Treatise?
But as if they had been the Papists Instruments, to execute the fury of their Wrath and Displeasure against me, they Summon in the Power of their Party, and resolve, with their full might, to fall upon me. And, as if it had not been enough to deal with me by open Force, which is more Manly, and Generous; they made use of mean and base Arts, by Scurrilous Rimes, by Virulent and Malicious Libels sent to me without Names; by Idle Stories, and False Suggestions, to rob me at once, of my Reputation, and the Tranquillity of my Mind. But I thank God, I despised such pittiful Artifices, and such Vnmanly and Barbarous Usage; which made no other Impression on my mind, but to make me understand, that other Men could use me, as Bad, or Worse, than the Papists. But this brought to my Mind a Passage of Arch-Bishop Whitgift, Arch-Bishop Whitgift's Defence, &c. p. 423.concerning their Predecessors usage of Bishop Jewel; after he had so stoutly defended this Church against the Papists. But, saith he, it is their manner, except you please their humor in all things, though you otherwise deserve never so well, all is nothing with them, but they will Deprave you, Rail on you, Backbite you, Invent Lies of you, and spread False Rumors, as though you were the Vilest Persons upon Earth I could hardly have believed so ill a Character of Men pretending to any kind of Religion, had I not found so just a parallel; abating only the due allowances that must be made as to my Case, with respect to the far greater deserts of that incomparable Bishop. But notwithstanding all their hard Censures of me, I do assure them, I am as firm a Protestant as ever I was, and should be still as ready to Promote the Interest of the Protestant Religion, yea, and to do any Real Kindness to the Dissenters themselves, that may be consistent with the National Settlement of our Church, and the Honor of our Reformation.
After a while, they thought fit to draw their Strength into open Field, and the First who appeared against me, was Dr. Owen, who treated me with that Civility, and Decent Language, that I cannot but Return him Thanks for it; however, I was far from being satisfied with his Reasoning, as will appear in the Book it self. The next was Mr. Baxter, who appeared with so much Anger, and unbecoming Passion; that I truly pittied him; and was so far from being transported by it, that it was enough to cure an inclination to an indecent passion, to see, how ill it became a Man of his Age, Profession, and Reputation. At first he sent me some Captious Questions for a Trial of Skill; I Returned him Answer, They were not to the business; but if he intended to Answer my Sermon (as I perceived by his Letter he was put upon it, and I knew how hardly he could abstain from Writing however) I desired him not to make too hasty a Reply. But he, who seldom takes the Advice of his Friends, was, I suppose, the more provoked by this Good Counsel; and seems to have Written his whole Book in one continued fit of Anger; and by some Rules of Civility peculiar to himself, he published my Private Letter, without so much as letting me know that he intended it. Whatever Injurious and Spiteful Reflections he hath made upon me through his Book, I can more easily forgive him, than he can forgive himself, when he looks them over again with a better mind. And therefore I pass over the Scurrility of his Preface, wherein, after he hath in 20 Particulars described, the most Unskilful, Proud, Partial, Obstinate, Cruel, Impertinent Adversaries he could think of places of Scripture, or Similitudes for, he then concludes; But although all this be not the case of the Reverend Doctor. What a malicious way of Reproaching is this? To name so many very ill things, and to leave it to the Reader to apply as much as he pleases; and when he is charged with any one to say, he meant not that, for he added, although all this be not the case of R. Dr. If this be the Justice, the Charity, and Ingenuity of Mr. B. and his Brethren, who put him upon Writing, they must give me leave to think, there are some Non-conformist Ministers, that are not the Wisest, the Meekest, nor the most Self-denying Men upon Earth. He seems much concerned about my being likely to have the last Word: which I am very willing to let him have, hoping he may come to himself before he Dies; and may live to Repent of the Injuries he hath done to his Brethren and the Mischiefs he hath done to the Church of God, by so industriously exposing the Governors of it, and laying the Foundation for Endless Separation, as will appear in the following Discourse.
The Third who entred the Lists, was one, who seemed to Write more like a Well-disposed Gentleman, than like a Divine; he wishes very well to the Cause he undertakes; he di… courses Gravely and Piously, without Bitterness and Rancor, or any sharp Reflections, and sometimes with a great mixture of Kindness towards one; for which, and his Prayers for me, I do heartily Thank him. What I find Material to the business in his Book, I have consider'd in its due place.
The Fourth comes forth with a more than ordinary briskness; and seems to set up rather for a sort of Wit, than a Grave Divine. His Book resembled the Bird of Athens, for it seems to be made up of Face and Feathers: For, setting aside his Bold Sayings, his Impertinent Triflings, his hunting up and down for any occasion of venting his little Stories and Similitudes, there is very little of Substance left in him; but what he hath borrowed from Dr. O. or Mr. B. Methinks, such a light, vain, scurrilous Way of Writing, doth not become such a Tenderness of Conscience as our Dissenting Brethren pretend to. There is a sort of pleasantness of Wit which serves to entertain the Reader in the rough and deep Way of Controversies; but certainly there is a difference between the Raillery and Good Humor of Gentlemen, and the Iests of Porters and Watermen. But this Author seems to be Ambitious of the honor of a Second Martin, whose way he imitates, and whose Wit he equals. Yet this is not his greatest Fault, for he deals with me as a Man that was by any means to be run down, without regard to common Ingenuity. For, suppose I had mistaken the Sense of my Text, which I am certain I did not; yet I am not the only Person in the World that Talks Impertinently. Suppose there had been a Fault in my Reasoning, methinks the sense of Humane Frailty should make Men not grow Insolent upon such a Discovery: and yet I do not know one thing which he hath made it in; as will appear hereafter. But, Will nothing serve but to Represent me to the World as a kind of Atheistical Hypocrite, i. e. as a secret underminer of the proof of a Deity, under the pretence of proving it? Yet, this he doth more than once: which was so remote from his Business, that nothing but a Wretched, Malicious Design of Exposing me, could make him draw it in: He gives a gentle Touch at it in his Preface, to prepare the Readers Appetite; but p. 70. he charges me with proceeding upon such Principles, as plainly render it impossible by any certain Argument to prove the existence of a Deity. Mr. B. had unhappily said, and without the least ground, that my Principles overthrow all Religion; and Mr. A. vouches it, and undertakes to prove it for him. Mr. B. begins his Plea for Peace with a saying of St. Augustin, (he meant St. Hierom) that no Man ought to be patient under the accusation of Heresy: What should a Man then be under the accusation of being guilty of overthrowing all Religion, and rendring it impossible, by any certain Argument, to prove that there is a God? According to all Rules of Iustice, a Charge of so high a nature ought not to be brought against any Man, without such evidence, as appears clear and convincing to him that brings it. But I very much mistrust in this case, that Mr. A. in his Conscience knew, his Proofs to be weak and insufficient; What then can we think of him that charges another with so high a Crime, when he knows that he cannot prove it? His first Proof, he takes from my Popish Adversaries, about the inconsistency of proving a Deity, by such Infallible Arguments, as must suppose the existence of what we prove; as all infallibility from Divine Assistance must do. But did I ever say, there was no Certainty without Infallible Assistance? And yet this whole matter about Certainty, Several Conferences, p. 258, &c.as to the Proof of a God, and the Christian Religion, I had so lately cleared in my last Answer to the Papists, which he refers to in this very place, that he could not but be convinced of the Impertinency of it. His Main Argument he pretends to bring from a Principle of my own; for his words are, He lays down this for a Principle, that the Foundation of all Certainty lies in the necessary Existence of a being Absolutely Perfect; How then, saith he, shall we come to prove his Existence by such demonstration, Cui non potest subesse falsum? And then he adds, That I have excluded all Demonstration from the Works of God, because we must first know, that there is an invisible God, before we can certainly know, that there is a visible World. But if I make it evident, that I lay down no such Principles of my own; and that I do particularly insist upon the certainty of proving a God from his Works, What doth this Man deserve for his Calumnies?
First, That which he saith I lay down for a Principle, I only propose as an i…serence from the Hypothesis of other Men. For my words are, Orig. Sucr. l. 2. ch. 8. p. 220.And if that Principle be supposed, as the foundation of all Physical Certainty, as to the Being of things, that there is a God:—I say, if that Principle be supposed. From hence appears a double Falsification.
1. That I make it the Principle of all certainty, whereas I expresly set down in their Hypothesis Physical Certainty as to the being of things; but, Is there no certainty but what is Physical? What thinks he of Mathematical, or Metaphysical Certainty? so that there might be a Mathematical or Metaphysical Certainty of the Being of God, though this Principle were allowed. How then doth this prove, that I render it impossible, by any Certain Argument, to prove the Existence of a Deity?
2. That I make it a Principle of my own, whereas I only suppose it as following from a Principle of others. To clear this, it will be necessary … lay down the scope of that Discourse, which was to prove, that there is a certainty of Faith, as well as of Sense; and to that end I shewed from the nature of the certainty of sense, that it doth fall short of Mathematical Demonstrations; which having done from other Arguments, I then consider their Hypothesis, who derive all Physical Certainty from the knowledge of God, who will not suffer Mens Minds to be deceived in clear perceptions; then from this Principle being supposed, I infer several things for the advantage of the certainty of Faith. 1. That the Foundation of all Certainty, i. e. such as was before spoken of, lies in the necessary Existence of a being absolutely perfect. Which I deduce as … just inference from the former Hypothesis; and therefore on this Supposition, something above our Comprehension, viz. Absolute perfection, must be made the foundation of our certain knowledge of things, and so the difficulty of our conception of matters of Faith, ought to be no hindrance to the certainty of Faith. 2. That we have as great, or greater reason to believe, that God will not suffer us to be deceived in matters of Faith, as in the objects of our Senses because as I there Argue, there is no sue… great danger of being deceived, or in being deceived in the objects of Sense, as in the matters of Faith. Let any Man now Iudge, whether this be the discourse of one that rendred it impossible, by any certain Argument, to prove the Existence of a Deity? or that I laid down that as a Principle of my own, from which being supposed, I deduce such inferences as prove the certainty of Faith hath no greater difficulties, than the certainty of Sense.
Secondly, I am so far from excluding the certainty of the Argument from the Works of God to prove his Being, that I particularly and largely insist upon it from p. 401. to p. 411. but he pretends that I bring no Argument but from the Idea of God in our minds, wich is so false, that
(1.) I make use of that Argument only to slex, that the notion of a God hath no inconsistency in it, nothing repugnant to the faculties of our Minds: as appeas by that very place he quotes:Orig. Sacr. p. 367, 368.
(2.) The main Arguments I insist upon, are, That the things in the World are the manifest effects of Divine Wisdom, Goodness and Power: and that there be such things in the World which are unacceptable without a Deity.
Let any Man now Iudge, with what Conscience or ingenuity, this Man hath managed such an Accusation against me▪ as that I go upon such Principles, as plainly render it impossible, by any certain Argument, to prove the Existence of a Deity.
But it may be he will pretend, that he did not design to prove me Atheistical, but only to shew, that I acted very unreasonably, in requiring a greater certainty in them, as to the Principles of Separation, than I do allow in far greater things. As to his design I leave the Reader to Iudge by his way of preceeding in it. As to the colour he hath to bring it in, on the account of the Grounds of Separation, it is only this; The Sub-Committee of the Assembly arguing against the Dissenting Brethren, saith he, I say, That such tenderness of Conscience, as ariseth out of an Opinion (cui potest subesse falsum) which may be false, is not a sufficient ground, &c. to justifie Separation. But here is a dangerous &c. in the middle of a Sentence, which made me look again into the Papers, and there I find such words left out, as fully explain and determine the sense; for the whole Sentence runs thus.Papers for Accommodation, p. 51. We much doubt, whether such tenderness of Conscience, as ariseth out of an Opinion, Cui potest subesse falsum, when the Conscience is so tender, as that it may be withal an erring Conscience, can be a sufficient ground to justifie such a material Separation as our Brethren plead for. Where we see, the force is not laid upon the bare possibility of Deception (for then no Separation could be allowed in any case, since all Men are fallible) but upon the supposition of an actual deception, which an Erroneous Conscience supposes. For it is such a deception as doth suppose Tenderness of Conscience, which doth not arise from a possibility of being deceived, but from an Error of Conscience. The Plea is, Tenderness of Conscience; the Question is, Whether this Plea be sufficient to justifie Separation? We much doubt it, say they, Why so? the other Reply; Our Reason is, Because this Tenderness may arise from an Erroneous Conscience. But why should you suspect an Erroneous Conscience in the Case? Because Persons are liable to be deceived in the Dictates of Conscience: especially when they go meerly upon their own apprehensions, without producing Arguments ex Naturâ rei. For all the debate between them about Tenderness of Conscience proceeded upon this. So that their meaning is not here to be taken as to the bare possibility of deception, but of such an Opinion, as carried a great probability along with it, that they were actually deceived. And what coherence is there now between this, and the Proof that I bring for the Existence of a Deity? so that, it is apparent, that this was an occasion sought after, to lay as much load upon me as he could. And by this tast let the Reader Iudge, what Ingenuity I am to expect from this Man.
The Last who appeared against my Sermon is called, the Author of the Christian Temper, I was glad to find an Adversary pretending to that; having found so little of it in the Answers of Mr. B. and Mr. A. His business is, To commit the Rector of Sutton with the Dean of St. Paul's: which was enough to make the Common People imagine, this was some busie Justice of Peace who had taken them both at a Conventicle. The whole Design of that Book doth not seem very agreeable to the Christian Temper which the Author pretends to. For it is to pick up all the Passages he could meet with (in a Book written twenty years since) with great tenderness towards the Dissenters, before the Law's were Establish'd. As though, as Mr Cotton once answered in a like case, there were no weighty Argument to be found, but what might be gather'd from the weakness or unwariness of my Expressions. Answer to R. Williams, p. 129.And, Have you not very well requited the Author of that Book for the tenderness and pitty he had for you, and the concernment he then expressed, to have brought you i…, upon easier terms than were since required? And, Hath he now deserved this at your hands, to have them all thrown in his face, and to be thus upbraided with his former kindness? Is this your Ingenuity, your Gratitude, your Christian Temper? Are you afraid of having too many Friends, that you thus use those, whom you once took to be such?
Methinks herein you appear very Self-denying, but I cannot take you to be any of the Wisest Men upon Earth. When you think it reasonable, that upon longer time, and farther consideration, those Divines of the Assembly, who then opposed Separation, should change their Opinions; Will you not allow one single Person, who happen'd to Write about these matters when he was very young; in twenty years time of the most busie and thoughtful part of his life, to see reason to alter his Iudgment? But after all this, wherein is it that he hath thus contradicted himself? Is it in the Point of Separation, which is the present business? No, so far from it, that in that very Book, he speaks as fully concerning the Unlawfulness of Separation, as in this Sermon. Which will appear by these particulars in it.
(1.) That it is unlawful to set up new Churches,Irenic. p. 123. because they cannot conform to such practises which they suspect to be unlawful.
(2.) Those are New Churches when Men erect distinct Societies for Worship under distinct and peculiar Officers, governing by Laws, and Church Rules, different from that form they separate from.
(3.) As to things in the Judgment of the Primitive and Reformed Churches left undeter…in'd by the Law of God, and in matters of meer order and decency, and wholly as to the Form of Government, every one, notwithstanding what his private judgment may be of them, is bound for the Peace of the Church of God, to submit to the determination of the lawful Governors of the Church. Allow but these Three Conclusions, and defend the present Separation if you can. Why then do you make such a stir about other passages in that Book, and take so little notice of these, which are most pertinent and material? Was it not possible for you to espy them, when you ransacked every Corner of that Book, to find out some thing which might seem to make to your purpose? And yet the very first passage you quote is within two Leaves of these;Page 5. and Two passages more you soon after quote, are within a Page of them;Page 6, 7. and another in the very same Page; Page 8.and so many up and down so very near them, that it is impossible you should not see and consider them? Yes he hath at last found something very near them; for he quotes the very Pages where they are. And, he saith, he will do me no wrong, for I do distinguish, he confesses, between Non-communion in unlawful or suspected Rites or Practises in a Church, and entering into distinct Societies for Worship This is doing me some right however, although he doth not fully set down my meaning. But he urges another passage in the same place, viz. That if others cast them wholly out of Communion, their Separation is necessary— That is no more, than hath been always said by our Divines in respect to the Church of Rome. But, Will not this equally hold against our Church, if it Excommunicates those who cannot conform? I Answer, (1.) Our Church doth not cast any wholly out of Communion for meer Scrupulous Non-conformity in some particular Rites. For, it allows them to Communicate in other parts of Worship; as appeared by all the Non-conformists of former times, who constantly joyned in Prayers and other Acts of Worship, although they scrupled some particular Ceremonies. (2.) The case is vastly different, as to the necessity of our Separation, upon being wholly cast out of Communion by the Church of Rome; and the necessity of others Separating from us, supposing a general Excommunication ipso facto against those who publickly defame the Orders of this Church For that is all which can be inferred from the Canons. For, in the former case, it is not a lesser Excommunication denounced, as it is only in our case against Publick and scandalous Offenders (which is no more than is allowed in all Churches; and is generally supposed to lay no obligation, till it be duly executed, though it be latae sententiae & ipso facto) but in the Church of Rome we are cast out with an Anathema, so as to pronounce us uncapable of Salvation, if we do not return to, and continue in their Communion; and this was it which that Author meant, by being wholly cast out of Communion, i. e. with the greatest and highest Church Censure. (3.) That Author could not possibly mean, that there was an equal reason in these cases, when he expresly determines, that in the case of our Church, Men are bound in Conscience to submit to the Orders of it; being only about matters of Decency and Order, and such things which in the Judgment of the Primitive and Reformed Churches are left undetermined by the Law of God. Although therefore he might allow a scrupulous forbearance of some Acts of Communion, as to some suspected Rites, yet upon the Principles there asserted, he could never allow Mens proceedings to a Positive Separation from the Communion of our Church. And so much shall serve to clear the Agreement between the Rector of Sutton and the Dean of St. Pauls. But if any thing in the following Treatise, be found different from the sense of that Book, I do intreat them to allow me that which I heartily wish to them, viz. that in Twenty years time we may arrive to such maturity of thoughts, as to see reason to change our opinion of some things; and I wish I had not Cause to add, of some Persons too.
There is one thing more which this Author takes notice of, and the rest do not (for else he offers little or nothing but what is in the others) which is, that when I say our differences are condemned by the wiser Protestants abroad, he saith, if it be so, they may thank their Friends at home, that have misrepresented them to the World. Therefore, to give satisfaction, as to the judgment of some of the most eminent and learned Protestant Divines abroad now-living, I have subjoyned to the following Treatise, some late Letters of theirs, to a Person of great Honor and Dignity in our Church, to shew the Unlawfulness of Separation from the Communion of the Church of England. Which were not written by such, who had only a partial representation from others at a distance, but two of them by those who have been among us, and have been curious observers both of the Separate Meetings and of the Customs of our Churches; and the Third by the Famous and Excellent Monsieur Claude. And i… a Council could be called of all the Protestant Churches in Christendom, we should not doubt of their Determination of the Unlawfulness of the Present Separation.
But before I conclude this Preface, there is a great Objection yet to be removed, which concerns the Time of Publishing this Treatise; which some do seem to think, to be very unseasonable; when there is so much talk of Union among Protestants, and there appears a more General Inclination to it than formerly. And what, say they, can the laying open the Weakness of Dissenters tend to, but to Provoke and Exasperate them, and consequently to obstruct the Union so much desired? In so doing, I shall appear to resent more the Injuries done to my Self, than the Mischief which may come to the Protestant Religion, if this opportunity be not embraced for making an Union among Protestants. This is the force of the Objection. To which I Answer.
God forbid that I should either design, or do any thing which tended to obstruct so Blessed a Work, as a Firm and Lasting Vnion among Protestants would be. But my Business is, to shew the Vnreasonableness of those Principles and Practises, which hinder Men from such an Vnion, and lay a Foundation for Perpetual and Endless Separations. For upon the Principles laid down by some of our Dissenting Brethren, let the Constitution be made never so easie to themselves, yet others may make use of their Grounds, and carry on the Differences as high as ever. Which will render all Attempts of Vnion vain; and leave the same Weapons ready to be taken up by others. If the Vnion so much talked of, be such as tends to the lessening, and not to the increasing of our Differences; if it be for strengthning and supporting the Protestant Religion, and not rather for weaking and betraying it, by laying it more open to the Assaults of our Enemies; no Man shall be more ready to promote it than I; no Man will rejoyce more in the Accomplishment of it:
But universal liberty is quite another thing from Union; as much as looseing is from binding up; and it is strange if that which the Papists, not long since, thought the best means to bring in Popery, should now be looked on as the most effectual way to keep it out. But suppose the Indulgence be at present strictly limited to Dissenting Protestants; are we sure it shall always so continue? Will not the same Reasons, as to scruple of Conscience, suffering for Religion, &c. extend farther when occasion serves, and the Popish Religion get footing on the Dissenters grounds? Where hath the Church of Rome more Labourers, and a greater harvest, than under the greatest Liberty of Conscience? Let the State of the Northern Kingdoms, as to this matter, be Compared with the Number of Papists in the United Provinces. And it will be found impossible to Root out Popery, where Toleration is allowed. (1) Because of the various ways of creeping in under several disguises, which the Priests and Jesuits have; and can never be prevented, where there is a general Indulgence for Dissenters, and an unaccountable Church Power is allowed to separate Congregations. (2) Because it will be thought great hardship, when Mens heats are over, for them only to be deprived of the Liberty of their Consciences, when the wildest Fanaticks are allowed it. (3) Because the diversity of Sects which will be kept up by this means, will be always thought a plausible argument to draw Men to the Popish pretences of Unity. (4) Because the allowed Sects will in probability grow more insolent upon a Legal Indulgence, and bid defiance to the settled Constitution; as we have seen already by the yet visible effects of the former Indulgence. If Laws would alter the temper of Mens minds, and make proud, selfwilled, froward and passionate Men, become meek, and humble, gentle and peaceable, then it were great pitty, some Men had not had the Law on their side long ago. But is this to be looked for? are we to expect the Laws of Men should work more upon them than the Grace of God? If such then continue peevish and quarelsome, full of wrath and bitterness against all that are not of their minds; and they meet with Men as froward and contentious as themselves; will this look like the Union of Protestants? And By-standers will be apt to say, if this be all that you mean by Union of Protestants, viz. a Liberty to Pray and Preach, and to Write and Dispute one against another, there seems to be much more of sense and reason in the Papal pretence to Unity and Infallibility.
But what then? Is there nothing to be done for Dissenting Protestants, who agree with us in all Doctrinal Articles of our Church; and only scruple the use of a few Ceremonies, and some late Impositions? shall these differences still be continued, when they may be so easily removed? And so many useful Men be incouraged and taken into the Constitution? Do we value a few indifferent Ceremonies, and some late Declarations, and doubtful expressions, beyond the satisfaction of Mens Consciences, and the Peace and Stability of this Church?
As to this material Question, I shall crave leave to deliver my opinion freely and impartially; and that,
I. With respect to the Case of the People; the Terms of whose Union with us, is acknowledged by our Brethren to be so much easier than their own. But these are of two sorts:
1. Some allow the use of the Liturgy, but say they cannot joyn in Communion with us, because the participation of the Sacraments hath such Rites and Ceremonies annexed to it, which they think unlawful; and therefore till these be removed or left indifferent, they dare not joyn with us in Baptism or the Lords Supper; because in the one the Cross is used, and in the other Kneeling is required. As to these I answer,
(1) Upon the most diligent search, I could make into these things, I find no good ground for any scruple of Conscience, as to the use of these Ceremonies; and as little as any as to the Sign of the Cross, as it is used in our Church; notwithstanding all the noise that hath been made about its being a New Sacrament, and I know not what, but of this at large in the following Treatise.
(2) I see no ground for the Peoples separation from other Acts of Communion, on the account of some Rites they suspect to be unlawful. And especially when the use of such Rites is none of their own Act, as the Cross in Baptism is not; and when such an Explication is annexed concerning the intention of Kneeling of the Lords Supper, as is in the Rubrick after the Communion.
(3) Notwithstanding, because the use of Sacraments in a Christian Church ought to be the most free from all exceptions, and they ought to be so Administred, as rather to invite than discourage scrupulous Persons from joyning in them; I do think it would be a part of Christian Wisdom and Condescension in the Governours of our Church, to remove those Bars from a freedom in joyning in full Communion with us, which may be done, either by wholly taking away the Sign of the Cross; or if that may give offence to others, by confining the use of it to the publick administration of Baptism; or by leaving it indifferent, as the Parents desire it. As to Kneeling at the Lords Supper, since some Posture is necessary, and many devout People scruple any other, and the Primitive Church did in antient times, receive it in the Posture of Adoration; there is no Reason to take this away, even in Parochial Churches; provided, that those who scruple Kneeling do receive it, with the least offence to others, and rather standing than sitting, because the former is most agreeable to the practise of Antiquity, and of our Neighbour Reformed Churches. As to the Surplice in Parochial Churches, it is not of that consequence, as to bear a Dispute one way or other. And as to Cathedral Churches, there is no necessity of alteration. But there is another thing which seems to be of late much scrupled in Baptism, viz. the Use of God-fathers and God-mothers excluding the Parents. Although I do not question but the Practice of our Church may be justified (as I have done it towards the End of the following Treatise) yet I see no necessity of adhering so strictly to the Canon herein, but that a little alteration may prevent these scruples, either by permitting the Parents to joyn with the Sponsors, or by the Parents publickly desiring the Sponsors to represent them in offering the Child to Baptism; or, which seems most agreeable to Reason, that the Parents offer the Child to Baptism, and then the Sponsors perform the Covenanting part, representing the Child; and the charge after Baptism be given in common to the Parents and Sponsors.
These things being allowed, I see no obstruction remaining, as to a full Union of the Body of such Dissenters with us, in all Acts of Divine Worship, and Christian Communion, as do not reject all Communion with us as unlawful.
2. But because there are many of those, who are become zealous Protestants, and plead much their Communion with us in Faith and Doctrine, although they cannot joyn with us in Worship, because they deny the lawfulness of Liturgies, and the right constitution of our Churches; their case deserves some consideration, whether and how far they are capable of being made serviceable to the common Interest, and to the Support of the Protestant Religion among us?
To their Case I answer,
First, That a general unlimited Toleration to dissenting Protestants, will soon bring Confusion among us, and in the end Popery, as I have shewed already; and a suspension of all the penal Laws that relate to Dissenters is the same thing with a boundless Toleration.
Secondly, If any present Favours be granted to such, in consideration of our circumstances, and to prevent their conjunction with the Papists, for a general Toleration, (for if ever the Papists obtain it, it must be under their Name) if, I say, such favour be thought fit to be shewed them, it ought to be with such restrictions and limitations, as may prevent the Mischief which may easily follow upon it. For all such Meetings are a perpetual Reproach to our Churches, by their declaring, that our Churches are no true Churches, that our Manner of Worship is unlawful, and that our Church-Government is Antichristian; and that on these accounts they separate from us, and worship God by themselves. But if such an Indulgence be thought fit to be granted, I humbly offer these things to consideration.
1. That none be permitted to enjoy the priviledge of it, who do not declare, that they do hold Communion with our Churches to be unlawful. For it seems unreasonable to allow it to others, and will give countenance to endless and causeless Separations.
2. That all who enjoy it, besides taking the Test against Popery, do subscribe the 36 Articles of our Faith, because the pretence of this Liberty is joyning with us in Points of Faith; and this may more probably prevent Papists getting in amongst them.
3. That all such as enjoy it, must declare the particular Congregations they are of, and enter their Names before such Commissioners as shall be authorised for that purpose; that so this may be no pretence for idle, loose, and profane persons, never going to any Church at all.
4. That both Preachers and Congregations be liable to severe penalties, if they use any bitter or reproachful words, either in Sermons or Writings, against the established Constitution of our Churches; because they desire only the freedom of their own Consciences; and the using this liberty will discover, it is not Conscience, but a turbulent factions humour, which makes them separate from our Communion.
5. That all indulged Persons be particularly obliged to pay all legal Duties to the Parochial Churches (lest meer covetousness tempt Men to run among them) and no persons so indulged be capable of any publick Office. It not being reasonable, that such should be trusted with Government, who look upon the Worship established by Law as unlawful.
6. That no other penalty be laid on such indulged persons, but that of Twelve Pence a Sunday for their absence from the Parochial Churches, which ought to be duly collected for the Vse of the Poor, and cannot be complained of as any heavy Burden, considering the Liberty they do enjoy by it.
7. That the Bishops, as Visitors appointed by Law, have an exact Account given to them, of the Rule of their Worship and Discipline, and of all the persons belonging to the indulged Congregations, with their Qualities and Places of Abode; and that none be admitted a Member of any such Congregation without acquainting their Visitor with it, that so means may be used to prevent their leaving our Communion, by giving satisfaction to their scruples. This Power of the Bishops cannot be scrupled by them, since herein they are considered as Commissioners appointed by Law.
8. That no indulged persons presume under severe penalties to breed up Scholars, or to teach Gentlemens Sons University Learning; because this may be justly looked on as a design to propagate Schism to Posterity, and to lay a Foundation for the disturbance of future Generations.
II. As to the Case of the ejected Mininisters, I have these things to offer,
1. That bare subscription of the Thirty six Articles concerning doctrinal Points, be not allowed as sufficient to qualifie any man for a Living, or any Church-preferment, for these Reasons,
First, Any Lay-man upon these Terms may not only be capable of a Living, but may take upon him to Administer the Sacraments; which was never allowed in any well constituted Church in the Christian World. And such an allowance among us, in stead of setling and uniting us, will immediately bring things into great confusion, and give mighty advantage to the Papists against our Church. And we have reason to fear, a Design of this Nature, under a pretence of Union of Protestants, tends to the subversion of this Church, and throwing all things into confusion, which at last will end in Popery.
Secondly, This will bring a Faction into the Church, which will more endanger it than external opposition. For such Men will come in triumphantly, having beaten down three of the Thirty nine Articles; and being in legal possession of their Places, will be ready to d…fie and contemn those who submitted to the rest, and to glory in their Conquests, and draw Followers after them, as the victorious Confessors against Prelacy and Ceremonies. And can they imagin those of the Church of England will see the Reputation of the Church, or their own, to suffer so much, and not appear in their own Vindication? Things are not come to that pass, nor will they suddenly be, that the Friends of the Church of England will be either afraid, or ashamed to own her Cause. We do heartily and sincerely desire Union with our Brethren, if it may be had on just and reasonable Terms; but they must not think, that we will give up the Cause of the Church for it, so as to condemn its Constitution, or make the Ceremonies unlawful, which have been hitherto observed and practised in it. If any Expedient can be found out for the ease of other Mens Consciences, without reflecting on our own; if they can be taken in, without reproach or dishonour to the Reformation of the Church; I hope no true Son of the Church of England will oppose it. But if the Design be to bring them in as a Faction to bridle and controll the Episcopal Power, by setting up forty Bishops in a Diocese against one; if it be for them to trample upon the Church of England, and not to submit to its Order and Government upon fair and moderate terms, let them not call this a Design of Union, but the giving Law to a Party to oppose the Church of England. And what the success of this will be, let wise Men judge.
Thirdly, If a subcription to Thirty six Articles were sufficient by the Statute 13 El. c. 12. I do not understand how by virtue of that Statute a Man is bound publickly to read the Thirty nine Articles in the Church, and the Testimonial of his Subscription, on pain of being deprived ipso facto, if he do not. For the L. Ch. I. Coke faith,Co. Iast. 4. Part. 323, 324. That subscription to the 39 Articles is required by force of of the Act of Parliament 13 Eliz. c. 12. And he adds, That the Delinquent is disabled and deprived ipso facto; and that a conditional subscription to them was not sufficient, was resolved by all the Judges in England. But how a Man should be deprived ipso facto, for not subscribing, and Reading the 39 Articles, as appears by the Cases mentioned in Coke; and yet be required onelyonly to subscribe to 36, by the same Statute, is a thing too hard for me to conceive.
2. But notwithstanding this, if any temper can be found out, as to the manner of Subscription, that may give ease to the scruples of our Brethren, and secure the Peace of the Church, the desired Union may be attained without that apparent danger of increasing the Factions among us.
And this I suppose may be done, by an absolute subscription to all those Articles which concern the Doctrine of the true Christian Faith, and the Use of the Sacraments; and a solemn Promise under their hand, or Subscription of Peaceable submission, as to the rest, so as not to oppose or contradict them, either in Preaching or Writing; upon the same penalty as if they had not subscribed to the 36. Which may be a more probable means to keep the Church in quiet, than forceing a more rigorous subscription upon them, or leaving them at their full liberty.
3. As to the other subscription required, 1. Jac. to the 3 Articles. The first is provided for, by the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy. The third is the same with the subscription to the 39 Articles. And as to the second, about the Book of Common Prayer, &c. It ought to be considered,
(1) Whether, for the satisfaction of the scrupulous, some more doubtful and obscure passages may not yet be explained or amended? Whether the New Translation of the Psalms were not fitter to be used, at least in Parochial Churches? Whether portions of Canonical Scripture were not better put in stead of Apocrypha Lessons? Whether the Rubrick about Salvation of Infants, might not be restored to its former place, in the Office of Confirmation, and so the present exceptions against it be removed? Whether those expressions which suppose the strict exercise of Discipline, in Burying the Dead, were not better left at liberty in our present Case? Such a Review made by Wise and Peaceable Men, not given to Wrath and Disputing, may be so far from being a dishonour to this Church, that it may add to the Glory of it.
(2) Upon such a Review, whether it be not great Reason that all Persons who Officiate in the Church, be not only tied to a constant Use of it in all Publick Offices; (as often as they administer them) which they ought in Person frequently to do, but to declare at their first entrance upon a Parochial Charge, their approbation of the Use of it, after their own Reading of it, that so the People may not suspect them to carry on a factious Design, under an outward pretence of Conformity to the Rules of the Church they live in.
(3) Whether such a solemn Using the Liturgy, and approbation and promise of the Use of it, may not be sufficient, in stead of the late Form of declaring their Assent and Consent, which hath been so much scrupled by our Brethren?
These are all the things which appear to me reasonable to be allowed in order to an Union, and which I suppose may be granted without detriment or dishonour to our Church. There are other things very desireable towards the happiness and flourishing of this Church, as the exercise of Discipline in Parochial Churches, in a due subordination to the Bishop; the Reforming the Ecclesiastical Courts as to Excommunication, without prejudice to the excellent Profession of the Civil Law; the Building of more Churches in great Parishes, especially about the City of London; the retrenching Pluralities; the strictness and solemnity of Ordinations; the making a Book of Canons suitable to this Age, for the better Regulating the Conversations of the Clergy. Such things as these, might facilitate our Union, and make our Church in spite of all its Enemies become a Praise in the whole Earth.
The Zeal I have for the true Protestant Religion, for the Honour of this Church, and for a firm Union among Brethren, hath Transported me beyond the bounds of a Preface; Which I do now conclude with my hearty Prayers to Almighty God, that he, who is the God of Peace, and the Fountain of Wisdom, would so direct the Counsels of those in Authority, and incline the hearts of the People, that we may neither run into a Wilderness of Confusion, nor be driven into the Abysse of Popery; but that the true Religion being preserved among us, we may with one heart and mind serve the only true God, through his only Son Jesus Christ the Prince of Peace, and our alone Advocate and Mediator. Amen.